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    • THE HOBTHE&ff STAR SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1843.
    • 2To tteetoevg aw& ®&vte&$QVtottrtfr
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      Untitled Article

      TO THB CBARTISK OF SOUTH LANCASHIRE . P 3 ) eas Brothers , —Ton are a-srare that previous to the iBsnisg of the present Lecturers' P an . a notice appeared in the " Northern Star" to the effect that each locality forward to the District Secretary information as to -whether they intend to remain on the Plan , or otherwise ; the name or names of parties in their locality-who -were Trilling and competent to be placed -upon the Plan as lecturers for this district ; and -whether any of those already on the Plan -wished , to have their tihttips erased . Bnt , notwithstanding this notice , and ft delay of four -weeks , to give time for them to forward the information required "before the bringing out of the present plan , Toy lev of the localises thought proper to answer the notice , or forward-to the Secretary the information he desired . He , therefore , took their -silence as an admission that they , intended to remain

      on the Plan as usual ; but no sooner is the Plan published , and the lecturers commence their labours according to its provisions , t *>* " first one place and den another state that they did-not intend to be on the Plan for the present . And , in the same manner , several of the lecturers have ¦ wilhiira'wn their names . * Thpnfi proceedings have thrown the district into confusion , an-1 rendered the present plan * entirely useless . is , therefore , indispensably necessary to get a correct Plan out as speedily as possible . And it Sb hoped that the localities will not neglect their duty on this occasion , but forward the information required by sending delegates to the meeting , to be held on Sunday , Jan . 22 ad ? or by forwarding , by letter , their determination , before the above data , to We Diion , 2 fo 11 , Jfelsonstreet , Tank Top , Manchester . By attending to this yon -will oblige , Tours in the cause , Wk . Disos , District Secretary . Manchester , Jan . 11 , 1843 .

      Untitled Article

      TO ALL GOOD CHABTI 3 T 3 . Leicester , Jan , 9 , 1843 . BiETHBES , —William EUis ' a -widow and her innocent children are in need of an asylum . It is proposed to set her up in some small business—as a news-agent or something of that iind . John Cleave is the treasurer lor a fond to be raised -with that intent We commenced it at the Conference , 2 took a cap round to every member , and the sum collected -was £ 3 6 s-, in addition to 2 s . 6 d . from Mr . O'BicgitiB , the ciuurmsn , and 2 i Sd . riven him for this benevolent purpose by seme Complete Suffrage gentleman . I most urgently entreat jou to use every effort towards raising this fund

      to a decent aim—a sum sufficient te start the poor "widow comfortably . PermiJ me , also , toihrow out another hint . Cannot some of you point ont a suitable locality for Mra . Ellla ? Some friends proposed that she should go to Burslem , but she sheds tears immediately when Burslem is mentioned—ihs dreads going there . Poor Ellis , too , * n one of the letters I have received towards compiling the memoir ( which I shall have itady very shortly ; expresses s sense of horror at the thought of his wife and children goics to reside at Bundem / Do you know the { actions say , " they win exterminate the whole brood oftheHliBes !"

      Ifow , asder such circumstances , I say poor Mrs . Knia shall not go to Borslem , and your hearte will impel yon tossy so too . Find a place for her , then ; some good hearty Chartist locality , -where she and her children "will -be respected , and made as comfortable as their deep-seated sorrow will permit . Thomas Cooper .

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      TO THE CHABTISTS OP GREAT BRITAIN . Bead the speech of the Americas President , Jobs Tyler , ielivered the 6 th ^ December , 1542 , and xompare it -with ^ ther speeches , speeches delivered to slaves , "who are not worthy of knowing how the business of the nation they support and -uphold is carried on . A humbug is issued , and called s most gracieus speech , addressed to two elasses of men , the greatest portion cf whom are the BTipmip * uf mankind . How jnuch better would it be even for me to address you as fellow citizens , instead of slaves , as yon are and will be , until you are as jealous of your liberty as you are of your -wives and sweethearts .

      The President , John Tyler , in the second paragraph of hlB speech , says , *• Fellow Cifiasna . " He tellBtbem in the course of his speech , that America would not consent to the right of search , that America . could manage her own affaire without the interference of other nations . Pray inquire into this , and understand it thoroughly . Ask yourselves -wbj the Americans Tronld not allow the vessels of other nations to detain and search their ships , -ender the pretest of looting for slaves ? The answer is simple . They are jealous of theirliberty . They have it , and they know bow to keep it . Pray inquire again—Is there another nation 3 a the -world who dare refuse the right of search ? The answer is so , and the question again is why sot ? 1 say they dare sot be free . The despots -would say , if you will not do as we wish , we will not protect you against your people , and you will not long be a iiDg without our aid .

      Look at the American press and judge for yourselves ; yea see in that no wringing to royalty , no support for srbltaiy judges or magistrates ; no humbug of Church and State , no bloated filthy Bishop legislators , no centralisation . How different from the vile press of England , with the exception of you own , which you must support sad augment if yon will be ciSzans . There is Be despotic Times in America , there is a certain wicked Toan . there , & Wt . Lynch , -who is a great enemy to despotism , although a great despot himself , -which plainly shows that despotism is the only thing to destroy despots , for when despotism and despots fight , they , like the Irishman ^ eats , destroy each other . l ~ wisb to impress upon yonr minds the true sense and value of the word citizen , and the great necessity of your being such as Boon as possible .

