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IRE 50ETHEB.F STAB. SATURDAY, OCTOBER I, 1842.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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SECOND 0 T 7 IB 1 UAK OF THE GREAT FIRE AT LIVERPOOL . ( From the Liverpool Standard . ) Last night ( Monday ) , shortly before ten o ' clock , the fire again broke oat within the ares before noticed , in premises that ¦ srers thought to be quits safe after dart It fns first discovered by a boy , -who communicated it to Inspector Moore : he immediately made it known to Mr . Whlltj , who fortunately was just then making a torn of the ruins . Tha >« Jarai -waa . given throughout the lower part cf the Uifrn soon after ten o ' clock , by the springing of rattles and the tolling of the station bells ; and from the destruction of life and property that had already taken place , the most painfai apprehensions 'were entertsinrd , and thousands rushed to the cene , which "was indicated by the glare on the sky , nearly oT ^ r the site of the previous conflagration .
On reaching the spot-we found that the premises ignited « r ere Webster ' s small house and extensive ysrd behind , acfl Devan ' s marine store adjoining , and also some premises occupied by a carter named Basholl , who h 3 d ssreral horses in tea stables behind . The ¦ whole ef the premises are situated . at the loirer part of Gronipton-strest ( the northern boundary of tee great fire ) , and the Sre had communicated from the interior of the area -where the bail dings are in rnias , and yet burning in ths sublime manner before described . The flimes from the buildings though low , being almost wholly t-l wood , gained a rapid head , and the cooperage , ttesiaiine store , and Busheil ' s ( at the baeki -were all speedUy in fl&mes , over s bont&ga to the street of about twenty-five yards . Twe or three of the hurses j and some pigs were got out alive , but some were bnrnsd to death . Just above , in the same row , ana to the easi . was a doable cotton shed , IcEgitudical with
the street , which was for some time in great danger , but Superintendent Leverett had the door burst open , and got the fire extinguished just in time to save it . When the fire began the greatest alarm naturally pre-TaHed amorsgst the inmates of the premises , ssv ^ ral of whom were in their beds—females as well as males ran cat in their shifts and shirts . A number of engines were speedily on the spot , and were worked by the police , uader Sir . Whitty and others , with as much energy , notwithstanding their previous fatigue , as if they had come fresh to the scene of action . We can form no estimate of the loss , but we may say that this fixe , as well as the greater one we have had the pain to record- shows the necessity for some law to prevent the build ' . ng of shsSs and other premises of timber , and other combnstibla materials , particularly in the mercantile and crowded parts of the town , where mnch Tsinable property is stored , and many lives are endangered on the spreading ef a fire .
Haif-past twelve o ' clock . —We have just returned from the scene of devastation The fire , we trust , is for the present got under ; and , but for the amazing rapidity with which it burst , we may say , amongst the wooden buildings destroyed , would have been arrested in a few minutes by the large and active force at present on the spot We regret to say that six valuablo herses belonging to ilr . Bushell are destroyed . We saw amidst the smoking ruins upon the site of the stabling , the carcases of two . burned to a cinder , and the bones perfectly wh t-j ia parts , fcvrn which the skin and flesh had been stripped uE A donkey was the only tenant of
the stabling which made its escape Without assistance ; and as it rushed through the gates of the yard into Comptaa-street , with its long ears all a-flame , and shaking its head , furnished a laughable exhibition contrasted with the horror of the remaining scene . We know not as yet fl » fata of the pigs which were upon the premises . We were told , however , by the inspectors and nremea cpon the spot , that they were in all probability saYed , having promptly made their egres 3 from their sties , and distributed themselves in all dircedons amongst the legs cf those engaged in arresting the progress of the nUn ; es . The stench which we experitDced , whilst seeing the remains of the fourfooted tenants of the stable , was dreadful .
We cannot conceal our impression that the state of the entire locality of the fire is far from satisfactory .
INQUEST OX THE MEN KILLED AT THE FIRE . Osigis of the FraE—An inquest was held on Monday beiora P . F . Curry , Esq ., teroner , touching the death sf John Martin , Luke Smith , asd James Bell , the three men who , as has been previously ireutioned , were killed by the filling of a wall , and whose bodies are lying at the Northern Hospital The " witnesses examined were Edward Knight , warehouse ke * per ; Samuel Tack , police officer ; Hugh Falknsr , labourer j Joseph Massey , inspector of police ; Michael Martin , labourer ; Mr . Harris , surgeon of the Northern Hospital . But the most interesting portion of the evidence which had reference to the origin of the fire was given by the servant of -Mr . Peniston , tke bone-merchant , in whose premises it is said the fire originated , and was to the following effect : —
John Coghlan . —I am the engineer at Mr . Penistoirs , in Crompton-street , and have been in the employ of Mi . Peniston for the last three years . I haTe the charge of the engine , have to look after the fires , to lock np the place at night , and I have charge of everything in the yard . The last time that I locked up the gates on Thursday night last was at ten minutes to ten . Before leaving the place I drew the red fire out of the store , as usual , and filled np the bars with slack , in order that we might have a small fire ready for use on the following morning . Sometimes , when 1 have slacked the fire ,-it had been ' coaipletely burnt out Trhen I went next morning ; feut generally there wns a little fire in the stove . I have followed the practice of slacking the fire for the last frur months . The engine was set nt > with briekwork . The smoke was carried off
through a fine which went under ground , the whole breadth of the yard . The engine-house was built of brickB and wood . The roof was ef wood , and the back was of wood . There was a sufficient brick wall around the boiler , as is the case with almost every engine , and then there was a wooden partition between the engine-house and the next yard . The furnace has an iron door , divided into two halvas . It was not elosed at night If we had closed it , thera would have been no draught , and the fire would haTe gone out . It ¦ was always left open at night . The engine-house is flagged . There were no chaira in the engine-house , nor any seats of any kind . "There was not a joiner ' s bench in it . There was a bit of a board temporarily fastened to the wsH , and to which the vice was made fast . We used it to lay oar tools upon , bat never as a seat .
