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Northern Star (1837-1852), 25th March 1843, Edition 5 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO TEE MKSEBESS OF THE REPEil , ASSOCIATION , IfiELAJJD . *• Hereditary bondsmen , know yenot , "Who would be free himself must rtrike the blow . " XunniSK-So writes the poet , and so repeats the leader of the Repeal movement . A better text for a political sermon there cannot be ; it contains all that Is necessary to remind you of yon * pesSHea and stimulate you to individual exertion . That such a quotation should be on the lips of a leader of a suffering peopla is not to wondered at , bat that the party using it should even while repeating the words / haTe neither the will to conform Jumself to ite precept , or admit his followers toiake it in its literal and plainest sense , is not a little astonishing .

      " TTho would be free , himself must strike the blow , " says the poet , and so says O'ConneH . Now when a , teacher of any docteine xecommends any jriyen prillcplBto ttfinoheeof binaiaieoce it u tantamount te an injunction to adopt it as a measure . The injunction to " be iree , " depends upon yourselves , therefore the only difficulty to be solved is , how are yon to " strike the blow , and -what that blow should be ? Ton are , J presume , satisfied with the doctrine here taught for SSTeral reasons—1 st—Became fee workings of nature in your bosomB prompt yon to be ires . 2 nd . —Because it is the language of inspiration and Hie text of your ows leader , and finally because it is Dot the doctrine of any " mad or thici-headed Chartist "

      There is an old adage which says , "Bout do as I do but do as 1 say . " This although true in a particular sense in the case in point , is net exactly the case with you . Ton are told , " Yon mnst strike the blow yourselves : - if bo , your teaehera ought to set you the example . But although you are bound to do as he says , still it is ichcU he does yon are constrained to follow ? 05 ie better tray to explain this Wfll be to examine "What you hare lndr » idaaUy » nd collecSrely flona Wards striking that ess-ntial Wow , which the poet -and CTConnell bold to be necessary , and which you , as the "bondsmen" should be anxious to strike . By a reference to my former letters , you will find that an alliance was

      fanned by your leader and the "Whigs , and , consequently , it will not be necessary to remind you that the blow could neTer be struck with success in that gnarter . 2 * o , no ; the men who ao often struck terror and dismay into your hearts , are not the men to strike the chains off your necks . Therefore , I hold it as an incontrovertible opinion , that * Tery act of a leader of the people , which had for ita ostensible object thB striking of a blow for liberty , and which , through the influence or designs of that leader , wsted on , and sought for assistance from "toe enemies of the people , was , to « ay ths least of it , an set of base hypocrisy and treachery to the cause . This will be by many called strong language , but it is not more strong than true .

      Irishmen hare been long -victimised , and erery e-yfl which could possibly befall a nation , save annihilation itself , has been Tisited upon their country . Thus persecuted , -drrren to despair , and goaded almost to madness , they intrusted themselves to the guidance of what they supposed , a wise , generous , brave , and invincible general ; they placed implidt faith in all his promises , and , confident hi his integrity , anticipated the most successful results . Tears have , however , rolled past , and thousands of

      zanguinary hopes hare been extinguished by protracted disappointments . . Numbers hare sunk into their graves , who looked forward in anxious expectation for the promised day of liberty . Millions are still awaiting the flay of peace , but as likely to perish with their hopes , as their brethren wbe zonk oppressed and disappointed before them . And why ? Because the general who enjoyed the confidence , and , if 1 might add , sported with the miseries and lives of his people , has not proved himself worthy the confidence reposed fn > iim .

      It is not the way to win a battle , to hold communication With the enemy , to expose the plan of action , and lay tare the secrets of a council . of war , much less is it likely -victory would crown the efforts of the most courageous sod highly disciplined army , did its general expose its weak points to the enemy , and render Wm assistance in the Btrife . ? Tow , this is exactly how Ireland has been tested ; the opposed her political strength against that of ha enemies ; she opposed right again ** might ? sod trusting ta the TirfliTn-hing patriotism of a chosen leader , anticipated speedy and successful triumphs . But with more enterprise than judgment were those dispositions taken . The enemy , wily , artful , and ctbt on the alert , changed their position , offered terms of capitulation ,

      and ultimately succeedBd in drawing over not *> nly the leader but also bis foBowers to their ranks- and when Ire had fairly caught them in the soars , punished them for their credulity and weakness . If your leader had Exsrdsed his reason , -or profited by the experience of his country's wrongs , ha would not have mads the shadow of a compromise with any party whatever ; be would not hare listened to proposals , or betrayed his followers into the toils of the enemy . He was chosen upon the belief that he would be ali that was required oliiim ; upon that -understanding did he accept leadership j and upon Wi good ft"th to his engagements you have a right to hold him responsible . Let no man suppose this is intended as a personal attack ; it is merely political , and simply intended to awaken you to a sense

      of your proper position , and , if possible , induce you to adopt efficient remedies for the removal of your grievances . Thus far it is certain your individual and collective energies ha-re net yet been able to strike that " blow" so earnestly recommended . 2 hare ende&TOured to explain the most glaring cause of defeat , and I am confident if you calmly reflect on what I have advanced you will admit its truth . Although I did intend to jsrticolnfispi the Tsrions acts of weakness , folly , or treachery which retarded your movements , I will , for the sake of harmony spare your feelings for the-prese . t , and content myself by stating that your every act since the first moment of agitation has been directed for the support of the Whigs , and const quenUy opposed to yunr own and country's interests . If I mistake net ,

      the advice received from Mr . O'Connell previous to the late election , materially proves ay statement Yob w ** e advised by that gentleman to get , XF you . could , ( mark the wl ) " Radicals" as parliamentary candidates , if they could not be found , you were to get" Reformers ;" and if yon could not get Eeformers you were to get Whigs ; any one but a Tory . Now the writer of that advice well knew there could not be found in Ireland , Sadical candidates qualified to become members , and knew equally as -well that the Reformers , so-called , were to a ™ i « " Whigs , and no mistake . Then why , you will ask , did he use the distinction ? Simply to blind you to the real object of Mb wishes , and to cover his motives with the semblance of patriotism . His sore recent appeal in behalf-of Morpeth farther confirms

      the fact , and establishes beyond a doubt his alliance with one section , and that the worst , of your enemies . Sntyon ^ rill doubtless «* y , wb hare an insuperable objection to the Tories , and ««!«»«¦ » e get Whigs to represent ns we cannot be represented at all ; true , you might under the present system of property § ualiScatian find it dlfficultrto get others totake their places : but in good earnest I assure you , you might be much better eff without any representatives at all ; tot those who ought to represent the people forget their ^ uty and represent themselves . Yon have , however , a simple lemedy for the evil , and it you only apply it , you will * oon see its tfiieaey . And bere I would xtming you of the words of my text , which says , "If you would be free , you mnst strike the blowyonrselves . ' *