      Now-Tnarlc , particularly , who says " feflow-citizBns , and Is whom these sacred words are addressed . Ask yourselves the repairing , and you will gnd that John Tyler , being a -dEzsn , has been chosen by his fUlo-weitrasua to preside over them for a time , at the end of which , he -will be John Tyler , and a fellow-cicizsn , with the difference of having been chosen by a free people , to fulfil the highest situation in the world . John Tyler , is , in America , as a King in any other country , with the following exceptions—a king is hated by the people , he cannot leave his palace but in secresy and even then , thousands of soldiers and police are necessary to protect > "Tn from the -people ' s vengeance , say from hit loyal subjects . The press call them his loyal subjects . John Tyler can walk the streets respected by every one he meets-Merit alone can make a -man a President , but an idiot , a murderer , or a blind man , miy be a King . A POIJTICAl . MAXT 3 R .

      Untitled Article

      T TTR BIRMINeHAH CONFERENCE . I ^ ET TEB . IL TO THB XDITOR OP THE 30 RTHERH STAR . Srs—In my last I pointed out the position which the Complete Suffrage party took in the late Conference , and after comparing their conduct with their avow « i principles , showed the inconsistency , and the relation in which they really stood to the Conference after they had seceded . I will now enter into some of the principal arguments -wHch have been used by them to justify tbeir own wnduct , and in doing this I must necessarily take individuals , for bodies do not reason in a mass , though by adopting the arguments of an individual , and pursuing the course of conduct advised , they become responsible for such arguments and conduct

      Mr- Richard Gardener said , that" It should be first of all distinstty nndtrstoodtaat in no one principle had they differed , ii was simply a question of discipline and order ; and the majority having compelled the secession of the council and the minority , by obstructing the regular business of the Conference , in violation of the ordinary rules of every assembly , they were now met te proceed-with the consolidation of these-mattera . " This is certainly a singular argument to advance for taking so important a step—important because it was impossible to famish the enemies of the people with a more powerful weapon than the inconsistency of the professed advocates ef freedom , who by this means seek to rtfry >» A ' ygriwp , to the -whole , and throw ridicule and odium upon the principles , for which consequence those

      ¦ have famished the means must be held responsible How , then , can " s simple question of discipline and order" justify them in toying the cause so open to attack ; for the more simple the cause from vdhich they aded , Hut more fodious xntdcal pable is their conduct ; but be sayB the majority compelled them to secede . What 1 Because the dia&pTixe and order was to Deregulated by a majority , the miBority -were compelled to secede ; truly thiB 1 b strange democracy . Bn * he afterwards enaeavourB to catch prejudice by ssying that the majority •• had obstructed the regular business of the Conference . " Now what part of the business of the Conference did the majority obstruct ? The circular eonvenmgtbe Conferencaagpresslysaya the "Conference met to prepare a bin , * there is not a single , word

      about * bill prepared by the council , and which the Conference was to receive as tie baas or discussion , on pain ef their high displeasure and loosing tkeji -ndueatOe services , and moreover being placed by Messrs . Gardener , Miall , Ritchie , Brewster , and-Ca , under the banof excommunication from the -Conference- ; and itis not only expressed in the Circular -that we met to " prepare a blD , " but rasohition seventeen of thB former Conference , and to carry out which the last last Conference assembled , is— " That this Conference having adopted such just principles cf representation , as are necessary for giving to all classes

      their equal share of political power ; resolve at some future period to call another Conference ( in "which the -whole people may be fully represented ) for the purpose of considering ANT documents which embody the necessary details for working cut the above principles , "—and again , their own programme says , " At the first meeting of the Executive Committee to be held immediately after the close of thisBession , ALL documents which are snpposed to embody the necessary ; details for -working out the principles of Complete Suffrage , lEust be placed in their hands . " Thl » either does or does not mean what it says -. if it doesimply-whatit sbjs , tfren , according to their own

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      order of laying down business , the Conference was not assembled nnder any obligation to receive a bill prepared by the Ouncil ; but the Executive Committee was to be the first formed , and ALL documents , supposed to embody the necessary details , were to be submitted to them . Then how -was it , that instead of pursuing this course , -which was laid down by themselves , they were so -resolute in pressing their invidious " priority ' ? and then after refusing to carry out the resolution passed at the former Conference , and for which purpose

      we were assembled—after breaking faith with the invitation by which wa were convened—for some reason or another , setting aside their own programme , and after submitting the question to a vote , retiring from the Conference , thus violating an important principle , and furnishing the enemies of the people with a weapon against them ; they endeavour to throw all the edinm upon the Chartist delegates , and , despite the evidence of their own documents , have the assurance to accuse them of " obstructing the regular business of the Conference . "

      The Rev . E . Miall said , " they must bear in mind that the Council who had convened that body , was , after all , the germ of whatever life the Conference had ; that it was the creature of the Council , for the purposes stated to be their main object" *—( hear , hear ) . Such language as this , is so repulsive to the principles of democracy , and the sense of dignity with which those principles should inspire us , and so contrary to the nature of our invitation , as to require no further refutation rtwm to be placed in juxtaposition with the address by which we were convened , and the resolution , which for the purpose of carrying out , we were assembled .

      Let the Rev . E . Miall point out the paragraph in any public document , -which convened us as the creatures of the Council . We assembled as the delegates of the people , honestly and to the best of our ability to " prepare a bill to be submitted to Parliament , for securing the just representation of the whole people , " and "to determine the best legal and constitutional means for energetically and peaceably carrying out the above ebjeets . " I indignantly repel the assertion that we went there as the creatures of the Council . In another letter , I intend alluding to the great stumbling block , *• physical force , " and show who have been , and who are its abettors .

      I remain , Sir , Yours tiuly , R . T . MORRISON . Nottingham , January 9 feb , 1842 . ? Both Mr . Gardiner ' s and the Rav . E . Miall ' s speeches are taken from the report of the Nonconformist

      The Hobthe&Ff Star Saturday, January 14, 1843.

      THE HOBTHE&ff STAR SATURDAY , JANUARY 14 , 1843 .

      Untitled Article

      THE LAND !