Inspector Murray—That is the bench of whkh I spoke . It michi have been used for laying tools on , and also as asaat . John Cogblan , in continuation—I was rousea out of bed on Friday morning , at about a quarter before three O'clock . The man who knocked at the door informed me that the yard was on fire . I first ran to my master ' B Jhouse , told Mr . Peniston , and then went to the yard . I found the whole of the building belonging fco my master on fire , and other places besides . There were two buildings , one on each side , on fire . I have no idea where the fire originated . On Tcursd&y night I ordered the lads to fi . il up the slack , and they thraw their spadss , three in number , into the fire-hole . The spades were lying there next day , and the handles were not at all burnt We left no light of any description in the place . We would sot be allowed to do that We haTe a dark lantern * which was not lighted more than one sight in twenty . We were very cautious about light * ; for if it had been known that I bad had a candle abou ; the building , I should have been turned off . he in
The beadle mo ^ tioned that waiting another witneis , one of the boys in the empioy of Mt . Penisten , who was also present when the place was locked up . Ee could corroborate the evidence of Coghian . Mr . Curry remarked that he had no reason to doubt the truth of Coghlan ' s testimony , and that it was unnecessary to call the lad . He added , " The fact which the last witness has mentioned about the spades is sufficient to convince me that the fire did not originate from the store . " Inspector Murray—When I went in , the fire was confined to the engine-house . I did not see anything of the spades . They might have' been there , though I did not see them . The Coroner—Have you any id 6 a , Mr . Peniston , how this ire originated ?
Mr , Peniston—Not at alL I feel confident that it could not have originated in my yard . I feel very sorry , foi I am a sufferer very much by it . I had not a farthing of my property insured . I have examined all orer , and there was nothing at the end of the yard that could have ignited-The Coroner—It is now a question for you , gentlemen of the jury , whether we should adjourn this inquest fot further evidence as to the origin of the fire , or not Mr . Peniston—I should be Tery glad if any gentleman would come and examine my premises , to see "whether there is any proof of the fire having originated there . The boiler is all good .
The Coroner—Do you think , Gentlemen , there is any occasion to adjourn , in order that we may have further evidenoe as to the origin of the fire ? Or , supposing that the premises were maliciously set on fire , would that have any effort on the verdict you would return ? I hare not any doubt on my own mind ; but some persons have doubts , though they lean to my way of tfifnkfng . We are of opinion that though the place was maliciously set on fire , and these parties were killed in »« " « Hng to extinguish it , the only verdict could be aoridmiM dexth- I have put the point to one or two , ud they think that there ii something in it ; and , M this was such ft meUaeholy event , and involved such » kn of property ( with which , however , you have nothing to do ) , * s well * i of life , I think that it would
be better to adjourn for further information as to the origin of the fire . I sent ft note to Mr . Shuttleworth , and he has retained me an answer , stating that the point to which I have alluded involves a very important question , and one he should not wish to decide upon in a hurry . I should not myself hesitate to give my opinion on the law of the case ; but it will no doubt be more satisfactory to the public to hare the case sifted aa thoroughly as we can do so . What witnesses can 7 <» get , Jbeadle ? The Beadle—There are Beveral police cfneers whom I cut get , and the man who fin > t taw the fire . He can , porhapa , throw some light upon the origin . Then there is Mrs . Isaac's man . Be vras injhis mistress ' s place the lut , though alone .
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Mrs . Isaac was present , and stated that she could give no evidence which would at all tend to elucidate the erigin cf the fire . She added , " My place is an oil and colour store , and we have a boner in it ; but the iast fire we had ou the premises , and the last light , either candle , match , or anything else , was on Tuesday , when a small fire was lighted to heat some water . " The Beadle—There is some tar scattered about the yard , and that is thought rather curious , as tar was more likely to burn than run about A Juryman—It is quite necessary , I think , that further evidenoe should be keard , if only for the sake of these two persons here , Mr . Penirton asd Mrs . Isaao , who are blamed about the town . The jury thought it was Tory desirable that further evidence as to the origin of tha fire should be obtained , and agreed to adjourn .
The Coroner remarked , " Suppose the premises had been maliciously set on fire , would it alter the verdict or not } I have no doubt abr . ut it ; bttt as one great legal authority holds a different opinion , I shall accede to the wish of the jury , and adjourn the Inquest " The inquiry was according ly adjoumtd .
THE ADJOURNED IXQ . UEST . The inquest on the subject of the deaths of Martin , Smith , and Bell , was resumed on Tuesday morning , principally for the purpose of hearing farther evidence respecting the origin of the fire . It may be as well to mention here . , that Mr . Peniston , in whose shed the fire commenced , has received a curious epistle through the post It was addressed , " Mr . Peni 3 ton , Wood-street North , Liverpool . " It was not pre-paid , and bore the post-mark September 24 , 1842 . The following is a copy : —
Malus . Bonus . Behold Love Reason and Justice by Beauty for ashes where The Poor asked for bread but the rich gave stones . Behold the cress adore the crown . Now Christ casts guilty nations down In blood and fire millions rattle The Devil Bankrupt falls in battle . Great Babylon . " Beat your ploughs into swords and your scythes into spears . " Read S Joel Brale tout Elias . The Coroner said there appeared to be no certainty as to the precise spot where , or the manner in which , the fire bad commenced . He did not see any good which could arise by keeping the inquiry open for any lenger period .
