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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MR . H J . RICHARDSON . Themid-daypost of Thursdayvroek , brtraghtu 3 the following letter , ( cut from the Dundee Chronicle , of January 20 th , ) accompanied by a note from Mr . Stotfc , most earnestly requesting its insertion . Bein « received at that late period of the week , it was impossible then to attend to it . Last week it was displaced by other matter . We now give it : —
TO THB ZDITOS OF IHE 5 ORTHEE 5 SlAE . Resp-ECTed Sin , —Nothing has a greater tendency to retard the progress of democracy than quarrels amongst those whom the people look npoD as their leaders ; and it is truly grievioos to every lover of oar priccipJes to observe that of late these quarrels hare been exceedingly rife , and carr ied on with a vruoerate sp 'i ' ^ unbecoming m ~ n in the common T > urs \ iH of a r eat and glorious object . _ You , Sir , are well aware that smcethe unjust 1 m-T > r-onwW of cur Chartist brethren this feeling has beenexhibirea in too many instances ; and it is e ? sy for us to discern the cause . When men are cast into dungeons lor imaginary crimes , they are bewildered tv ihe vilianies practised upon them ; and
be be -efv cf adrice or consolation , eoupied with wjfenaas feelings , engendered by solitary reflection in Chair dunjceons , on the siate or ineir comparativek neglected w ; ves andfaraibcS , business and conjiecz ? i , v ?? i * it to be woaderea at if they ac ^ inoaastentiy with the principles they are suffering for ? I mase these remarks because it has been held up as a crime- for men to plead guilty -where guilt has no existence ; and men who haTe advised such pleadiE £ ? have been denounced as traituTS , But it should not be forgotten tbar in many bases there was as lutle justice to be found as there was gmh , and th&t pleading has , to our country ' s shame be it spoken long since become . mere matt f of form
, In your paper of November 20 ' , 1841 , was a letter , sigBfcd * 'A Bad : ca ! of the Old SehooV' in which letter imputations wtre cast upon the character oi B J . Itichards-en , in a series cf questions , to which were * appended a note by yourself , written in a very uncbari-able iiyle . The queries were as foi-Inw ^ •* i- \\ j 5 jt irneibsi 3 L-. Richardson went to Liverpool io £ ive evidence against his brother Chartist , Christopher Dean ? ^ " 2 . Is i : true mat ne waited there five or s ; x days fur that purpose , and received £ 6 . 6 * -., for his eiperces from the prosecuting attorney for his attendasce ?
W Is i : true that he told the Manchester friend ? , in escni-e for the postponement of his lectures , then advertissd for delivery , thai he had to go toj ) ubiin . and that he represented hiwself as being off for that city , a - 'he time he was waiting in Liverpool to give evidence agains : Dean } " 4 , Is it true that the constable who apprehended Dean told him that Richardson had been paid a fovereign for pointing out the house where he ( Dean ) was to be found 1 ' Having pat these queries , or , as the writter in the latter part of his leitc-r calls tliem , " charges , " he asks whether they are true or false , and concl udes by an anathema upon- the man who could be guilty of snch co'idueij-ra course utterly a-t variance with justice , ard to ordinary' readers conveys the idea of
a K fore £ t-ne conclusion , or as the lawyers ? ay , naKce prepense . Mr . Richard sob was applied to by his friencs to reply to the above charges , but he re " - fosed to do so , saying be should treat them with contempt ; stating also that it was an ungrateful attempt to destroy his name vdfa the public , to serve particular purposes which he did net chuse to name , but which to the world were evident . His friends , not saJi-died with bis silence , seeing thai the above couduct towards him was likely to deprive the public of iis future services to ths cause of democracy , and feeling anxious that he should not be forced into retirement , a ; once resolved to meet the charges , and sift ihem to the bottom . The whole affair having been investigated , I have been instructed to answer tout correspondent's allegations with candour and truths
To the first query we answer , it is not true ; and the / acts relative to the charge are these . When Dean was at Kirkdale he wrote to Richardson for lis advice , and requested him to see Mr . Hereford , the prosecuting attorney , about his case ; this iir . Richardson did , and received such information from him ihat induced Mr . Richardson to write to Liverpeel , -where Mr . Dean was awaiting his trial , and afterwards , an the Tequesi of the attorney , went to Liverpool , and eomniiinicated with Mr . Dean such information and instruction as was necessary to carry him through his approaching trial .