      THE ONLY HEAXS OF SAI . VATIOS FOB THB STARVING WORKERS . Thr progress of pnblio opinion in respect to the lasd , as a means of salvation , is indeed most rapid and most satisfactory . Even the Free-trading portion of the community , those who have enunciated that " it would be a blessing if England was encrusted with lava , to prevent the growth of a single blade of grass , " are at last compelled to admit that improved modes of culture are the means by which our agricultural brethren are to meet the altered circnmstance 3 of the times ; while in every direction you meet with distinct proposals to unite the ontilled soil and the unemployed labour and the unemployed capital of the country , for the purpose of producing national wealth . The question is forcing its way into every circle , and is attaching to itself adherents of every persuasion .

      Right glad are we that this is the case . Long have we held the opinion , and often have we expressed it , that nntil we return to the soil from which we have been unnaturally divorced , and employ a due amount of our energy , skill , aad capital to the fostering , encouraging , and advancing of the science of Agriculture , England can never enjoy internal peace or security , or her labourers have well-filled pantries and well-clothed backs .

      Where are we to find employment for the machinery-displaced labourer , but upon the land ? The loud cry of distress that rings through our manufacturing towns arises mainly from the fact , that in the processes of manufacture , male adult labour has been almost entirely superseded ^ either by the cheaper labour of adult female ? , infantile ** hands , " or inanimate machinery . Of work there is enough ! The mills and other manufacturing establis ment 3 turn out plenty of manufactured goods But those goods are mostly machine-made . Adult labour is not now in request in their production .

      Vast numbers of able-bodied labourers are without employment , even when our manufactories are running extra hours ; and these in their endeavour to procure the means of existence at all , necessarily pull down the wages of those of their brethren who are fortunate enongh to procure employment , by offering their services at a less and still less rate of remuneration . And this process is constantly going on ! More machinery is constantly being set ap ; and machines still farther simplifying the manufacturing processes , and still further dispensing with animate attendance , are daily

      being introduced . Look , for example , at the machine-making business itBelf ! The march of " improvement" in this walk of industry has been so rapid of late , that now an establishment fitted-up with new and improved tools ; with the self-acting planing-machines ; the self-acting lathes ; the screwing-machines ; the drilling-machines ; the cuttingengines ; the slotting-engines : an establishment fitted np with these and similar * tools , " will turn oat more " work" with twenty " hands , " than only some . three years ago , could have been turned outjwith one hundred " hands . " Yes , the machinemakeiB have been latterly busily engaged in the production of machines to supersede themselves

      And this is but a sample of the working of the whole . Let any one now go into a machine-making establishment ; and let him ascertain the number of adults employed , and the number of minors ; and then let him compare their relative proportion now with a period only ten years ago ; and he will see the working of the whole system strikingly exemplified . Adult labour is being driven oat of the manufacturing labour-market . Fora while the supersede ^ ones live on the earnings of their wives ortheir" little ones f then the parish is appealed to ; the man becomes broken-spirited and pauperized ; squalid misery , abject wretchedness , and otter destitution is the consequence ! and enough of this meets the eye at every turn .

      Again we ask , what earthly chance is there of finding remunerative employment for those thus displaced , but by bringing them upon the untOled boU , supplying them ; with the necessary capital to make a start , and thus enable them to produce the food they eat—to . earn their bread by the sweat of their brow ! We may be told that" Extension ^ Trade" win open the doors of the mills again , and call into play the unemployed labour . We answer that

      POBMEB EXXKH 5 I 0 KS OP TBADB HATE NOT DONE this ! We answer that our trade for the last fifty years has been constantly and continually " extending" ; that in that short period it has " extended" SIX TIMES OVER * that the labourer has full employment and good wages when trade was only one-sixth the amount it now is ; and that when trade is . sir times as " extensive " as it then was , one portion of the labourers is

      utterly destitute for want of employment , and the other portion starving upon insufficient wages No ! No J " Extensions of Trade" have not yet enhanced the comfort and weal ef the mass of the workers engaged in manufacturing pursuits ; and , unless the nature of things change ; unless the like causes cease to produce the like effects , it is not to be predicated that another Extension of Trade" will produce that which all former " extensions" have failed to nrodnoe .

      Besides , h is contrary to the principles of " political economy" that the mill doors can be again opened to the adult labourer ! This would be a return back" to the " old , barbarous , and expensive modes of production " . ' Who but a " goth" would dream of such a thing ? " In a world of progress to talk of going back again , is to insult common sense " Can it be bettered that the possessor of capital will lay aside the cheaper processes of production , and

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      take to the dearer ones 1 Can this be expected ? Is this in accordance with every man ' s experience , throughout the whole of the world ' s duration ? No , no ; to go back is impossible ! " Improvement " is the order of the day . New inventions to enable us to produce cheapeh , and thus to meet the " keen foreign competition ' to whieh we are subject , are as necessary to our existence as a manufacturing nation , as it is impossible to lay aside the machines of the present day ' s use for the rude and bungling tools of a century ago ! Bring adult labour again into play !—how ? Would you have us to spin

      upon the jenny of thirty spindles ? Or mnst we take to the one of fifty ? Wonld you have us to lay aside the power-loom ! Or do you mean to have the power-loom attended by a great , big , hulking fellow of a man , when his infantile daughter is quite equal to the task of dancing attendance upon two ? Would you have us to discard the Lewis catting machine , and the Perpetual , and take to the old , obsolete , utterly discarded ShearB ? Would you have us to break up our planing-machines , and our self-acting turninglathes , to return to the old and inefficient modes of

      working iron by the hand-file and cbisel ! Would yon have us do these things ! If you would , we tell you rr cannot be done ! If you would not , pray tell us how you intend an " Extension of Trade" to employ the unemployed adult labourer I View the question in whatever light we may : turn it over as often as ever we choose ; to this conclusion we must come at last : that the only means of salvation for the starving workers , is to get them upon thk lakd where they will be able to produce more than they can consume , and be thus placed in an independent and enviable position .