The Foreman announced the verdict of the Jury as fallows : — " We find that the three deceased parties were accidentally killed while they were employed in removing goods from a warehouse which was contiguous to one that was on fire , but how it became on fire no evidence doth appear ; and we wish , at the same time , to clear Mr . Peniston of the charge that his premises bad been purposely set on fire by himself , or by the neglect of any of his servants . " On Tuesday , Patrick Doran , who kept the marine store where originated the fire of Monday night , was tike . ' , into custody , on suspicion of having wilfully set fire to the same . He underwent a private examination on tbe same afternoon , in the presence of the Mayor , Mr . Rushton , a large body of other magistrates , and the Town Clerk and Deputy Town Clerk . The event was , that he was remanded for farther examination , which was to takeplaca in open court , at one o ' clock , on Wednesday .
Ire 50etheb.F Stab. Saturday, October I, 1842.
IRE 50 ETHEB . F STAB . SATURDAY , OCTOBER I , 1842 .
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ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS . The following able dissertation appears in the Evening Star , of Tuesday and Wednesday , in the present week . We leave cut an article of our own that we may have room to present it to our readers entire : — So much importance do we attach to the question of Annual Parliaments , that if we were in a situation to make our election between Universal Suffrage , accompanied with Septennial Parliaments , or the Suffrage as at present settled with Annual Parliaments , we would much prefer the latter . Having said so much , we shall now proceed to a consideration
of the right to petition , and the effeotB of petitions in those times when elections were annual , and when they were triennial and septennial , distinguishing the relative effects which petitions had upon the Legislature under those three separate tenures . The delegation of representative power was in the first instance a great convenience to tbe community at large , and could not be attended with any disadvantage to the whole psople , so long as they had a controlling power vested in themselves . The right of petition in olden time ? , when Parliaments were annually elected , was cherished as a certain appeal of the good sense of the majority of the people
against the premature , lBjudioious , or hastily conceived projects of those to whom the right to legislate was delegated , and seldom or never failed of producing its legitimate effect . Indeed , in those days when the people's representatives were obliged to return to their coastituents at the close of each session , to receive their smiles as a reward for virtue , or their frowns as a punishment for vice , the best title that the candidate could plead was his observance of the popular will , and a ready compliance with , its commands . The time wa 3 so short between the commission of wrong and
the certain punishment of the wrong-doer , that few were found hardy enongh to resist the remonstrances of those who were so speedily to constitute his judges . Thus we find , that in the times when Parliaments were annual , the House of Commons in most instances anticipated the popular will , and was the first to sound the alarm when the royal prerogative or the power of the Lords threatened any abridgment of popular rights . The successive invasions upon the people which . were commenced by Henry VIII ., and which have been going on increasing in enormity from the period when the duration of Parliaments was extended
from three to seven years , in the reign of Gkoksb I ., have one and all been direct consequences of the abrogation of the right of annual elections . When Henry ' B subservient slaves abrogated Sessional Parliaments , and extended the tenure which their constituents had conferred upon them for only one year , to a period of three years tho Constitution of England was virtually and actually annulled , aud the people would have been justified in falling back upon Magna Charta , in arming themselves , dethroning the tyrant , ejecting the Commons , and resuming again that trust , whioh in the hands of their delegates had been violated .
From the days of Henby the Eighth , to the expulsion of the Second James , and the conferring of these realms upon a foreigner , the tyrannical and bloody acts which characterized each successive reign , were one and all consequences of the lost right of annual elections . The popular will lost all control over its elected servants ; while the partition of the plunder stolen from the people , among the slavish followers of Habblt , at once laid the foundation of a bribed , subservient , venal , and corrupt loligarchy . From this period we date the establishment of our oligarchy , whose interests were bound up with those oi the reigning monarch , and separated in ioto
from those of the people . Protestants would not have waged deadly war against their Catholic fellow-countrymen in honour of God , had the peopk not lost the right of annual election . Charles would not hare lost his head on the scaffold , had the good sense of the people been allowed to use its controlling inflaenoe for the correction of abuses , before they became magnified into a general charge of high treason against the monarch . Neither would the rightful King ( if we may use the frightful term as an illustration ) , Jahes the Second , hare been driven from the throne to make way for % foreigner , whose religions feelings were more © ongenM to the recipients of that property
which Hasbt had stolen from the people . Neither would the bloody murderer , CsomnaL , haTe been allowed to lick up the remainder of the plunder , or to murder , burn , shoot , transport , or otherwise destroy the brave Irish Catholics , had the English people not been first robbed of the right of annual election . Neither would a stranger CWiluam the Third ) hare been allowed to establish the Bank of England , and to create a funded debt for the support of an oligarchy , and to be paid by the people , had the people ' s representatives been subjected to the settlement which annual accounts were certain to produce . From the moment of the abrogation of the richt to elect annual ser-