The second query has been paitly answered in the above paragraph . A 3 to his having received £ 5 6 s . for five or six days' services , we have made every inquiry , bus have noi been able to trace any such money to Mr . Richardson ' s hands . The probabilities are that he has not received such sum , as we ficd Mr . Richardson , on his return from Dublin to Liverpool , borrowing money from a friend at Liverpool , to enable him to stay in Liverpool after Dean Lad pleaded guilty , to procure bail for Dean . Mr . Stuart , bookseller , of Liverpool , was one to whom Mr . Richardson applied to give bail for him , which Mr . Smart could testify . Indeed , had Mr . Richardson been there as a witness , it is well known that he could not have obtained one guinea a day—a sum only allowed ; o professional men , the ^ faculty , and to merchants .
To the third query . We have _ ascertained that Mr Richardson aid not give up his lectures in Manchester because he hsd to give evidence against Dean , but in order that he could serve De 3 ii in his difficulties , and at the sanjf time , whilst in Liverpool , he went to Dublin on his lawful business Daring his stay at Liverpool he called upon Dean , and remained with him fer some days , iendering his assistance in every way , for which Dean was , and is io this day truly grateful . The fourth query insinuates , that the constable who apprehended Mr . Dean , told him that Mr . Richardson had been paii a sovereign for showing where Mr . Dean lived . This charge if answered by Mr . Dean himsel ? , who po £ i :: feiy denies the assertion ; and further , we went to the Chief Commis-Boaer of Police—the highest and best authority in Manchester—under whose direction Mr . Dean was
apprehended , and be unequivocally afirmsdl t to be a lie ; intimating that policemen w--re not , generally spea ^ bg , so patriotic as to give sovereigns for such service ;; and that the arresi of Mr . Dean took place i in ecEstqueiice of a Beech warrant , issued at the time Mr . Ricasrd = on " was indicted , and which he j considered it to be his duty to serve , hearing that ; Mr . Dean wns in town . He stated also , ttat when iSr . I ) ean r-is arrested , Mr . Butterworth and Mr . j liiebardson came and offered bail for him , but being tfersselves under bail , and ihe assize ? taking place i ia a few day ? , he recommended them , Messrs . Bat- ] terworlh and Ricaaxdsox , to let Mr . Dean go to Uverpool . j We hire Impartially invest i gated the whole mat- j t « r , and k is our firm belief that the whole of ihe i
¦ nurses sre false , and have had tneir origin m envious "hear-says" and " says-sos" of malignant fugues . In concinnon , we be * to request you to zszn this letter in jasr . ce to Mr . Richardson , and to eonEteraej ihe pernicious tendency of the letter of the "Radical of the Old S-hool , " who , we feel ; boBpd to say , ought to have given his name when he prefers charges of such a serious na : ure against an eameat individual . Mr . Rieflardison has been a grievous suSerer in , the cause of Chartism—sufferings which none can ] Jaow so -n- , \\ a 5 £ j 3 particular friends—sufferings \
aiccst en paralleled amongst Charusts . Imprison--Bern and pecuniary embaxassntent ? , brought on j throcgh i 5 s zeal and activity in ihe cause of demo- j e ^ ev , have reduced him from affluence to poverty , sud we feel justified in declaring , that at this mo- j ma I R . J . Richardson is more worthy of the sup- ' P&n of every real lover of liberty than of public j opprobrium and censure . His nsefnlness cannot be j fO-tsnoutdj and his services to the cause cannot be i overrated . Why , then , ehould we sacrifice his otiliiy and his strvicei 1 . Let us be just , at all events , i 2 we c * imot be generous , j
Iremain , yours in the cause of freedem , Benjamin Stott , Manchester . Copy of . Mr . Dean ' s letter to Mr . Richardson : — Kirkdale , 25 tc March , 1841 . Sis , —I am advised by parties here to employ Ccee - !?! on c : y trial . I have not the mesjos to do Ki . 1 ¦ srish your advice , and the advice of my friends c ^ this subject , whether you think it nccei ^^ ary to wieiurrhir sups in my case . Write by xeturn of Post , and Itt me have all information posaibie ; and > ko , if you have seen the prosecntiug as attorney , ^ iwhat he thinks of the matter .