      Holding this view , and entertaining this feeling , we have hailed with delight every endeavour to turn public attention to the occupation and employment of the land as a means of removing the direful poverty brought upon the sons of toil , by the joint operation of our grinding-taxation and mis-direoted application of machinery . Whoever has advocated the allocation of the poor upon the land , for the purpose of growing their own food , has found in us a hearty welcomer . On this question we have not

      asked whether the advocate of it was a Whig , a Tory , or a Chartist . Whatever has tended to form a public opinion in its favour ; whatever has seeded likely to turn public attention , to the consideration of the question , has been hailed by us with satisfaction . We have done some little ourselves to aid it onwards ; and we have alacratively given the productions of others , when our doing so could , in even a remote degree , serve the cause we deem of such essential moment .

      We were peculiarly gratified when we first learned that Mr . James Garth Marshall , of Leeds , had determined to try some experiments on the small allotment system , from a conviction that it was necessary to bring the soil into play again with manufactures , to enable the producers of wealth to oecnpy anything like an independent or comfortable position . We readily gove insertion to his written views upon the subject ; and have now great pleasure in calling public attention to what he has done in this matter since the publication of those written

      . Let not either the reader or Mr . Marshall misunderstand us . We do not mean it to be inferred , when thus speaking generally , that we think the mode that Mr . Marshall has adopted in bringing some of the unemployed labour of this district in contact with the land , to be the best , or even a commendable one , except in so far as it serves to direct pnblio attention , and form public opinion , upon the general question . We advocate , and look or , a quite different occupancy of the soil , from that

      which obtains under Mr . Marshall s auspices ; but this does not prevent us from giving him his due praise for being so far in advance of his class in this district , as to take the initiative in the application of the land as a remedy for pauperism and poverty . Viewing the matter generally , we hail it with all our heart : viewing it particularly , we mu 9 t regret that Mr . Marshall has not taken a deeper and wider view of the question , and sought to give an example to his class which would have been worthy of all imitation .

      The small allotment system is but an ekeing-out of the slender means of the under-paid operative . It is because he cannot earn living wages in return for his daily toil , that the small allotment is made him ; in which he can spend the time which he ought to have for recreation , and for the instruction of his family , in adding a few comforts to his otherwise scanty board . The small allotment is not sufficient to keep him fully employed ; or to return him sufficient for his own and his family ' s sustenance .

      It is , at best , but an ekeing-out . It belters his condition , we grant . Ii is a good as far as it goes < we readily admit . But it does not place the man or the family , in an independent position ! He is not as an Englishman ought to be ! He cannot snap his finger at his fellow-man , should that fellow-man try to over-reach him , or oppress him . He cannot feel the true dignity of a freeman ; forjhe is not free . He iB not free to act upon Mb own judgment . He is , in fine , fully and truly dependent .

      The position we should wish man to occupy on the land , isone of independence ! To be there his own master ! To have sufficient of surface in his occupation to occupy his labour hours , and to return him an adequate living . To so occupy , that every improvement he made should be mainly his own , so that he might have every inducement to make improvements . In fine , we wish , in having the people allocated on the land , to form a natural market for labour , which , in its operation , shall so affect the artificial market , as to cause the producer in the latter to have sufficient wherewith to feed , clothe , shelter , and well-educate himself . It is clear that this never can be done by the wia // -allotment system : although it may be done by the small-farm system , with a proper tenure , and & right principle of rents .

      Still , maugre all these mighty and insurmountable objections to the small allotments , we hail their introduction amongst the Leeds operatives by Mr . Marshall as a great good . They will lead to a better application of thb iand ! The allotment system is but a forerunner of that more perfect system which will dr » g us out of the quagmires and sloughs which an excessire taxation and an insane application of mechanical and scientific power have plunged us into . * The following appeared in the Leeds papers of Saturday last . It is with much gratification that we give it greater currencv : —

      EXPERIMENTAL ALLOTMENTS . " It is with peculiar pleasure that we lay before our readers the following particulars , illustrating the auccess of Mr . James Q . Marshall ' s benevolent experiment to relieve the peor by letting to them small portions of land to be cultivated on the system of spade husbandry . The acconnfc will be read with great interest , and we cannot but think that many of our townsmen will feel a desire , after this auspicious commencement , to have the allotment system established on a more extensive scale , and pfeibaps by some public association : — " At Headlngley there are 22 t' nants , occupying from 20 to 40 rods each , at sevenpence per rod per annum , or at the rate of £ i 13 a . 4 d . per acre .

      " At Holbeck there are eighty tenants on the land recently appropriated , occupying from ten to twenty rods each , aV the yearly rent of from 6 d . to 9 d . per rod , or at the rate of £ 4 to £ 6 per acre . " There are further at Holbeck 33 tenants , who have been before occupiers of allo tments ; makifig 135 tenants in the whole , and 11 a . 2 r . 29 * . occupied . " The whole of the tenants have now paid their first quarter ' s rent without a single instance of default or arrears , sitting down afterwards to a cheerful rent-day dinner at Headingley on the 26 th ult , and at Holbeck on the 2 nd inst ., where upwards of 100 were assembled in Messrs . Marshall and Sons' new school-room .

      " We subjoin the rules on which the allotments ar e conducted . The rent is calculated to cover tha amorint previously paid for the land by the farmer , together with the rates and taxes and expenses of fendrjij and draining paid by the landlord . " The arrangements hav < s beea conducted .- under the management of Mr . Bolls , an experienced agriculturist , who has had the management of gimil&r . allotments in the south of England .