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vants , we hear no more of Hahpderb , Stdneys , Russells , and aristocratic opponents to royal encroachment . King and oligarchy from that period became one in interest , one in action , and one in principle : no more do we hear of stopping the sapplies for the purpose of arresting invasions upon popular rights . If / the change from Annual to Triennial Parliaments worked so much evil , let ns now enter upon the consideration of those results which have issued from a farther extension from three to a seven years' tenure of office . A Parliament elected only for three years extended the right
to itself to sit for seven years , and the act would have justified the ejection of the Commons who passed it , and the dethroning of the Monarch who gave to it his assent . It was a violation of the compact of Magna Charta , of the Bill of Rights , and of the spirit of the Constitution ; and , as the Tory , Lord BoLiNGBEeKE has well and truly said , it is , in such cases , as much the duty—mind , the duty , not the mere right—of the people to rebel against a corrupt House of Commons as against a tyrannical prince . From that period , when the people ' s representatives had unconstitutionally
conferred upon themselves the right to hold their trust for seven years , we find the lines of demarcation between the electoral body and the unrepresented people become wider and wider ; and schisms , theretofore unknown , jealousies theretofore unheard of , and snspicion never before entertained , causing discord , disunion , strife , and discontent in the human family . Now we come to a vital portion of our subject From that time when Parliaments were not elected annually , we find that the people ' s petitions were looked upon as mere waste paper , until at length it was reserved for a reformed House of
Commons to turn them into a mockery and port . The three great events which have taken place in the world from the period when Parliaments were elected for seven years , are , tbe American war , the French Revolution , and the Irish insurrection of 1798 . And the first and last of theBe two great events , which were more immediately consequences of British policy , we shall be able to trace distinctly and irrefutably to the loss of annual elections , and the consequent disregard of the people ' s petitions . As regards tho American war and the subsequent declaration of American independence , much as we rejoice at the
glorious r < suit , and although we can trace it to the abrogation of Sessional Parliaments , yet the friends of American freedom cannot hail the change as advantageous to them , because those grievances , of whioh they justly complained , never would have been allowed to exist by a Parliament annually elected , while the right ' of self-government would have been conceded to right and will , instead of waiting upon force and superior strength , by the same rightful authority of a Parliament , constitutionally elected , or rather constitutionally controlled by the appellate jurisdiction , which never failed of having its due effect upon annual servants .
We prove our case thus : —When the Americans first complained of the injustice of their step-mother ' s rule , they couched their grievancos in the most modest language , embodied in what , even now , would be considered fulsome adulation of the monarch , and reprobation of the British oligarchy . They asked not for separation , nor yet for equality ; they merely petitioned , and that right loyally and humbly , for a remission of heavy taxation , which they considered injurious to tho well-being of the country , and unjust in principle . Their petitions breathed the strongest sentiments of
loyalty to the Crown , affection to the laws , and respect for the Constitution , while they remonstrated against the unequal manner in which all were extended to their country . To these petitions , insulting answers were returned ; when remonstrance followed petition , and whioh being unheeded , were succeeded bv the freeman ' s last appeal—a recourse to arms for the defence of right and suppression of wrong . America succeeded ; and the very man who was spurned from the royal presence as a mediator , was shortly afterwards received by our mad monarch as an accredited
ambassador from free America . The achievement of American independence , and the French Revolution , which quickly followed that ever-glorious and memorable event , gave hope of justice to oppressed and unhappy Ireland , where the conquered Catholic was compelled to bow his proud neck beneath the yoke of the murdering Statechurch conqueror . The Irish Catholics also tried petitions for a mere remission of grievances , to their own subservient Parliament , and also to the
King in person ; but the Irish , as the Americans , were reminded of their weakness , laughed at for their audacity , and mocked for their pains . And as in America , so in Ireland , disappointment broke out in revolution ; but , unfortunately for poor Ireland , her day of retribution had not arrived , and her hour of freedom was delayed , but we trust is now near at hand , when that brave and generous people will rise in their majesty and glory , and throw the whole incubus of State-church , and oppressors of all shade ? , from them , and that for ever .
To the loss of the right to elect the people s servants annually , we asoribe not only all those grievances heretofore mentioned , but every other under which the nation now suffers , from a demoralizing State Church , and its standing army of butchers to support it , to the " gold chain" of eight hundred millions of debt with which " the great statesman now no more" has bound British society in amicable bonds .