      Nothing « an be mora plain ; yon are to take the matter entirely into your own hands , and act npen your own judgments . The document of the People * * Charter contains the remedy ; it is a sovereign balsam for all the ills which v&xX you , and the only safe , sure , and speedy method whereby you can effect your political TegeneratJOB . AB you have to do 1 b to adopt its principles and carry them Tigorously into practice ; by doing to you will at once ani for ever strike down class legislation and with it the erils of misrule , and the suffering * of your country . If you adopt those principles , you will have the Whigs pledging themselves to Tote for the Charter , aa they cannot politically -exist without your

      Ton isvB had many oppostuniti » o ! learning the principles contained in the Charter , and yon may depend on their legality , as O'Connell was one of the frrnrry of that document But many of the Repealers ay , " Wets * Cteartista ,, w « agree with your principles , bat we are not CConnoi ^ Chartists , who would overturn the constitution and-SdTOfi&te physical force . " To those I wonldanrwer , such remarks are very simple and altogether nnftmnded . It is irett knosm that when Mr . O'Connell took the office of Chief Magistrate of the city of Dublin , he was challenged through the Siar to substantiate Ms previous assertions that Chartists were such men as hia lordship described ; and it is equally txue , that several months afterwards he was told through the fame source that " Either there were no such

      dangerous characters in 2 > nblin , or that ilia Xordship had been guilty of a neglect of dnly , ieeause as Chle ! Magistrate he did not bring them to justice . " Now as there were during that period several hundreds of Chartists within his jurisdiction continually holding meetings and augmenting theiriiumbers , it proves that they mnst have been in possession of better characters and prin--oples than . bis Xordaihip admitted ? indeed tbs feet speaks loudly for itself . There is , however , a qnestion still to be * o 1 tc 4 , « nd to which I would like ia hear as answer . I mean an honest , straight-forward answer . Whereis the difference , in point of principle , betwixt an OCoimell Chartist and an O"Connor Chartist , orbetwixt a Stnwe ChartiBt or any other Chartist ?

      Howlsmi Chartist from the force of conviction , it being , us I firmly believe , and * m able to prove , the only panacea far present ana" * ninre evils , and Uie most likely mode of ie Trading the Union . Ton may deds-Bate theml ) y any ' iianw * jon think fit , but it is certain that all ^ classes of vTbartists proclaim the necessity of an Universal or Complete Extension of the Suffrage ; how far they are sinaTe remains to be proved- To my simple mind these cassot bb two distinct classes op ose ostensible BODY . A man who says he is a ttsrOsi mhouW sho-w by his arts that he aa one in leality . If a man st'ii he mi a Catholic , would yen mot expect to see him at jonr Oiapsls ? and if he did not attend those places , w" } uld you not be justified in disputing his assertion , or elss pronounce him to be a

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      lukewarm member of yonr body ? Bnt what thick yon of a body of men calling themselves Catholic * , and professing to have the interests of religion at heart , to refuse admission to their Chapel of a man who was known to be a good and practical follower of their creed , and to exclude him for the especial reason that he was a pood CaOtolic ? Why , if you thought as rational men you would protest against sach hypocritical interference and euspect the Biacarity of the parties so aettng . Now this Is precisely the case with the ulterior measure Chartists of Ireland . They profess to subscribe to the S ix Points of the Charter , and yet a man who is known to be a . professor , and who may have suffered for his adhesion to those principles is denied admission to their meetings because he is—what ? A XNOWJ * ChaRUST . ' 3 J Yerily this is one proof of consistency in professors , and well worthy the party who broached it as a resolution .

      I csnfess I am stronly inclined to suspect the sincerity of any man or set of men -who act so inconsistCTtlJ With theil professions j and not only am 1 suspicious on account of this particular fact , but from a series of observations all tending to throw a deeper glow over the patriotic Intentions of such underhand tricksters in political jugglery . . This is not the way to " Strike the blow" whicn is to restore yon to politics ! equality , for if you are told that union is strength , and that a great moral power is neces

      sary , where can you fid better friends than those who practice what yourselves profess to be essential ? Would you , as Catholics , ask the assistance of th » " Orangemen of the North" to build or beantify yonr chapels ? No ; but if you required assistance you would first look at home ; aud if yon are Chartists In reality , why refuse connexion with knovm Chartists ? Of a certainty neither Whigs or Tories will help you to build up your political temple ; they would , like the Orangemen , Booaer pull it down and bury you in the ruins .

      Irishmen—I call upon you by your country ' s wrongs to Strike the blew ** which tnll emancipate you from d » 7 ery . I call upon yon in the name of the -watchword of your fathers , " liberty , ' to strike-down the citadel of corruption , and by your moral energies hurl the monster , Class Legislation , from its throne . Xet the Chatter be your rallying cry , victory your object , and peaceful but firm agitation yonr weapon , and with the assistance of Him who strengthens the hands of the weak , you will assuredly conquer . "Veritas .

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      harmont hall . LBTTEB III , TO THE BDITOB OP THB NOBTHEBS STAB . Stb ., —in my last letter to you I affirmed that a remedy for the distress which n « w pervades all ranks and classes of society is at hand ; and that provided the attention of your readers could be aroused to an » T « m ; n . ation of the subject in all its details , that I had no feaz but they would be prepared to join in a course which would soon place them in a position to be heard , and listened to attentively , by the Government , respecting the introduction of such remedy on a national scale . The remedy I w # uld propose is a sound , practical education for every individual in the empire , and permanent beneficial employment for all who require it ; and sinee my former letter was written the Governmenthave shewn their willingness to make a considerable step in this direction by introducing a national plan of what they term education .

      This progress , * ; as far as it goes , is in a right direction , and the measure must not in any way be repudiated or contemned for any imperfection of detail it may contain ; for it is only in proportion as sound information can be diffused through the public mind on any subject that the Government will be enabled to advance ; and on the ether hand sound practical information cannot long be given to the people , without its effects being manifested in every division of society . WMlst , however , z would urge the reception of the present measure as an assisting means for enabling our rulers and the public generally , to take a more

      extensive new of what is required , nothing can be more widely different than the education likely to be afforded by the measure to be brought forward by Sir James Graham , and that which would be introduced by the Pounder of the Rational System of Society . Education , properly so colled , ia a full developemeut of aU the power * of the being educated , whether physical , mental , moral , or practical , and it can only be rightly given in connection with other arrangements than any which now exist , such in fact as shall procure , for every individual , all things that are necessary for his permanent well-being and happiness .