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      i . - — i n . ¦ ¦ ¦ i . i _ i ——— ^ a ^ a t ¦ ¦ -- ¦ — i ¦ ¦ ii — ——^—" The allotments both at Headingley and Holbeck are occupied by famlles taken principallyr but not exclusively , from the class who are in destitute circumstances from want of regular employment , and not habitual pensioners on the poor-rates . It has been thought advisable to include some in better circumstances , both to prove to the poorer occupiers the value of the allotments , which are Bought after as a boon by those who have sufficient other resources , and also for the advantage of example to be hoped for from those who have superior means of cultivating their land .

      " A useful little work by Paxton on ' Cottage Gardening , ' was distributed on the occasion ef both of the meetings ; and after the Holbeck meeting , Mr . James Q . Marshall made a few remarks and suggestions , on the advantages and best mode of conducting the allotment system ; and Mr . Parker , the schoolmaster , having just returned from spending his Christmas vacation at Nottingham , was able to give some interesting particulars of the successful progress of the allotment system in that locality , where it has been long practised , and now amounts to 8000 , cottage gardens . Mr . Bolls gave some useful suggestions to the tenants ou the advantage of Subscriptions amongst themselves for procuring seed , &a . jointly at a cheap rate , and in other practical matters .

      BAJLfcS . " 1 . The rent to be paid quarterly on the 24 th of Deo . 31 st March , 30 th June , and the 30 th September . If not regularly paid , the landlord shall be entitled to re-enter and take possession of the land immediately upon such default of payment " 2 . The landlord shall pay all rates , taxes , and tithe . " 3 . The tenant shall keep in good repair the fences adjoining his allotment ; and shall cultivate and manage his allotment in such manner as the landlord or his agent may approve of . " 4 . No tenant shall be allowed to underlet ; nor to cultivate except by spade husbandry .

      " 5 . It either party wish to put ao end to the agreement , one quarter ' s notice shall be given , and a valuation shall be put upon the crops , to be paid by the oncoming tenant , . " . Any disputes which may arise between tenants respecting their allotments shall be referred to the landlord ; his decision to be binding . " 7 . If any tenant shall be convicted of felony or other offence against the laws of his country , he shall forfeit the crops in the ground , and the landlord shall be entitled to seiae the crop and re-enter on the land without giving notice . " Again we beg that we may not be mistaken . In thus spreading abroad the above statement , we do not mean to praise the system it describes , other than in general terms .

      We do not , nor oan we , commend it to general practice . As a beginning , we hail it ! As an end , it is condemnable ! The tenure even of the small piece allotted to the labourer is a bad one ; or is rather almost no tenure at all . We admit that in a case which is avowedly " an experiment , " all can not be as might be desired . We do not wish to raise a single objection that might operate as a stumbling-block in Mr . Marshall ' s way : but in dealing with a question generally , and in praising his efforts to better the condition of his Factory " hands , " we must in justice to ourselves , and in justice to him too ,

      point out the grounds on which we accord that praise . We have before done this , in saying that we are satisfied and even pleased with the exertions of any and ever } one who points attention , as he has done , and is doing , to the land as a means of salvation . We look upon his conduct , in this particular , with peculiar satisfaction . His family are the largest millowners in Leeds , or in the West-Riding of Yorkshire . They are reported to have made the most mtney by the operation of the mill-system of any family in England . We have quarrelled , and shall always quarrel , with the system , which while it has given them their millions , has also made it necessary for the worker in those mills to have allotted to him some twenty rods of land

      to enable him to eke out his mill-wages to a living-point . But we do not quarrel with Mr . Marshall for expending a portion of his money so obtained , to the procuring of those twenty rods for the eustentation of the man who has made him what he is . On the contrary , we hold it to be , generally , a rightful and praiseworthy application } and one which does credit to the heart of the gentleman who in this , as in many other things , has proved himself to be in advance of his class . However we may disagree with the means which have enabled the Marshalls to become possessed of their millions , we certainly do not disagree with the expending of a portion of them so as to prooure additional comfort to the working man who has earned them .

      We have said that the tenure indicatedflin the statement of Mr . Marshall ' s allotment doings is bad . We do not purpose to go further into the question at present ; but merely beg to call his attention , and the attention of the reader generally , to the following extract from the Morning Chronicle of Wednesday last . The question of tenure is there put iu a strong light ; and wo adduce this as proof that i the views and opinions which we are well

      known to entertain on this branch of the subject are making their way into proper quarters . When we have the people occupying the soil , under pkoper tenure , and on a right principle of rents—then , but not till then , may we hope for better days and better doings amongst us . That proper tenure muBt be / urity of tenure . The advantages of it , and the disadvantages arising from want of it , are well set forth in the following extract : —

      At a public dinner in Drogheda , on Wednesday last , Nicholas Boylan , Esq ., of Hiltown House , in returning thanks for bis health having been drunk , made the following remarks on the subject of fixity of tenure .-r" I have taken a lively Interest in the Agricultural Society , aud have been the treasurer of that body , but I regret much that no one of our societies has taken a proper view of the best means of improving the culture of £ tbe soil , , by placing the relations of landlord and tenant on a proper basis—( hear , hear , and cheers . ) I will mention an anecdote which proves the necessity for some protection to the tenant , and I trust it will go

      abroad on the wings of the press . It has happened that a gentleman of large property had some land to let to a tenant at the fair rent of 25 a . per acre ; this year the land produced , in consequence of good management , an excellent crop of twenty barrels of oats per acre . The landlord became aware of that fact by his tenant taking a premium , and was present when the tenant sold the produce at a fair price ; when the landlord turned round on him and said , 'You got the highest price for your produce , and I find you have my land too cheap ; I must get from you £ 4 an acre , the real value of it , hereafter ;' thus making the tenant pay an enormous rent because