The right to elect Members of Parliament annually is the leading avenue , the principal approach , the front door to the Suffrage , and the rampart for its protection . We have broadly asserted that the question of the vote falls into utter insignificance when compared with its frequent exercise ; and that whereas the possession of the Suffrage would but retard the principle of annual elections , the return to annual elections would very speedily put the people in possession of the Suffrage . We shall now proceed to a consideration of this allimportant subject in all its phases , shapes , and
forms . We shall endeavour to drag truth from beneath the heap of rubbish whioh a servile press has , as if by right , for centuries , shot over it ; and , for once , place the question in a simple form before the unsophisticated , whose rights have been so long buried amid the prejudices of faction . We commence with the principle of annual elections , as breathing through the spirit of this country ' s Constitution long before Parliaments existed . Alfred called the Whittena-Gemote together twice a year , or oftener , if need were . In William the Conqueror ' s reign , it is said by an ancient statute and custom , laudable and approved , the King was , once in the yeart to convene his Lords and Commons to his councils of Parliament . By Oldfield ' s " Representative
History of Great Britain , " in 6 vols ., Vol . I ., we find , " the Charters customal and records of tho Cinque Ports positively state that Parliaments existed in the 11 th year of the reign of Henry III . ; " and many other proofs of equal authority can be adduced to establish the fact , that Parliaments existed at periods antecedent , and , what is of more importance to as jost now , that iheir duration was only for ONE SESSION . By 4 Edward III . it is accorded , rt a Parliament shall be held every year once , and oftener if need be ! " By 30 Edward III . " Parliaments shall be held every year . " At this time prorogations were of rare occurrence ; and if any did occur , fresh summonses were , notwithstanding , to be issued for a new Parliament once A YEAR ,
AT LEAST . In the 10 th year ef Richabd II ., the Commons sent a message to the King , in which they stated , " We have it settled and confirmed by ancient constitution , from a laudable and approved custom , whioh none can gainsay , that the King ought to assemble his Nobles and Common 3 of the kii gdom once a year . " In the reign of Henbt VIII . Sessional Parliaments were abrogated , and in the reign of Geo . I . Septennial Parliaments gave the
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finishing stroke to liberty . Now we have established the faat , not only that Parliaments , from their earliest existence , were held annually , but , farther , that the same Parliament never eat for more than one year before the reign of Henry VIII . Such an embodiment of the living genius of the times was the spirit of oar Constitution . In fact , the Constitution of a country can mean no more , or less , or other , than the exercise , in the most convenient way , of the liring genius of the nation . And if our forefathers , living rudely , measuredly and evenly in one dull course , found it necessary to make
representation hold pace with the progressing genius of their time , how much more necessary does Buoh a oourse become in these our days , when the genius of to-day may leave the notions of yesterday , as things only to be fonnd in "the wreck of old opinions . " We affirm , as we shall presently prove , that a Parliament under the present system , in its third year , would not , if even it were a faithful mirror of the public voice at the time of its election , be a fair representation of the improved opinion then existing . Publio opinion does not mean the whimsies of a mere mob , or the
adopted notions of a mere section or fraction of the community . It means , the best digest of the living genius of the age , and will naturally seek vent , through that valve of representation , the Parliament , and whioh , if closed against it , will assuredly explode . We shall now proceed to show the justice of Annual Parliaments . All communities having care of their separate interests , attach a paramount importance to the power whioh they possess of holding their officers , directors , managers , and servants in check , by the right of examining their accounts at any moment , and of dismissal for
the slightest dereliction of duty . Indeed , men , where their own interest is at stake , guard against the frailties of human nature , and elect their servants only for one year in the first instance . Governments , no doubt , from the consciousness of tbe evil use of power made by themselves , receive tenders , and enter into contracts only for one year . Corporations , sooieties , and separate bodies elect their officers only for a year—honest service for the past being the best pretensions for future favours . Now , if separate elasses , having tender regard for their own interests , should find themselves protected by
the frequent exercise of the right of electing their officers and servants , upon what ground can they refuse the same wholeome check to the people as a means of making the combined representation of all classes a faithful mirror of the popular will 1 The answer is easy—Because unitedly all live upon labour ; and however any other class may now and then suffer a trifling injustice at-the hands of their servants , yet do they prefer the worst that can befall them from that corrupted source , to the anticipated evil of being compelled by a faithful representation of the people to earn an
honest livelihood . Anxious , however , to sift this question to the bottom , let us now examine by what rule of right servants can hold tenures for seven years , from masters who are compelled to make an annual tender for that qualification , which entitles them to vote for a representative . Now , this opens to us a wide field for consideration ; and let the lovers of things as they are attend to this palpable evil , which , may come upon us under the present system , while we shew that it is now within the power of the landlords of England to constitute themselves , if relieved from the controul of
publio opinion , into a permanent legislative body . The right given by the clause of the Marquis of Chandos to tenants occupying fifty pounds' worth of land at the will of their landlord , confers upon them the right of voting for a representative , who is to hold office for seven years , while the voter himself may have lest the qualification whioh the tenure vested in him , the moment after he has exercised it . Now , this is anomalous ; and is rendered absurd by that law which compels a bankrupt to surrender his seat upon the declaration of his bankruptcy . Let us follow up the
illustration further . A solvent man is returned by a solvent constituency , a majority , perhaps , having interest for life in that property out of which they vote . He becomes insolvent , and loses no portion of the confidence of his constituents . Yet does the practice of Parliament look upon him as an unfit person to represent a constituency ; while upon the other hand , a person may be returned by a majority of fifty pound tenants at will , a majority or all of whom may lose their votes the moment or immediately after having exercised them ; they may become bankrupts , may be
disfranchised , and yet does the tenure conferred by them hold good for seven years , thus making representation a complete mockery . Lord Stanley , during the debate on Lord Morpeth's Irish Registration Bill , asserted unblushingly that the English farmers consider themselves as mere tenants at will of that trust , which , as as voters , they were called upon to exercise . He said that the understanding between English landlords and their tenants was , that the tenants should vote according to the will of their lord ; and therefore to this portion of our subject we desire to draw particular attention ,
for two reasons ; firstly , because it establishes the fact that the fifty pound tenants at will have in reality no franchise , and that the House of Commons consists of a body of self-elected landlords , who may re lain office , those who'elected them having lost the franchise . And , secondly , to deduce from the fact the advantage which the landlord must have in his political capacity of thus turning his landed property to political rather than to social purposes ; but , above all , to show from the practice the advantage whioh farmers of publio will , have in conveying to their tenants as short a period of tenure as possible . Th s subjeot is so important , that even at
the hazard of being considered prolix , we shall probe it to the very bottom . We have shown the great controul which landlords have over those tenants , who hold their property merely upun their will . Now , mutatis mutandis , the people being farmer of the representative trust , and the representatives being the mere tenants at will of that trust , a fortiori , it follows , that they , the people , would have a like controul over their tenants , that the landlords now have over the farmers of those estates , which lose the distinctive value whioh they ou # bt really to have , and receive a counterfeit value for the political power with which they invest the lord .