      This education most be accompanied by permanent beneficial employment for all who require it ; for unless the means of supplying the physical wants of the present generation be provided , it will be folly to talk of training the children of such a population as now generally fills this country , in any correct or moral habits . The elements required for giving a good , sound , practical education , aud permanent beneficial employment to the whole of this country , exist in great abundance around as ; and the proper combination of these elements in their due proportions , will afford every thing that is required to repay the cost that must be incurred , and every additional burthen that the parties so engaged may have imposed on them .

      Land , labour , skill , and capital , are the four great elements bom which every thing necessary for human happiness most be derived ; and the nature of each of these individually will be enhanced in proportion as it is scientifically combined and united with the then . If we look at the state of this country as It regards each of these elements separately , we shall find that they are to be found in great excess , and are comparatively valueless , by the want of combination , to the fullest extent with the others . Take for instance , land ; we have millions of acres unappropriated to any useful purpose , and of that in cultivation it must be apparent to every reflecting

      mind , that the produce may be increased many fold ; for even ameng the best fanners , the individualized system is -erbicb their affairs are now conducted , pre-VBnts their taking advantage of numberless resources to be derived from a supply of skilful labour , welldirected , and sustained whilst it shall be required by an adequate supply of capital . Respecting labour , the destitution tc which it is now reduced and its comparative nothingness in value , by its separation from land and capital , cries aloud far an alteration ; and this cry must soon be listened to . or a . state of anarchy and confusion will arise such as no pvrlod of history has ever witnessed .

      The present position of British society differs from every thing which has ever preceded it , in the immense addition that has been made to human labour by machinery . Within the last eentnry , the machine power of this country has been advanced from about that of fifteen millions of men , to a power exceading sii hundred millions , whilst the rapidity with which this power ia increasing , was most forcibly shown by the valuable article on that subject , inserted in your paper a few weeksfsince . With regard to skill , it is equally evident that an abundance of the most valuable talents capable of as-Bisting in well developing the other resources we possess , is now being wasted in idleness , or mischievously employed in f ornisking the means of coercing and restraining those unfortunate individuals who are made the victims of a state of society which all appear bo earnestly to deplore , but which few have sufficiently eoBtemplated to ascertain the means of remedying .

      That capital abounds in the greatest superfluity ia evident wherever we look . The amount of gold now in the coffers of the Bank of England is about eleven millions . Consols , notwithstanding a very deficient revenue , are rapidly advancing , through the general stagnation of trade ; and the opportunity of securing a moderate interest , on a good security , will be eagerly sought after by those who possess it The introduction of a rational system of society will secure the combination of these four elements on a scientific basis , and on an extended scale , and will also take care that they are so combined for the benefit of every individual who shall be placed within their operation , as all will be provided -with everything calculated to ensure theiz permanent happiness .

      The extent to which this combinatien has already been effected in this experiment appears large to many persons , but it bears not the slightest comparison to -ifhat may immediately be done , without any extraordinary exertion , provided the main body of the working classes can be induced to look to their own interests . The more we contemplate the subject , the more clearly will the fact appear to us that the general interest of humanity , is , the permanent interest of every individual ; and that ,. if we once begin society on ~ a true basis , and take the four great divisions , namely , the production of wealth ; the distribution of wealth when it has been produced ; education , or training of the rising generation ; and governing for the benefit ef all , in their propel ordei ; we shall so longer have occasion to fear , but , that the wants and comforts of all may readily be provided for .

      The great object of the Rational system will be to piovide for every human being as a member of one great family ; and although some may be inclined to say , -let its show ths system to answer on a small scale first , yet when they come to practical mearares they will find that the shortest , the most speedy , and the most direct mode of accomplishing the object will be by always preserving the universality of the principles ; for wherever this has been lost sight of , hitherto , failure has followed , and like causes will again produce similar results .

      The efforts that the Rational Society are making here for the accomplishment of the object they bare in view , I havaprogrojoied In exactly the -Bame-proportton as the j knowledge of the principles of the society have been ! acquired by its members ; and this knowledge has been | acquired by a daily experience in a new system of ! 8 ocifcty , which , the more prominently it can be brought I before the public eye , the more rapidly will it absorb j aU individual and competitive interests , j We are now in actual possession ef about 800 acres i of land , whilst arrangements have been made for I ^ securing , at the earliest possible period , two other j neighbouring estates ; and it would be a matter of the \ greatest economy and profit , immediately to locate a

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      person to each acre of land , and thereby form a power ful nucleus for the farther development of the Byutem . and the only reasons why this has not hitherto been done , has been that the provision of such superior circumstances , as should draw forth their higher and better qualities , have not been at the command of the society ; aud until theBe can be procured it will be useless to associate together a number of individuals , who have no clear conception of whal they are called on to perform . The progress already made is , however , a guarantee for the future : then is now associated in this establishment a number of individuals further advanced in the science of society upon true first principles than have ever been associated together on any former occasion ; these parties are daily correcting their ideas by practice , and are acquiring an intelligence on the subject they are engaged in , that will make them fit instruments to exhibit to the world the difference between truth and error .

      On some future occasion I intend to give the outline of an rganisation , whereby the necessary impulse may be created that shall move the government to adopt this system on its full scale ; but , in the meantime , I will proceed in my next letter more immediately to the detail of what has been done here up to this period , that our Chartist friends may see that although they very far outweigh us in numbers ; visionary as they have hitherto considered the attempt to gain the land to be , without first securing political power , yet considering the obstinate prejudices with which they have had to contend , the principles of the rational system so fur as they have been tried , have done more than all other efforts together to lay the foundation for the future regeneration of man . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpim . Harmony Hall , Hants , March 18 , 1843 .

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      - ^ TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . Iowa City , Iowa Territory , U . S . January 20 th , 1843 . Sib ., —A communication from this remote part of the world , especially from one altogether unknown to you , may create a little surprise ; but , Sir , although I am unknown to you , you are politically known to me : for even in this remote part , I am a periodical reader of your valuable paper in the cause of liberty and philanthropy . I therefore make free to communicate ta you a few thoughts that have suggested themselves to me in view of the cause of freedom and independence , of which you are the strenuous advocate .