      he was skilful and industrious , and taking to hlmseif the profits of the tenant ' s labour . ( Cries of ' shame , shame . ') Who would venture to improve land under a system in which such an act could be committed ? ( Hear , hear . ) I regret that some of the landlords will thus turn the improvements entirely to their own advantage . I regret this as a member of the parent Agricultural Society ; and the gentleman who acted as I describe is a member of one of the branches . ( Hear , hear , and shame . ) I would resign wy office of treasurer .-if it waB not that I wish to ascertain whether the landlords will take the opportunity of doing that which alone oan insure the improvemeiit of the soil ;

      th&t is , to give fixity of tenure . ( Loud cheering . ) I give my opinion on this subject as a practical man . Gentlemen sign their names as presidents aud vice-presidents , and secretaries of agricultural societies , aud claim credit as persons anxious to improve agriculture : I would much rather see them sign their names to good leases ; but this they have not done—( loud and continued cheers ) . I took the liberty of mentioning , a few days since , at Navan , that , as it was impracticable to compel the landlords to give leases , it would be well if there was ah act passed to enable the tenant to register his drains as permanent b cproveraents for the landlord , as he registers bis trees : and when he is obliged to leave

      bis land he might \ # able to call upon his landlord for the value of his V mprovoments . 1 defy Mr . Sniitb , of DernBton , or Mr . purcell , to improve without thorough draining ; give , then , to the . tenant the power to register these d ' . alns , and the land will be improved—( loud cheers ) . I do not require that the landlord should give up an ; portion of his property . Register the drains , and these * * ill become his property on bis allowing the out-going tenant their value . This wonld be a practical good in \ be case of those landlords who now give only seveatf . en or eighteen years' leases . I wish that every parisr i in Ireland would prepare petitions for such a law . ''

      We haye now exhausted all the space it is possible to devote to this question at the present . Next week we shall return to it , and show what other parties are doing on the land , who hold with us that THE land is the only means of salvation . Salford . —It is proposed to apply , in the next session of parliament , for a charter of incorporation , and to make the municipal borough of the same extent as the parliamentary borough of Salford .

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      THE " SUCKING PIGS" AND THE "WHOLE ! HOGS . " In accordance with our promise of last week , we return to the consideration , ef the efforts of the Storgemen at the Co nference to cajole the Chartists ; and to get the semblance of anything which could be called national concurrence in their schemes . We come , then , to the four resolutions moved by Mr . Beqgs :-t

      " 1 . That this Conference convened in conformity with a resolution passed at the first Complete Suffrage Conference , held at Birmingham , April 4 th—8 th , 1842 , and having for its paramount objeet the consideration ( of the necessary details of a bill embodying the principles then agreed upon , namely : — The extension' of the Suffrage to all male adults , not deprived of the right of citizenship by a verdict of a jury of their countrymen—vote by ballot—equal eleetoral districts—abolition of a property

      qualification for members of Parliament—payment of members for their services—and annual Parliaments ; —do now declare the adoption of these principles ; pledges itself to employ suoh means only for obtaining the legislative recognition of them as are ojf a strictly just , peaceful , legal , and constitutional character ; and will forthwith proceed to fulfil the mission with which it has been entrusted , resolved to support its chairman in preventing the introduction of any proposition not in accordance therewith .

      " 2 . —That as this Conference will resist the introduction of any topic not obviously relevant to its main design , jso it also disclaims all interference with existing organisations , recognising as its paramount duty , the arriving , if possible , at a cordial agreement in reference to the object towards which peaceful agitation may be directed . " 3 . — -That this Conference , agreeable to resolution 17 , passed at the first Conference , is prepared to receive and to consider all documents which may be laid before ic , and which may be supposed to contain an embodiment of the necessary details for working

      out the prinoiplea already recognised . " 4 . —That the documents so to be presented to this Conference , be taken into consideration at the opening of our next [ Session , by a Committee consisting of the whole body of the delegates ; and that the Committee be instructed to observe the following rules : —1 . That the bill to be presented by the Council of the ^ National Complete Suffrage Union , ' be taken as the basis of discussion . 2 . That each clause as it is read shall be considered part passu , with the correlative clause of the other documents . 3 . That all amendmentts be handed up to the Chairman iu writing !"

      After every possible " dodge" to get a Conference after their own kind had been resorted to and failed , it became necessary to try what could be done with suoh materials as they had : and we certainly give them credit for having done this with sufficient artfulness . Had the Conference , as a body , been gujlible , the specious manners and the sly manoeuvres of the SiURSE-meu might have promised them success . Of this we have' an instance in the moving of their four resolutions all at once' The SxuRGE-men knew better than to submit them separately to the discussion of the Conference . The first three

      resolutions were long , plausible , and seemed to require but little observation , and to admit of not much objection . They were the bait therefore upon which to hang the fourth , which , under their cover , it was hoped would pass unnoticed-There is much evidence in these resolutions of deep , anxious , and well laid , design . The resolutions were prepared and printed , so that the Sturgetnen could bo well acquainted with them , and know all their purpose and their bearings ; but not a single copy wasin the Conference , among the Chartist Delegates ; they were to take them on trust from hearing . them

      once mumbled over , amid the murmuring conversation constantly going : on in a large meeting , and at a distance many of the Delegates could not hear them read at all . It was seen cleariy that in this way , if any debate should occur , the attention of the Conference would be fixed upon some one point of some one of the four , while the bulk and body of the resolutions would be lost sight of ; and that thus , if the delegates could be " jockied" upon the single limb , the whole carcase might be dragged through . It was a deep fetch , but it would not carry . The delegates were too astute . The right limb was laid hold of , and the monster was dismembered .