Thus we have traced Annual Parliaments and the right of petition , from the earliest period , when both existed and were in force , down to the present period , when the one is lost , and the other in consequence become a mockery ; and now let us sum the whole in brief but convincing terms , thus : — Tbe country now divided into two antagonistic forces , —the non-elective power on the one hand , and non-electire influence on the other , let us consider how that unrepresented interest conld best make head against the elective power , whether by Universal Suffrage with a seven years' tenure , vested in the
farmers of their will ; or under the present franchise ; or with that annual control whioh the spirit of living genius , though unenfranchised , would be sure to exercise at annual elections . Firstly , it is admitted , and truly , that with Parliaments no great measure of liberty ever originates ; that , in fact , they are rather the drags upon , than the propellers of , liberal principles ; that they lag immeasurably behind that public spirit and existing order of things , which fairly struggle for representation ; and
that they are only driven to measures of relief and improvement by the force of public opinion , —not that opinion which originates with , or is advanced by , the electoral body , but by that whioh is to be found in the rising genius , which daily becomes manifest among the unrepresented body , acting net in concert with , but in opposition to , the will of the represented party . Confer , therefore , a tenure for seven years , even with "Universal Suffrage , and the whole of that period would be spent in the violation of every
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pledge given upon the hustings , and in the concoction of measures best calculated to render the possession of the Suffrage as harmless aa possible to the interests of the several classes , who would still contend for their separate rights to live out of the plunder of labour . Upon the other hand , let the Suffrage remain limited as ft is , slip publio opinion annually from that leash in which despondency and the law now hold it , and so powerful will be its control and influence , that it would smile vice out of countenance , and compel the most ounning slave to act upon the maxim that " honesty is , in truth , the best policy . " Who would be foolish enongh to
submit a bankrupt fame to the annual revision of a virtuous publio opinion ! and who would be bankrupt enough in character to dare to vote against him who had honestly discharged his duty , and in defence of the will of those for whom he had thus discharged it ! In consequence of elections being septennial , we now find the action of the unrepresented brought into the field without vigour or concert ; but let it be understood that that will is to be exercised aunually , and then it will be brought into action under a perfect system of discipline and order , before which the marshalled force of faction shall fall and perish . The publio will , and not the
Parliament , carried Emancipation and Reform ; the public will , and not the Parliament , established the freedom of America ; and when once the public shall decide upon the right to reserve to itself the appointment of those who are to represent it , for a term not exceeding one year , then will the nation HAVE WILLED ITS FREEDOM J—THEN WILL THE nation be free . Thus we establish the fact , that Universal Suffrage is the sanctuary of the Constitution ; and that of the many ways of access to it , Annual Parliaments are the grand approach and front door , by whioh alone it can be securely entered and proteoted . After this exposure , none will
wonder at all parties professing affinity with Chartists , expressing their disapprobation of Annual Parliaments , and their preference for triennial elections With a perfect knowledge of the great value of annual elections , Mr . O'Connell says , that he is a Chartist upon the principle of Triennial Parliaments while Dr . Black , the mouth-piece of the Metropolitan Parliamentary Reform Association , another section of professing Chartists , says " If you had Universal Suffrage , with Septennial Parliaments or Hundred-year Parliaments , how soon could you alter the matter ; the great question of tbe Suffrage was the thing . " Again , we find Mr . Sturge , the
leader of another section of professing Chartists , declaring that he found it almost impossible to reconcile the middling classes to the principle of Annual Parliaments . These objections of themselves must establish the fact , that from Universal Suffrage , cramped by a long tenure , faction would have little to dread , while from the annual control of the popular will it would have little to hope for : — made up , therefore , as our mind is , to stand by every point of the Charter , whole and entire , to the death —we give it freely as our opinion , that were we to receive any one point of the six , we would
imeasureably prefer that of Annual Parliaments to the other five put together . Hereafter , we shall treat separately of the several other points—Vote by Ballot , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members , —establishing , as we trust , the fact , that the whole , with , perhaps the exception of the mask , the Ballot , constitute a complete machine , the want of any portion of which would render the whole incomplete . The Chautek IS OUR PRINCIPLE , AND No SURRENDER IS OUR Motto . And with these as our arms , we will fight faction to its teeth , in whatever ahapo or form it may present itself .
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THE COLLIERS' STRIKE . We Borne time ago laid before our readers copious extracts from the reports presented to Parliament , developing the horrors connected with the system now obtaining in the working of the mines of this Christian Country . Those extracts furnish a bird ' s eye view of the hardships endured by the adults and youth of both sexes , who earn , or essay to earn , a livelihood by toiling in the bowels of the earth . Those extraots supply a solution to the question , why ignorance and vitiated morals—to say nothing of emaciated frames and premature old age—are more prevalent among the miners than any other class of operatives . 'Tis a base , inhuman , unohristian , and murderous system to which these
men , women , and children are subjected ; and one , not of their own creation , but emanating , root and branch , from the tyranny , rapacity , and cupidity of a band of unfeeling capitalists . Taking the facts embodied in tho report to which we allude , in connection with the more recent conduct of the masters towards the employed , we unhesitatingly pronounce them to be the veriest tyrants that disgrace the haunts of men . The condition of those who are doomed to their accursed controul must be dreadful in the extreme . Their burdens are in reality unbearable , and those who lord it over them are alone responsible for all the consequences that may ensue ; and we trust all the evil will ultimately recoil upon the heads of these worse than Egyptian task-masters .