      In the first place , I deem it necessary to let you know something of myself , and my feelingB upon the great cause of which you are the advocate . I am a native uf Banffshire in Scotland , and was in business as a merchant tailor in Huntly , Aberdeenshire , for twelve years , during which time I became a great professional favourite with the aristocracy in that neighbourhood , until it became known to them that I was a Chartist and Teetotaller ; and notwithstanding that neither my talents nor circumstances enabled me to do much for either cause , they became alarmed , and many of the most influential not only withdrew their own support , but used their influence against me . Among the many I may mention one of whom you , no doubt , know

      something—the Duchess of Gordon , who from her character and professions one would think would have been above taking notice of so insignificant an individual as me . But not bo . The religion of the rich is not commonly of that kind to subdue that worst of human passions that enslave man , because of his dependence , and you will not be surprised when I say that even ministers of the Gospel were my most rancorous enemies . However , I thank God that , by prudence and care , I had accumulated a little out of my small profits to render me Independent of . their hellish rancour , and thought proper to lay that out in providing a home for my family in a country I considered more free from the devastating influence of Toryism and blasting British WhUgery .

      I accordingly sailed for the United States on the 26 th of May , 1841 , and located myself in this territory on the 11 th August of the same year . I might here say something on the working of democratic representation here ; but as that is apart from the subject , I shall defer , farther than , to say , that such privileges are not valued by the working class as they deserve . Here , is in Great Britain , money has loo much influence , and I deeply deplore the ease by which unprincipled selfish and devilish demagogues mislead the people . Sines I came to this part I have followed my former trade of merchant-tailor with good success , and am thankful , although sometimes I feel the want of a proper circulating medium , for prices both for British goods and workmanship are enormous ; to much so , that many are unable to get decent clothes—we being unable to Bell for anything but cash , as nothing else will renew our stock . Many , therefore , are literally in rags , while they have plenty of produce , which they would with pleasure give in exchange .

      Ob , Sir , when reading your paper and others from the country upon the condition of my suffering countrymen and women , I have often shed tears to think that -with you they axe dying for "want , while bere is a market for their labour , and abundance of food to exchange ; and glad would this people be to accept of the boon .. These considerations brought me to the formation of a plan in my mind which I think would greatly effect the welfare of the poorer dosses of both countries , and which I take the liberty to lay before you , in hopes that should you see it as I do , you will use your influence in having its practicability tested .

      In the manufacturing district * , as you very well know , the poorer classes of the manufacturers are entirely at the mercy , and under the control of the monopolists , in consequence of their inability to export their goods ; and many . f the workmen are compelled to sell their labour at a miserable price , which it rendered much more miserable by having to purchase the chief commodity of life from monopolists of another kind . I therefore , think the following , if carried out , would tend to obviate both evils . Let the small manufacturers unite . Rent a store , oi depot ; appoint a committee of management , whose

      duty it would be to take in their deposits , and see them regulated in price according to the home markets . They could also communicate with , and appoint agents in , any of the United States , or territories of this country , or appoint from among themselves , and send out ( but I think it wauld be most prudent to get some one resident in this country , as the expense would be less until they could test the practicability of such an under * taking ) to sell their goods , and take wheat , Indian corn , oats , fee- ice ., in exchange , which could be sent home at a small expense , and thereby receive the full value for their labour , and also avoid the gross impositions practised by bankers , fee ., which they indirectly

      pay . I know that the extreme poverty of some of them will scarce enable them te be out of the price of a single piece of cloth until they could get a return ; but I think that the more fortunate could advance part ef the price , when the goods are deposited in the general store , bo that the very poorest could have the benefit I am aware that considerable capital would be reqnired to carry on an extensive business under the present tariffs of both countries ; but , as I have before stated , it could be tried on a small scale , and if any see fit to give the thing a trial , I shall be glad to take the first consignment to this territory , where I am sure goods to any amount could be disposed ot at a reasonable price for the very best of wheat , < kc , in exchange , and fully aa cheap as in any State of the Union .

      I think Illinois , Wisconsin , and Michigan , are also favourably situated ; as advantage might be taken of an Act of the Canada Legislature , whereby United States wheat will be admitted into Canada at a low duty , and after being milled , the flour will be admitted into Britain at the same rate as Cbuadian . I may state that the above is no new formed idea , for ever since I came to this country , and saw the destitution for clothes , and thought of the sufferings of my countrymen and women , I have been trying to form a scheme whereby they might obtain relief , seeing the folly of trusting to Governments for immediate relief to the p « or man , even when the Suffrage is universal ; and I have only made up my mind , upon the above , after consulting many in all the places I have named , none of which expressed the least doubt , bat on the contrary , appeared to think such an undertaking would be of immense benefit to all .

      I have more particularly directed my attention to cloth manufacture , bnt I fully believe that any kind of British manufacture would Bell equally well , unless cotton cloths . I see nothing of this country manufacture that will compete with Britain . AU kinds of hardware would sell weti , and should any person incline to communicate with me , I shall give them every information with regard to any branch , and should they incline to fcend out a stock of goods to me , I can give them a reference to some of the largest wholesale houses in Yorkshire or London , any person in Huntley , the whole teetotal society there , and some of the leading Chartists in Aberdeen . I leave tbe matter with yon , having no donbt of

      your willingness to do all you can for the poor working man , and I am glad you have also the ability . & on , my dear Sir , and prosper in the glorious cause . Truth mnst prevail , and the day will soon anive when your success shall enable you to crush all that oppose under yonr feet , where the ; shall wither before the beaming r ays of the sun of righteousness and may the God of all grace and consolation beat you up above all your trials , is the prayer of year strange friend , Geohge Andrews , Merchant Tailor , Iowa City . P . S . —I beg you will excuse the incorrectness of my letter , as I have come off a long journey of 1300 miles , and having to send it by steamex on the 4 th February .

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      Heboes op the American Revolution . —There are in the United State * just one hundred soldiers of the Revolution on the peasioa list over one hundred years oi age . The oldest man on the list is Michael Hale , of Union County , Pensylvania , who is in his 115 th jeax . —New York Paper . Hanover , Maech 9 . —We hear that several of the Orders of Knighthood , medals , and honorary insignia ( given on the occasion of the marriage of the Crown Prince ) hare been sent hack to the Government .

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      HOUSE OF LORDS-Fridat , March 17 . The only matter of special Importance , in addition to some routine business , was the moving , by the Marquis of Lansdowne , for the production of the correspondence between the British merchants at Canton and Sir H . Pottinger , and in so doing he pointed out the importance of a British judicial tribunal being erected in China . The Earl of Aberdeen had no objection to the production of the correspondence . The possession of Hong Kong removed many of the difficulties which existed aa to jurisdiction , but the Government were waiting for additional information from Si * Henry Pottinger in order to guide them .