      To show that there is more in these resolutions than was intended to meet the eye , we shall bestow some little attention on them ; and it is strange if we do not find in them evidence that the Sturgemen had , throughout , and from beginning to . end , made up their minds that the " union" which they have always so pathetically urged , was just the very thing they were determined not to have . We point especially to the second of these resolutions , which pledges the Conference against any interference with " existing organizations . " This resolution directly contravenes the object of the Conference / as stated by themselves . In their own circular it is stated that the Conference was to meet : —

      " For the purpose of preparing a Bill to be submitted to Parliament for securing the just Representation of the whole People ; and for determining on such Peaceful , legal , and constitutional MEA . NS AS MAY CAUSE IT TO BECOME THE LAW OF THESE REALMS . " It was clear , then , that the " paramount duty" of the Conference was not , as stated in this resolution , restricted to the iriere consideration of " the object " towards which peaceful agitation might be directed . It embraced also the " means" for its attainment . And what right had the Complete Suffrage Council

      to debar the Conference from the consideration of any and all "peaceful , legal , and constitutional means" for the accomplishment of its own purposes ! Had this resolution been proposed separately and in its own place , after the " preparation of a bill" , it would hare become a serious and important matter for consideration , whether ! the most efficient of ail" meanB " for the causing of that bill to become law might not be found iu such '' interference with existing organizations "—suoh judicious amendments and alterations in the organization of the Complete Suffrage Union , or of the National Charter Association , or of

      both , as might have formed the two into one workable harmonious body , in which all the energy and influence and power of all the advocates of that bill might have been brought into one focus and phalanx This woald have looked like earnest sincerity . This would have gained them the confidence of all . It would have gained them even our confidence , who lave never yet had ; faith in them . But this would have led to "UNION "; this would have destroyed party bickerings and disputes about leadership ; it would have brought all the avowed advooates of Universal Suffrage into one camp—concentrated

      their efforts iu one ! systematic plan of action—and have thus secured j that w unity" wherein lies the " strength" of all ] popular movements . This was the very thing the { STURGE-men never wanted—the very thing they always dreaded ; hence the constant doctrine of Friend f No , " that he did not wish the Chartists to join him—he wished to see them go on with their own Association ; hence the " parallel line" doctrine of I Mr . Spencer ; and hence , the resolution , seoondj of Mr . Bbggs' batch ,

      ahelaiming all Union of the friends of . the proposed Bill , as to the means of its enactment ! There needs no other argument than this one albne to satisfy the minds of any unprejudiced man , who is not a fool , that the object of the Sturgjemen has always been to perpetuate divisions when they found them among the Universal Suffrage ranks ; while many other portions of tbeir conduct show equally their determined purposejand the de | ep , dirty schemes resorted to , * for the creation of divisions when they found union in

      those ranks . Indeed we have found this so universally the case , that we begin now to suspect , the moment we hear a man bawline about " union , " that his purpose is ] to cause " a split" somewhero . . We have always ] found that men . who reaJ . y wish for union manifest their anxiety raj ' aer by taking care to do nothing to create disunion than by making a great noise about it . If Mr . Lovgrr had not moved his amendment just when h / e did , an amendment would , have been moved ™ that the resolutions now proposed be considered separately ; and that , as they are printed , every delegate be fnrnished witb . a copyjof them , and of the Bill referred to by them . " Mr . ILovktt , however , rendered this annecjSBary , by taking { ho Bill" at once" by the '

      Untitled Article

      horns . " His speech was a good one for the purpos B It laid the " Sucking Pigs" on their tail ends ^ i B tirely . It took from them every pretext for pen / 9 vering in their disuniting system ; and its result *« E just what we anticipated . 7 B Mr . LovEir did not ask the Council to witlidrj * B their Bill . He did not offer any objections to ju B spirit , or even the form , of the resolutions . g E merely asked that the very fair and reasooabu E position might be given to the Conference of baring E as the basis of their discussion and consultation . ' H Bill with which they were all familiar , which ira E

      simple in its terms , and brief in its provisions , ^ M which had the confidence of almost the w }^ M working people , in preference to the one now Intro . E duced , which , though avowedly maintaining th * II same principles , was , in detail and phraseology . E perfect stranger to all but the Stnrgemen theta- E selves ; and , indeed , to all of them except a chos $ M clique—the Council . They were at full liberty to E " pit" their Bill against the Charter ; to cojj . B pare and contest its several clauses one by one . m They were at full liberty to demonstrate tfo l | superiority of their Bill , clause by clause ; and , u E fast as they could do so to the satisfaction of tha M Conference , to reject the Charter aud to substitute it M

      by the Bill they had prepared . This would hva fl been a fair position . Every man in the Conference H had a ruzht to brine there a Bill of his own preparing M if he thought proper to do so , and to submit it to Bj a like ordeal of approval or rejection . This ri ght fl was recognised in the circular by which the Confe ; . || ence was called . The Conference was called nolin W agree to TH E bill to be then and there presented ; but M " to prepare A Bill , " &o . This wa 3 [ all tovgn W asked . He said "Let the Charter be read : we » U W know all about that ; and then if you have anything |§ better to suggest to us , we are ready to consider , m and , if we approve , to adopt it . " This was the tria M spirit of fair play ; the true spirit of " Conference "; If the only thing which could make the Conference ¦

      other than a farce . But the Sucking Pigs" said "NO " . We have called you here , not to confer B but to consent . You have " Hobson's choice" before ¦ you . You shall have , as the basis of your discussion , ¦ " THE Bill—our Bill—the Five Hour ' s Monster , I which you have never seen , and of which you don't I know a single word—or you shall nave no discos- 1 sion at all . Never , surely , werejmen . seeking Unioa ¦ so conciliatory as " the Sucking Pigs" ! B