Elsewhere our readers will find an address from the Yorkshire colliers to the consumers of coal , in which they dilate in touching terms , upon the many evils to which they and their families are exposed ; shewing that their labour is more severe than that of the victims doomed to toil in the Siberian mines . They are incessantly exposed to dangers from various causes—dangers more perilous and frequent than that of the soldier and sailor , who , in case of misfortune , may be pensioned for life , and in case of
death , their widows and orphans may be provided for in some of the established institutions , which provision the colliers have not . They also depict tho starving state of their families , on whose behalf they make the appeal , in hope of reaching the ears of the benevolent . We trust the call will bo responded to , and that these poor men will be convinced that the demon of money-grubbing and olas 3 domination has not yet entirely extinguished the old English love of fairplay in the land .
THE STURGE MEN'S " NATIONAL" CONFERENCE . " . " . We give in our present paper a letter from Mr . John Campbell , the General Secretary , in reference to this subjeot , whioh we recommend to general attention . We perceive that Mr . Sturge and his co-lecturers are most busy in their vocation : of going round from town to town to stir up the 3 mbers of Complete Humbug , though the fire burns so gently that but for the official notifications : of
their organ , the Nonconformist newspaper , we should be unaware of its existence . We have no fear whatever of the people being gulled by this projected Conference . The bulk of them know too well " what ' s what . " But we desire that not one individual should be deceived ; and , therefore , pray all to read Mr . Campbell ' s exposure of the " national" character of this intended tub for the whale .
We add to Mr . Campbell ' s our own exhortation , that not a single delegate be appointed to this humbug Conference by the people . On the eontrary , let the people at every meeting which may be held to elect delegates attend , and speak outlet them show them that they are awake . Let them look to the factory and mining districts for an abundance of samples of middle class sympathy , and let them return friend Stubgb his " NO . "
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EMIGRATION . CONDITION OF THE EMIGRANTS IN AMERICA We commend to general attention the following extraot from a letter lately received in Leeds , from a very intelligent and observing man , who , while in England , was exteafively known among the Chartists : — " Do you want to know aoy thing of thb country ? if you do , I hope that you and all my friends in Leeds will rest sattsHed with my assurance , that all had better remain at home . What I some ¦ would exclaim , amidst poverty and wretchedness ? Y 63 , my friend , eveu so , for nothing but poverty and wretchedness of the worst description awaita them here . Thousands are out of
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. . —"~ - i ¦ work in every direction , and -was it not for the " alms houses , " or what would be termed " soup shops" in England , thousands weald be without food In the city of New York alone . So not imagine that this account is in any way exaggerated , for I solemnly assure you that that it is strictly true , as 3 , 885 are living upon what they receive in the alma houses in New York , whilst , according to the different publio papers , the whole country is in a similar condition . Hundreds are daily returning to this place , seme of whom have travelled thousands of miles wlthont being able to pm . cure employment of any description . All that can raise the means , are returning home , 475 have done so last week , and three ships leave this week , crowded with men , women , and children in the moot destitute condition , having had to sell their clothing to pay their passages and procure provisions . They ( the ship owners ) are taking passengers home for two or three dollars per head . Bat even this hundreds cannot procure . Scores are compelled to lie in the open air , under trees ,
ia the public -walks in the city , for the want of money te pay for beds ; ¦ whilst tho streets are crowded -with men . women , and children craving charity . The press of New York is daily calling upon the authorities to put down the begging , aud provide houses for the destitute to sleep in , but as yet no stepB have keen taken to accomplish either . I have bad , several times since my arrival , to give money out of my pocket to starving families , that I was keeping to buy food for myself snd family ; and we have had to go without until we could sell something . Oh , my friend , It wonld make y om heart bleed to see the misery that I daily witness , foi although I have been accustomed to wretched sights nearly all my life , I cannot remain an indifferent spectator to the sufferings of my fellow creatures—no , in whatever part of the world I reside . I am now in aa office for tbe forwarding of passengers and emigrants to all parts of America ; and this brings hundreds to miserable beings under my notiee , that I might fon , otherwise see . "
. This but confirms many other accounts that we have seen , of the wretched state which the temporary dominance of the rag-money men , and the extraordinary pressure , by emigrants , on the "Labour market , " has brought about in the United States , Under such circumstances , no man of sense will emigrate who has not either connections already there to take care and advance him , or money to carry with him , which may enable him to buy land .
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THE DEFENCE FUND . On Monday tho trials at Stafford commence . O'Connor will be there ; he has specially engaged Counsel in London for the defence of Ellis for High Treason , and of the other imprisoned victims . The sinews of war come slowly in . Timeisshort ; the importance of the crisis none can doubt . A small amount from each , and that amount contributed without delay , and the cause is safe . Let there be no backwardness . Let all subscriptions from every quarter be forwarded at once . Remember , that now is the accepted time , and that " England expects every nun to do his duty !"
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T . M . Wheeler , London , correspondent to the Northern Scar , informs the public that he has removed from Knightsbridge to 243 A , Temple , Bar , where all future communications must be addressed . Timely notice of all public meetings , < f"O , is respectfully requested . The order to withdraw the address of the Testimonial Committee to Mr . Watkins , and that gentleman ' s reply , came too late to be attended to . Tliat part . of the Star in which it appears had gone to press . J . C . Geady , near French Park , County Ro'common , Ireland , writes to say that he has received a letter from a gentleman of Bath , staling that ¦ thirty Stars fold ones ) had been sent him , and of which thirty , eight only have come to hand .