lours , respectfully , Chbistopher Deax . On tH 3 we have one or two words to tay . The writer chooses to make it appear that the " charges " against Mr . Richardson we- e originally preferred by the " Raaii-al of the old School . ' "' whereas he must have known that they were preferred by a number ofChartis : sin Manchester , who placed their names at the bottom of them ; and that , after they had been uncontradicUd for along period , the "Radical " mereij wrote to ask ii they were true or false ; avering that if ibey were true , Jslr . Richardson was politically damned . We meniion this , to prevent the possibility of itsbeingtbougbtposabletnat weshould Have given currency to charges eo black on anonymous amiiority : for this ia the inference to be drawn from Mr . Stoifs letter , as he has put it . It is with persons urko gave their names that Mr . Richardson , or his kn : gt ; t , Mr . Slot :, has to do j and cot with the '• RadicaL "
Who this Mr . S . ott is , or who are bis friends , that thus volunteer a defence for Mr . Richardson , when he deems one useless or nun-cessary himself , we know not . At all events , we think Mr . Richardson ais cause- to be thatkiul u > them ; for they certainly have , is this matter , shown a , much greater regard . ™ . ^ ^¦ me tBan ^ ^^ evince d himself . The public , however , have , at last , some sort of an * &swer to the charges that were preferred against St . R . some sis mt » n ; n 5 ago , by psa-ies Manches-
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ter , well known , and who gave their names . Mr . Stott says " the whole matter has been impartially isvestigated ; " but he does not inform us whether Messrs . Joseph Linney , James Wood , Paul Fairclough , Samuel Chamberlain , Henry Nuttall , James Wheeler . James Harrison , James Leech , Thomas Davies , George Mitchell , and Robert Gray were parties to this investigation or not ; or whether they even knew of its being entered upon ; and we opm e that they ought to have known ofl ( the investigation , " and been parlies to it too , for they preferred the charges , under their own hands , in the Northern Slar , of the 14 th of August last . We fancy tbesa parties should have been informed of tbe intention oF Mr . Stott
and his friends to institute this " investigation f or they oughVto have been waited on , and asked on what authority they preferred the " charges , " and what evidence they had to offer in support of them . It does not appear from Mr . Stott ' 3 letter that this nas been done . The " investigators" seem rather more disposed to fix the preferment of the " charges " npon the "Radical of the Old School , " and to'fiaht with him , than with these persons , who live at Mr . Stott ' s own door . What the gentlemen above-named will say to Mr . Stott we know cot ; but , unless they have be ^ n pi-r'ies to this " investigation , " we suppose they will have something to say , either in umson or in rectinc&iion .
( Jae word niur ^ . Mr . Stott says , that the note we appended to the letter of the " Radical" was vrriuen in an " unchm itable Myle . " It it it were ' ' "uncharitable" to call upon Mr . Richardson to izeei charges so strongly put , and so openly made , wo were " uncharitable . " But , , at all event ? , we were uo more so than Mr . Stott We saw the necessity of these charges being answered and rebutted , could they be rebutted ; and % ve said so . Mr . Stott saw tue same , and 1101 only said as we did , but generously attempted the tssk which Mr . Richardson should have performed for himself long ago . ]—Ed .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . FXLLOw-CorNTRTMEN , —In iny letter of the 5 th iust ., you will remember that I proposed a question for year co :: sidtrrat ; un , nanieiy , " are we jui-t . fieii in points of law and ¦ re ) i £ ion in opposing our present rulers ?" Yon haTe therein seen my opinions on the justness of such a course . ar . fl we will now , if you pK ase , consider the litter , hut perhaps not Ies 3 formidable part cf the qnest on , : ind exsrains whether reiigion binds us to otsy thc > se -who iujnre n ? . Brforo -we proceed , it may not be improper to Tern -rfc . that nature endowed a'l beiDgs with instinctive powers for tbe powers of self-defence , and tXns , man , arnontst the rest , possesses the principles of seUjpreserratiotu He is , therefore , so far , < s nature is cencerne 1 , justified ia opposing all measures which are at variance with liis interests or happiness .
The principles of seU-preservation is , however not equal in rll ; for whilst , many persons possess scarcely sp ' iit sufficient to carry them through the ordinary difficulties of life , and who tremhle at the shadow of opposition , by far the greater number possess it in the extreme ; it is this superfluity of principle ¦ which creates the bad p \; s > tott 3 of the henrt ; and thus man beconK-a sn ag ^ . essiTe animal . We find the superfluity of this pilnciple eTiccing itse . f in tbe conduct of the firstboiii of the human race—his bad passions are excitsd agoinst hns brother , and are only extinguished in h > s blood . Man has , therefore , from the commencement distingrisbed fuiiself for acts of cruelty to his race , and has borne , and Very justly , the character of an Bggressivemranl .