      Monday , March 20 . Lord Denmah called toe attention of their Lordships to the following extract of a speech , as reported In the Morning Chronicle , purporting to have been delivered by Sir T . Wix . de daring the late debates on the Privilege question : " Look at some of Lord D < mman ' s opinions ; remember that which he expressed , that it mattered little whether or not licentious books might be read by the inmates of a prison , old and young persons , placed there with a view to their reformation and amendment . What in the world , be asked , had that to do with the case ? -if they bad got into bis own family , he Would have seen in a moment what they had to do with domestic government . That any man should be found to say that lioientioas and profligate writings and their use by prisoners had nothing to do with prison discipline , I own has astonished me . "

      It was imputed that these opinions had been propounded by him in the judgment he had delivered in the celebrated case of " Stocfedale v . Hansard ; " but he warmly denied that any portion of that judgment would bear such a construction , and proceeded at considerable length to vindicate the course be and his learned colleagues on the bench had . taken on the subject . He had thought it necessary to meet the charge by the most decided contradiction . Lord BROUGHAM produced a letter from Sir Thomas Wilde , in which he distinctly disclaimed the expressions attributed to him in the report ; but he declined to enter upon the general question which th * judgment delivered by Lord Denman involved , except by reiterating his cordial acquiescence and approval .

      Lord Campbell rejoiced in the disavowal by Sir T . Wilde « f the charge against Lord Denman which the report had imputed to kirn , but agreed entirely in the opinion tbat the judgment which had occasioned so much controversy rested on a foundation wholly erroneoua and contrary to law . It had been condemned by the moat eminent lawyers on both sides ; and , for himself , b » gloried in having been a Member of the House of Commona during the struggle in support of its privileges . Lord Abinobr thought that the unanimity of opinion among lawyers which Lord Campbell had claimed had been in accordance with , rather than in opposition to , Lord Denman ' s judgment , and had so far coincided with the general feeling of the country . Lord Denman expressed his extreme satisfaction at Sir T . Wilde's explanation ; and after some further observations ; from Lord Brougham , Uw Duke of Wellington , and Lord Campbell , the subject dropped . In reply to Lord Rosebery ,

      The Duke of Wellington defended the composition of the commission appointed to inquire into the operation of the Peor Law in Scotland . Their Lordships then adjrarned .

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      HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Friday , March 17 . In reply to Mr , Sharman Crawford , Sir Robert Peel denied being any party to counting out the House on the previous evening , in order , as allsged , to avoid Mr . Crawford's motion for leave to bring in a bill to secure the effectual representation of the people . The motion was fixed for the 30 th . The first ordar of the day which was taken , was the resumption of the Committee on the Registration of Voter * Bill , which occupied the entire evening . The discussion was of a general and desultory nature ; but , after all the clauses of the Bill had been gone through , Mr . Cow per moved a clause for restricting the duration of the poll , at county contested elections , to one day .

      Sir James Graham was convinced that , practically , there was great convenience in the two days allowed . Farmers were net likely to sacrifice their market day , should it happen also to be the polling day ; and it was , therefore , desirable that there should be a choice of more than one day , in order to enable them to attend an election . A discussion followed , shared in by various county members , urging the advantages aud disadvantages of a two days' poll , which ended in a division , when the motion was rejected by 143 to 66 . Mr .. Hardy proposed a clause to prevent fictitious value being pat upon premises by arrangements between landlord and tenant as to the rent paid . Sir James Graham and the Attorney-General objected , and the clause was withdrawn .

      Sir James GuaiiaH then proposed a series of clauses , having for their object to prevent and punish personation of voters , which were added to the bill , and the labours of the committee terminated . The House then resumed , the other orders of the day wers disposed of , and the House adjourned .

      Monda y , Mahch 20 . The House met at four o ' clock . A great number of petitions on various subjects were presented . Mr . T . Duncombe said tbat It would be recollected tbat , on a recent motion repecting the conduct of a Noble and Learned Judge , he had referred to certain transactions in Knutsford House of Correction . A few days afterwards the Hon . Member for North Cheshire had given the most unqualified contradiction to bis ( Mr . T . Duncombe ' 8 ) statement . To this statement , after making inquiries of certain parties , he had adhered , notwithstanding the contradiction of the Hon . Member , ' and the Right Hon . Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department bad consented to institute an inquiry into the conflicting accounts . In fulfilment of

      this promise he had sent Gapt . Williams , the inspector of prisons , to Knutsford , and he arrived there on the 2 od instant ; and this morning he ( Mr . T . Duncombe ; had received a letter from the Rev . Mr . Brown , the chaplain of Knutsford House of Correction , asking him to lay his statement before the House of Commons , justly considering that the investigation instituted by the Right Hon . Baronet , besides being an inquiry by Government , partook also of the nature of a Parliamentary inquiry . It appeared that the Rev . Mr . Brown bad been summoned before the prison inspector , and had subsequently found considerable reason to complain of the conduct of the magistrates . The statement of the chaplain was contained in the following letter , which , with the leave of the House , he ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) would ' read ;—

      " Knutsford , March IS , 1843 . " Sir—As you were the member who brought forward in the House of Commons the conduct of the gaoler of the House of Correction , Knutaford , and obtained from the Secretary of State an inquiry into the state of that prison , I have to beg yon will bring forward In the House of Commons the conduct of the magistrates towards me , the chaplain , for having spoken the truth to the inspector of prisons when I was on eath . " On the arrival of the Inspector at Knutsford , on Thursday , the 2 nd of March , he sent for me to the George Hotel , where he was staying , and asked me

      several questions with respect to the Chartist prisoners and the general state of the gaol , which 1 answered in sincerity and truth . The magistrates met on Friday last , the 17 th instant , and asked me several questions on the subject of my private interview witb Captain Williams . I at firat refused to divulge a private conversation . They then said , ' If you do not tell us what passed during the two hours yon were with him , we shall consider it as a refusal to answer the questions ef the magistrates , and shall deal with you accordingly . ' They then asked if I did not tell the inspector in private that the gaoler had used these words , * D—n these Chartista , I will give them a bellyful before I have done with them . '