He requests , therefore , that all parties who have sent him Stars will be fiood enongh to write and say how many they have sent , and also furnishing their particular addressses . Thomas Boardman . — We cordially concur in his opinion , and have sent his letter to the proprietor of the Northern Star for his consideration . "The Old Commodore" must ' excuse us this week : we are full . ; "A Chieftain unknown to the Queen . "—Next week . P . W . B . means well , and has our thanks ; but his acrostic is deficient in poetry . Thomas Gekraed . ——Me have not room for his letter . Wingate Grange Chartists . —Their feelinqs do
them honour ; but the like sentiments are forlU nate / y held by so many who would be happy to have leave to express them through the Star , that we fear to make the precedent . ' Notice . —All communications for the Derby Charlists must be addressed to Mr . T . Briggs , at Mrs . Parry ' s , News-agent , Cheapside . An Exile . —His address was received too late for - the chance of insertion this week . John Hindes . —His letter to the " Tars of Britain " was received : but its publication might subject us to prosecution . A Constant reader , Ddnfermlinb . —His remedy would be worse than lite disease . The people are by no means prepared for it . Bernard M'Cartney . —His letter was received on
Thursday morning : too late for insertion . John Mowbhay . —Too late for this week : shall appear in our next . Con Murray . — We have not room this week either to insert his letter or notice its contents . We shall notice it next week . L . Snelling . —Never mind the scrawling fool . John M'Knight , Liverpool , after some very pertinent remarks anent the brutal behaviour of the middle-class blues and specials on the occasion of Poor Lyon's funeral , tells the following story by way of counterpart to it .- — " On Sunday last , it was rumoured that an Orangeman was dead , and that the order would walk in pro-¦ cesBion . It turned out to be tiue , The body went to the residence of the deceased , which is three
miles from Liverpool , a place called Bootle . The dead Orangeman was an attorney . About 300 formed into procession , with black scarfs and OTange ties , and many with broad ribbons round their necks . The very horses that drew tbe hearse sported the rampant faction ' s colours . On their way to St . James ' s Cemetery the streets were lined ¦ with people ; and , . mind you , Sir , the police was walking along side ' to protect them t If the Mayor of Manchester bad been here to have seen this , I wonder what the sleek-fac'd man would nave said !" H . Moule , Redditch . —His letter of Thursday night
was duly received . Wm . Dixon , Manchester . —We received his news letter on Friday morning , fifteen hours after the first edition of the Star had gone to press . It contained nothing of later occurrence than the Sunday previous . All Communications for the Committee of the General Defence Fund at Manchester must be addressed to Wm . Dixon , No . 11 , Nelson-slreeU Bank Top , Manchester . On account of the arrest of Mr . Cartledge , all letters for the South Lancashire Delegates must for the present be addressed to William D ' ucon , No . 11 , Nelson-street , Bank Top , Manchester .
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Parcels of Plates have been sent to the following Places : —Robson , Durham ; Barry , Thornhill , and Arkle , Wingate Grange , to 3 . Williams , Sunderland ; Bowman , Richmond , and Thompson , Darlington , to Oliver , Darlington . — Hebden , Stokesley , and Medd , Midulesbro ' , to Nash , Stockton . Mitchell , Aberdeen , to Legge , Aberdeen , via HclL Hudson , Carlisle , and Biiley , Cockermouth . to Arthur , Carlisle , per France , Newcastle . Johnson , Galashiels , to Hogg , Hawick . per France . Wilkinson , Sooth Shields , Vasey , Barnard Castle , and White , Gateshead , to France Newcast ' e . M'Larn , Loith , Easton , Leitfl , : md RjDkin , Edinburgh , to Drummond , Edinburgh . Nicol , TilHcoultry , and Stein , Alva , to Thempson , Alloa , per Paton and Love , llother-• well , Paisley , to Aitken , Paisley , per Paton and
Love . Innes , Greenock , and Lennox , Greenock , to Marshall , Greenock , per Paton and Leva White * law , Ooatbridge , to Young , Airdrle , per Paton and Love . Tosh , Fisheracre ; Thompson , Saltcoats ; M'Ciintock , Irvine ; Carru'h , Kilmarnock ; Anderson , Colquhoun , Barnes , Campbell , and Jack and Carrie , Glasgow ; Davie , Campaie ; Simpson , Falkirk ; M'Pherson , Perth ; Ross , Forfar ; and Millar , Dumbarton ; to Paton and Lo ^ e , Glasgow . Brown , Settle , per carrier . The Plates to Cardiff , Porth y Glo , Newport , Trede' gar , Merthy * , and Abergavenny are all sent to Mr . Hoarding , Monmouth . Parcels for Avery , Barnstaple , to Mitchell , Collumpton . Elms , Newton Abbott , to Mann , AshburtonJ Hancock , Bedruth , to Burridge , Truro . Mitchell , Mann , and Burridge , are sent to Smith , Plymouth .
PjUTES for Lowe , Newport , Salop , will be forwarded from Shelton So Wilcox , Wolverhampton , where they have been sent per favour of S . Bevington . Plates for Mr . Hoaton , Ciitheroe , and for Mr . Clegg , Burnley , are sent to . Mr . Rickarda , Burnley . Parcels for Rickards , Burnley ; Pitfield aud Woodbum , Chorley ; Gill , Blackburn ; and Liddle , Preston , are enclosed to Mr . Halton , Preston . Parcels for T . Traverse , Prescot , and R . Dunn , Liverpool , are enclosed to Mr . B . M'Cartney . Liverpool . * The Paecels for Ireland and Brighton are at Mr . John Cleavd ' a , Shoe-lane , Loudon .
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THE NORTHERN STAR .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 1, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct975/page/4/
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