      Untitled Article

      THE TWO IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS . I In accordance with our promise of last week , we I give in this week ' s Star two most important docu- E meats . The one , the Indictment , will need no com- B ment from us here . The time to comment on it 1 will be in Match next . Then we fancy that both 1 we and many others may have much to say upon and a respecting it . ¦ if

      The other document , the Minutes of the Confer- m ence , is well deserving of the attention of the people , g There they have the business of the - Confereoea 1 before them at a glance . There they wiil find th j division which sent the " Sucking Pigs" to seek their 1 Mother ; for that division let them know , for tia M first time , that they " were out " 1 Let the people i look well at the recorded rotes : they will learn fna 1 them an instructive lesson ! 1

      The suggested alterations and emendations ef i tIie Charter will also there be found . Tae 1 people will have learned before this , that no I alteration has been absolutely made ; the amend- 1 ments agreed to by the Conference being agreed t I on the distinct understanding , come to by an un&ni i mous vote , that they should be considered and i determined upon by the people themselves , in tbeir I several localities . We beg to call public attentios I to them . I

      We understand that it is the intention of Mr . I Hobson , our publisher , in accordance with an inn * I mation made to . and sanctioned by , the Conference ) I to publish the Minutes , including the People's I Charter , in a neat pamphlet form . It will thus be I ready of access on future occasions ; and will be of a value to the people in their consideration of the | several suggested amendments in the Charter , inas- I much as they will have the whole before them at | once . The pamphlet , we understand , will be ready next week ; it will consist of sixteen ' pages of royal ; 1 octavo ; aad will be sold for 2 d . %

      From an advertisement in another portion of this ' \ sheet it will also be seen that Mr . Cleats intends to print the Charter , with its suggested \ amendments , in his Chartist Circular , f or Id . Thai the Chartist body will have that document in two shapes : in a neat pamphlet form , together with all the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Conference , for 2 d . ; and in the Chartist Circular , minus thd Minutes , for Id .

      Untitled Article

      The " Three Leeds Delegates . "—Mr . William Brooke , of Leeds , has sent , a letter here , denying that he voted with the * ' artful dodgers" in tns matter of ( he committee referred to in last Star , and affirming that he voted for the motion made by Mr . Hill and seconded by Mr . Hobson . All I have to say upon the subject is ; that Mr . Brooke did not vote for the motion made by mtt ' and seconded by Mr . Hobson . He voted for the j amendment moved by Mr . Thompson , and seconded by Mr . Mitchell , the Complete Su ff rage men . ^ 1 saw him vote . —Wh . Hill . . — -. "A Constant Reader . "—We do not know tcS «"

      Mr . Carpenter is now doing . Jakes Hall . —Never mind the scrawler . William Mattinson desires us to say , that , o f the sum of £ 2 18 a -., published some time ago , forth Victim Fund , from Preston , 8 s . A ^ d . was frm Bambour-bridge . Crotdon Chartists . — We have not room for their address to Mr . Duncombe . T . B . Simnitt , Newark , would be glad to knovtif the Mr . Boothby , to whose pen me Sturge dow ment is attributed , be the same Mr . Boothby ah » figured at the last election as the agent of Sir T-, Wilde , M . P . I ¦ , ! Mfsticus Secretus . —We received his letten wh Jg f sitting in Conference at Birmingham , and do not know what has become of it .

      Will some kind friend send B . Butterly , Back A' / ijpnstreet , Halifax , a Northern Star of Mt w U , 1839 ? General Councillors . —We have over c na met again stated that lists of Council whif . ^ arrive after Wednesday morning cannot appear in the current week's Star . Will the South Wales Delegxte w {' e to the iruli * vidual who gave him his addrea # , on fa breaking up of the Birmingham Conf frVnce a [ an early date ? Charles Maunder . —His lettr , ^ reserved . "Sound Advice . "—A politic ^ mari , tr thus writes tt the Chartists of Great P » nain — " The following may , and or L ^ . 8 " erTe m example to » 11 true Cfeartists :-

      'The Portuguese gained a moral ravointion in 182 * From a severe deep ^ iam tbey became a demoensj ' without even a ' oioody neSe or an angry wo * They were calUd the mvere \ ga people . They w «» - told , by sincere f riends to be sure to manage thett own affairs ; b At ^^ thought they had gained tM Constitution ? A Gaatter > and aU would be right , f set of law ? ers forBed themselves upon the peop 8 as their le ^ fea ; said they were democrats ; p «' suaded ft # people they wanted their advice ; W cured t' ^ emselves in power , and sold their employer 4 < One of the 8 e gaid lawyers is now one n the C ^ neen ' g Ministers , at Lisbon . "The F jgmfc pe , ^ fo ^ t 183 o , and gained , W Wf -fid , a glorious revolution . They drove a ty »» b « sn his throne ; but , then , they conldnot man «» t / freii own affairs , or they-would not . Wk ****! ' i » . ie resmlt ? They allowed a man to take th ? K » who accepted the title of Citizen King ; and neB » done , with impunity , that which the despowkinff only ' talked of doing , and the French »»

      | still slaves . ida **« In the following year the Belgians gained as c ° mPi'r a victory over despotism as any to be t 0 ™ " 1 ?! coided in history . The whole was done bj «* . woiking people ; but when the middle classes » them masters , they came forward as leaders . *«» people put their affairs into their hands , ¦»» they sold them . The Belgians are now ««" again , with the difference , that under the » n «» yoke they supported half a royal family ; »™ . rL they have a whole one to maintain , and that usw to be a large one . " You see by these recorded examples , that itiB **? r use to agitate for . and gain by any means "Wj" ^ except you are determined to manage it W « w \ nave got it Let merit alone be a ^ f ^ Ll ^ for candidates who wish to serve you , —aud w - of humbug !"

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      Untitled Article

      4 THE NORTHERN STAR . I

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 14, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct918/page/4/