      " My reply was , tbat the inspector had asked me if I had ever heard the gaoler use violent language about them , I then stated to him the above language , which the keeper or gaoler had made use of to me when he bad seen some of the Chartist prisoners who had complained of their food . " Mr . Trafford , the chairman uf the Quarter Sessions , said , why did not you report these words to the magistrates at the time they occurred ? I answered , because you , sir , in April , 1830 , in consequence of some misunderstanding having taken place between me and the gaoler , told me not to interfere in the discipline of the gaol , but confine myself solely to my spiritual duties , which I considered a prohibition to report ttrit or any each language ; or anything relating to the gaoler . After

      that order I made a note in my private diary on the day it was given . The letter addressed to me on the 3 rd of February , 1843 , by the gaol committee , desiring me not to put any thing on my public journal with respect to the gaol discipline until I had first laid it before the gaol committee , which letter is in Capt . Williams ' s possession , will show that my construction of Mr . Trafford ' s order was concept . After sitting ( or some time in deliberation the magistrates sent for me , aud Mr . Trafford told me that they had come to the determination of recommending to the quarter sessions to be held at Chester , on Monday , ' the 27 th inst , to remove me I asked what ! charges were against ? me ? The answer was , none . No unfaithfulness in the discharge of my

      duties , no immoral conduct , nothing whatever ; only that I had stated to the Inspector of prisons what I ought to have stated to the magistrates . I again repeated I considered myself under restraint from the order given me by Mr . Trafford to confine myself to my spiritual duties , The magistrates replied it was absurd to consider such an order a prohibition . Mr . Trafford and Mr . Lloyd shortly afterwards observed to me , ' We find it impossible for you a . v& the governor toga on together ; we cannot part with him , but with you . ' Mr . Lloyd added , ' If you were to remain , it would soon be no gaol at all . ' This remark had reference to the Inspector having bad all restraint removed , and liberty given to me to report to the nearest visiting justice any

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      improper comluct of the gaoler or any other officer ; both Mr . Trafford and Mr . jLloyd added , ' There is no imputation on your character , and no charge for your neglect of your duties . ' Ii replied , ' I will write to the Secretary of State . ' ' With that we have notking to do . ' j " When the magistrates met on the 24 lh of February last , and took the depositions of some of the Chartist prisoners , which they forwarded to Mr . Tatton Egerton , as the ground of his statement in the House of Commons , they never called me ; if they had done so I would have stated to the 1 magistrates the words I stated fco Captain Williams . ; Why they did not call me is best known to themselves . " I have been thirty years in the church , and some time officiated as chaplain to a garrison .

      " By the next post I will forward to you testimonials from the magistrates , from the surgeon , and the gaoler in my favour , when I was candidate for the Pentoaville Prison chaplaincy . j " Tour obedient servant , I " Browke . " Chaplain , Knutsford House of Correction . " He ( Mr . Duacembe ) now called upon the Right Hon . Baronet , the Secretary of SJUte for the Home Department , ta say whether the chaplain of a gaol , who had been for thirty years a member of the established church , against whose character there was not the slightest complaint , who , according to the magistrates ' own account , had faithfully discharged his duty , and

      Who . in ebfldience of that duty , had given information to the Inspector of Prisons sent down by the Government , ought to be visited ; by the displeasure of the magistrates , and , at a court ; of Quarter Sessions to be held on the 27 th instant , should be removed 1 It was clear , however , that by this falling out between the gaoler , magistrates , and chaplain , the public would get at the truth ; and , if he had heard correctly , the magistrates would have reason to regret tbat this inquiry had been instituted , and tbat the statements he ( Mr . Doncombe ) had originally made would be mainly borne out The Right Hon . Baronet , the Secretary of State , who had charge of the prisons , * was bound in duty to preserve this chaplain from the anger of the magistrates , and see that he was not displaced .

      Mr . Tatton Egerton said that the magistrates were quite as anxious as the Honourable Member tbat the truth should be known . They had intimated to their Chaplain their disapproval ] of his conduct , because , being the officer of the gaol , ] he had not communicatad to them what had passed in the gaol , which they looked upon as a violation of the jconfidencb that ought to subsist between them and their officers . It appeared that during the last two or three years the Chaplain had been in the habit of keeping private memoranda of what passed in the gao!— ( opposition cheers ) . He should think that the House would expect such to be communicated to the magistrates—( heir , hear ); for unless it were made it would be impossible for the visiting magistrates to have accurate evidence of what passed in the gaol . : Mr . T . S . Ditncombe—The magisfcrafcea prohibited him from making communications .

      Mr . Tatton Egeeton could not conceive that any ofiteer of the gaol could think that it was his duty to withhold such communications . The moment after Captain Williams had left they made the inquiry ; they were only anxious that the truth should be known ; he understood that the inspector ' s report had been received at the Home Office that morning . Sir James Graham thought the complaint of the Honourable Member somewhat premature . Immediately after the Honourable Member's statement on a former evoning , an inspector of prisons had proceeded to Knutsford . The inspector did institute a searching inquiry , but his report had not yet been seen by him ( Sir James Graham ) . It had been left at the Homeoffice , bnt on the request of Captain Williams , it had been forwarded te him for revision . He was not , therefore , in possession of the report , and he thought

      that the complaint of the chaplain was premature , inasmuch as it wm bis intention to lay the report upon the table of the House . It was also , fee conceived , premature , because the power to deprive him of office was not vested in the justices or in the visiting justices , but in the Court of Quarter Sessions , which had not yet met . They were , therefore , jonly discusaiag the apprehensions of an officer , which might be more or less well-founded , but still they were only apprehensions ; It rested with the majority ] of magistrates at quarter sessions to gay whether the removal should take place or nob The Honourable Member had supposed , erroneously , that he ( Sir James Graham ) had a control over the election or removal jof an officer . The power was absolutely vested by law in the Court uf Qaarter Sessions . Till he had come into the House be did not know of the complaint ef the

      chaplain-Mr . T . S . Duncombe said ; that the meeting of magis . trates on Friday was a separate transaction from the complaint on which was to ( be founded Captain Williams ' s report . Sir James Graham said , that at the request ot Captain Williams , the report bad been returned to him . i The House then resolved | itself into Committee of Supply , and a vote was taken for £ 18 , 000 , 600 te meet Exchequer-bills—not without some admonitions from Messrs . Hume , Bo wring , and Williams , that the interest on such securities ought no longer to exceed l ^ i . per day . i

      On the commissariat estimate Mr . Hume was strenuous in counselling an abatement of our colonial expenses . So long aa the present large military establishment should be kept up in the colonies , these estimates were perhaps incapable of reduction ; but his own conviction woa , that those establishments were excessive and evtravagant , and ought to be reduced in favour of the people at home , who were { wanting food . He would recommend a Finance Committee . Sir R . Peel said , that eyen if the people were in the most prosperous condition , he should object ta any needless establishment in the colonies ; but that , on

      the other hand , a necessary establishment was not to be reduced because the revenue at home was not in a flourishing state . A finance Committee was not so competent to judge of colonial necessities as the responsible Ministry , which bad the aid ] , information , and advice of the colonial governors and authorities . It was not wise to break down the strength of our troops by curtailing the necessary relief to regiments which had been for many years on foreign service ; nor could forces be always withdrawn as soon as the country occupied by them appeared to be pacified . The last news from China would illustrate that jsubjeet

      Mr . HUME admitted that a force was * requisite in China , and likewise at the Gape : but what did England want with 10 . 000 men in the Canadas , 2 , 000 in Nova Scotia , and 350 in Newfoundland ? Every colony ought to be its own protector . Mr . F . Baring argued that it was sound economy to keep the commissariat establishment always in an efficient state . j After a few words from Mr . Goulburn and Lord John Russell , ' Mr . Hume complained of the amount of half-pay , and objected to some other > particular items in this estimate . ! Mr . Williams thought that those who voted for such estimates as these could have no sympathy with the suffering people . j

      Mr . Bern a l vindicated himself , and those who thought with him , from the imputation of wanting sympathy with the people . If gentlemen could see the returns of siokness and cnsuality on foreign service , they would not think the reliefs too large . Mr . HUME desired to have ! the inequality of taxation between the rich and the polar redressed . In the present state of things , the chief taxation was on the consumption of the poor . The landlords , who bad been living bo expensively , must come down , so must the receivers of official salaries . | The Commissariat votes having been taken . Sir G . CLERK brought en 1 the Civil Contingencies ; hut 1

      Mr . HUME , as these accounts had not been delivered to members till Friday last , j desired further time to consider them . He adverted particularly to the expenses incurred in fitting up St . Gaorge ' s Chapel for the Christening of the Prince of Wales-Sir R . Peel justified this expense ; but aceeded to the request for postponement Mr . Williams believed that the estimates of this session had been brought on more rapidly than usual . Sir R . Peel answered , that ; the reason of the rapidity with which these estimates had come on was the rapidity with which the prior votes had been granted , which he supposed had been owing to the surprise and satisfaction felt by the House at the extensive reductions effected by Government .

      Mr . Hume protested that his own forbearance had not arisen from any surprise pr satisfaction of that sort , but from the persuasion that as most of the members of Opposition absented themselves upon those estimates , he should have had little or no chance of succeeding in a resistance to any vote . . ! Sir R . Peel hoped the Honourable Member meant to adhere to this good rule of not offering opposition when he found himself in a very small minority . In the committee on the Coast of Africa Bill , Mr . Hume urged the expediency of having a Colonial budget —and , indeed , an Indian budget also . Lord Stanley was inclined to think that a colonial budget , that is , a series of details relating to about forty different colonies , would be exhibited to empty be&chsB $ probably , indeed , it would be a tete-a-tete between himself and Mr . Hume . I '

      Mr . W . S . O'Brien was understood to press Mr . Hume's suggestion ; as did also Mr . Ewart and Dr . Bowring . , Ls > rd Stanley was sure that those colonies which have assemblies of their ewn ' would view such an interference with great dissatisfaction . Mr . Hume said the country ought certainly to know the financial oircumstancea of an ; colony which did not defray ita ownexpencea . After the other orders of the day had been disposed

      of , Mr . Hume moved for seme returns respecting Sir Alexander Grant ' s appointment to the Board of Audit One of these related to the age of Sir Alexander , whom Mr . Hume was pleased to consider as too far advanced in life to be fitly placed in such a situation ; but Sir R . Peel thought Mr . Hume should be aware that a man might be about the age of sixty , and yet have a turn for figures . i The returns , except as to the age , were ezdered . Mr . Hume moved for an account of the emoluments received by certain officers of the Mint , including the

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      gains of business done by them during the hours in which they are not employed for the public To this Mr Gladstone objected , a&d Mr . Hume , on a division , was defeated .

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      A WARNING TO BACHELORS WANDERING IN SCOTLAND . The following is from the Freeman ' s Journal . We recommend it te the serious perusal of snen of our bachelor friends as may have occasion to visit Scotland : — " Married Or not Married ?—The Evening Post of Tuesday night contains a curious correspondence . It may afford a lesson to gentlemen travelling for the first time in Scotland , and we shall , therefore , give ita purport A gentleman rejoicing in the name of Sydenham Snow was travelling in Scotland , in the month of December last , and was enjoying the amusements of the-good city of Glasgow . A gentleman in the search of pleasure , he admired the fair-haired daughters of the north , with flaxen locks and sparkling eyes of bine .

      But among them a' , she who fixed his meditations was a maid whose after life must mix strangely with hia . Jolly in name , jolt in spirit , she arrested the steps of the wanderer , melting him by the warm influences of beauty on tha impulses of out nature . He loved merriment , and he loved Jolly , and with both , in happiness , be passed the hours . Mr . Snow , as bis name would lead us to suppose , ' is frae the North . ' He dates in ' bill , bond , quittance , or obligation , ' from Omagb , in the county of Tyrone . Bat Glasgow ia still' farther north , ' and Miss Jolly , though she smiled so merrily , appears not to hav « been at all a degenerate slip of the northern pine . In a moment of—we know not what—Mr . Snow may , perhaps , remember—Miss Mary Jolly and Mr . Sydenham Snew mutually acknowledged each

      other ' before two witnesses' as husband and wife . Poor Mr . Snow I he appears not to have known what he did . He forgot that the law of marriage in Scotland is somewhai different from that of this country , and even now seems quite persuaded that he is ' free as air . " Not thus Mary Jolly—alas , to- him no longer so J She insists upon the law , and she has , it would appear , taken steps to enforce whatever rights this contract gave her . Mr . Snow insists that' he was never married . " Mary ' s agents say the marriage is a ' valid one / and thus their quarrel runs . The story is not a fiction , and may be useful to gentlemen visiting the Scottish lakes , or coursing on the Scottish heather for the first time . When they are attracted by the Jolly-ty of , 'tbe hill-side maidens , let th * m not forget the freezing gravity which Mr . Snow wears now . "

      Tbat the Snow was melted by the fires of love , is a matter , doubtless , to be regretted . That the maiden was not frigid , must be equally mourned . But the circumstances , although melancholy enough , afford another proof of the simple truth , so long established , yet so frequently forgotten , that honesty is the best policy . Poor Mr . Snow . < His life must henceforth be a sad one , for his Jolly-tie , like the jollity of many others , with whom " smiles form the channel ot a future tear , " has been the source of bitter sorrow .

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      WORCESTERSHIE ASSIZES . AN IRISH BURGLARY AND AN IRISH DEFENCE . Henry ( John ) , aged 51 , muslin weaver , a merrylooking " son of the sod , " was placed at the bar , charged with having , at Tenbury , on the 16 th of August , feloniously broken aud entered the dwellinghouse of Francis Thomas , with intent to commit a felony . Paddy , for such he really is , although hia god * fathers thought proper to " christen him out of hia name" ( just as the veritable Joseph Miller hath it , te make people believe be was " born out of bis native country" ) , was , by some curious freak of fortune , transplanted from the Emerald Isle to the town of Tenbury , and while there , on the 16 th of August last , a Mrs . Downey saw him , about eleven o ' clock at night , sailing along the street , and tome to a dead halt opposite the door of prosecutor ' s house , which was then l « cked up , he having gone out of town a few days previously .

      After briefly reconnoitering , Henry raised the latch , but could not open the door ; he took another survey of the house and the street , and then , placing his brawn ; shoulders to the door , away flew ketch , and latch , and lock , ' and away flew Paddy too , for the ease with whieh tbe fastenings gave way tilted him forwards , and the last seen » f him at that time was his head going into the house at a tremendous pace , with his heels doing their best—though tbat was bad enough—at following after Mrs . Downey , who had watched bis movements from her window , waited about a quarter of an hour for prisoner ' s return ; but , as the door had closed after him , and nothing was seen or heard , she oalled feer son , who west to the house , and found Henry standing sentry , stiff as a poker , and speechless as a mute , in the centre of the kitchen . He collared him , bore him away to the station house , he was committed for trial , and noV " stood at the bar on his deliverance . " Paddy , when Mrs . Downey stopped in her evidence ,

      exclaimed—Well , Mrs . Downey , have ye done ? Case if ye have , I'll throuble ye to begin again . Mrs . Downey , is it ? Ye ' ie "downey" enough , that ' B thrue for yej but p ' raps yer not " downey" enough for to get me thransported , anyhew . Now attind ; wasn't I so dhrunk aa I couldn't see a hole through a lather ( ladder ) ? Witness—I can't say , indeed . Paddy—Dlrtby water on ye , but ye do though . Wasn't I dhrunk enough to mistake a dirty baste for a respectable woman ?

      WLneas—Likely enough . . Paddy—That ' s thrue for ye . I took you that night for a daeent body , likely to do a gintleman in distress a good turn . Now , wasn't I dhrunk ? Witness—I really cannot say . Paddy—Can a man rob a house convaynently , if he can't see at all ? Witness—I should think not ; but you were not blind ? , Paddy—There ye're wrong ! I was " blind dhrunk . " Can a man see in the dark ?

      Witness—Certainly not . Paddy—Wasn't I in the dark ? Witness—Tea . Paddy—Thin till me , Misthress very Downey , if a man can't rob a house if be can't see , and a man cant see in the dark , and I was in the dark , how could I intind to rob this house ? Witness—I don't know anything about that . Paddy . Faith , Miathreea very Downey , yespalpeen , nor nobody else . Now , if ye'U jut be kind enough to pick up yer trotters , and carry yerself off , I'll be obleged to ye , 'case I want to spake to them gintlemia o' the Jury . Ye'll understand me ,. Lord Judge , and

      Misthers , gintlemin o' the Jury , as I'm a respectable man ; that's true , yell find . Well , thin , I had bees selling some books—I ' m a bookseller , yer honoursthatis , I'd been thrying to sell seme tracts as gintleman bad give me when they could find any coppers in their trousers . I met with some friends , and- in course we bad a" dbrop ef the crater , " and I could't see a bole in a lather , so I starts home all alone by meself , and wid no body wid me . I thought what a blessing a a potheen of the rale stuff was , and then I wanted some frind to tread on the tail of my coat , for love , money , or whiskey ; but I was obleged for to be afther going home widout a bit of a fire , singing

      " Saint Patbrick was a gintleman ) And came o * daoent payple ; He built a church in Dublin town , And an it put a stayple ; whin all at onat I comes aginst a house , or a house comes against me , which is all the same yell say ; and I looked at it says , " Och , here's luck and Mother Griffiths ' a . " Wid that I tries the door , and finds it fastened against a gentleman . Wid that , I says , " Misthress Griffiths , ye'll perticlarly obleege me by taking off yer night cap , and opening the door ; " faitb , but she didnt come , and I tried to make meself happy while " She lay fast asleep , snug in bed and snoring , While round the house I crept , her hard heart imploring . " " Misthress Griffiths , asthore , but won't ye let me in Ocb , dirtby butter to ye ; and ye'll keep me bere in starvation , will ye ? " says I—

      " Och , I find I waste my breath , and may the ague take ye , — Sure I will catch my death—the divil himself can't wake ye . " ABd bo , yer Honour ' s glory , I jist let the few potheens of whiskey put me shoulder to the door , and in it wint , and so did I . It closed , yer Honour , and , by St . Pathrick , I was all alone in the dark , without a living soul to spake % o but tables and chairs . I thought it was all over , wid me , and was a giving up the ghost when that ugly sinner , Masther Downey , to « k me away for to be put in the hole , " That ' B aU I have to say ; and , perhaps , ye'll think it enough too , " quoth Paddy , concluding hia address witb a profound salamto the Jury , with a ditto to bis Lordship .

      The . Learned Judge re-called Mrs . Downey , ana ascertained that prisoner bad taken lodgings at a Mrs . Griffltbs ' s , two doors from the house entered ; and , * b « eupon , directed a verdict of Not Guilty , which was ¦ i t once returned . Upon leaving the bat , Paddy again went through bis bowing and scraping—saying to his Lordship , " I wish heaven may blow a favour on yer Lordship when ye die . "

      *« , & « ... . . Ykouanry . —A parliamentary return }; published yesterday morning , of the number and expenses of the effective yeomanry of Great Britain , in -the year 1842 , states the number . of troops to hate-ifeea 247 , containing ; 831 officers , and 13 , 351 menv'ttie total expense connected with whose maintenance waa £ 101 . 831 8 a lid . The amount voted by Parliament £ 82 , 458 , thus showing the excess of expenditure beyond the vote of Parliament to have been about £ 19 , 373 . The reason of the excesaarise from unforeseen charges on account of corfTs oalled out in aid of the civil power . Six yeomanry corps , containing six troops and 472 men , now serving gratnuonsly . areto be placed upon the permanent eBtablMBft ^ tfKi » r » ft 1 st of next month ; and seven ^ ajWR ^ S ^^ A consist of 16 troops and 935 men , a ^ WWSb ^ Bi ^^ X raised for the year 1843 . jj ~ i &i ? v- *» V . » . vc ^ J i r < y » J , * ' 'f *' v ^ w- ^ i 7 ''" -. ¦> "i if r + jf' * " : *¦" ' // S ^ y"ft y * if " |^ i&j v ' ' $ M * $ * & \ j JO' " ^*"«^ /^•~ 'X * $ ^ 89 it

      Empmal ^Afltament.

      Empmal ^ afltament .

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      THE NORTHERN STAR . J

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 25, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct927/page/7/