When tbe great First Ciu 3 e brought man into existence , be foresaw that such ¦ would b * the consequence , and wisely ' imposed injunctions upon him that he should obey his commands , and testified his dispUasure at the condnct of Cain for murdering his brother , for the Scriptures say— " His bteod cried to Heaven for vengeance / " and that the "Xord set a mark upon him . " It would be folly to attempt within the small c « mpass of a letter to state all the facts which bear npon this poiiit . r that tend to prove that Heaven from the commencement disapproved of violence and oppression ; suffice to say , that religion was founded'by the " Redeemer" for the purpsss of restraining the violence of men ' s passions * nd to unite theih in bi > nds of fraternal charity . How far this object has been attained , 1 leaTe
to the sanctified hypocrite of a State Cnurch to determine , but how far the present system of Cburch E-t-iblishmant in the = e countries accords with the intention of the Divine Founder of religion , remains to be shown . We shall now take a rapid glance of the leading features of the two systems ; and I sincerely hope the contrast ¦ will le-d you to perceive that you are justified in point of religion in opposing your present rulers . All parties professing Christianity , no matter what their sect , agree that charity is t ~ ie basis of true religion ; and this is further prove * , "by the life and dtstK of the Redeemer , who offered himself as a sacrifice for the benefit i > f man . Here , then , Tre may ask , -what i 3 the charity evinced r > y tbe apostles of our State Church , or what " Mother Cnurch" herself can show to prove that her principles
are based npon Chnatian charity ? Answer me , thou bloated hyp-Jeritical old woman . Have you one solitary feeling of sympathy in your adamantine bosom for tbe sorrows , the miseries , the wretchedness , and almost hopeless condition < f the Buffering poor ? Shew me . if yon can , that your principles are based uren Christian charity , whilst you live in open hostility with the class ¦ whom the Kedeeraer recommended to your especial care , snd with whum he resided upon earth . Had your Drvine Master a palace , servants , hor ? fes , coaches , and all the paraphanalia of elegance and luxury to -wait upon him ? or ' dcst thon never reflect , lliat although you sleep beneath a gilded canopy , with coverings of purple and § old , that He , in whose footsteps you profess to tread , " had not a place to lay his bea ' . i . " Tell me ,
LharitaoVe Old Larty ! what you think of the Son of Ginl satisfying bis hunger by " plucking ears of corn on the sabbatli . " and of the stirring and famishing millions of his crtEtnres who surround yonr palace whilst your tables are groaning beneath a load of luxnrHs procured from their blood and garnished by their tears ? Answer me , Old Lady , was the Church of Christ a political chnrch or did your Divine Master employ bayonets and halters , or did he use fire and sword to erf ^ rce his doctrine , cr compel these who difiVr with him to contribnfe to his suppoit ? B ' A he raise the widow ' s son , or , like yon , stafn h * r threshold with the blood of her orphan children ? Oh , no ! he shed no biood * ave hi .- - own ; nr-r ' hss he shown yon , either by prect . pt or example , that reiigion should be established by force ar Ev . pported by % h > - Hfc-Wood cf innocence .
Of wLat benefivto religion or to society is tbe connection of the Chnrch with the State ? or does it make men more holy or exemplary by being compelled to pay for prayers which are offered contrary to their notions of worship ? Is it just that nine-tenths of the ptople of Grtat Britain should be compelled to support a pampered hierarchy , whilst miilion 3 of the people are siarvin ? ana ajirsg for want of the common nects-iriss of life ? What . ' shall a bum little short of ten miiliors sterling be annually given to those locusts , whilst thousands of the families of the poor have to live upon ll ^ d . pt-r her . 'i pi-r m-ek , and whilst famine sn-J miserj use ravaging the land , and the voice of the oppreij-td ,- ) nd the poor arc crying to heaven for vengeance ? Tremble , you mighty hyp ^ ciite , vengeance ¦ will assuredly come , for He who will-net let a Epjrrow fall to the ground wili ere long stretch out his hand and avenge tbe wrongs of the poor .
We ere -told that the people of these countries possess liberty of conscience ! bnt can it be so when they axe compelled to support a clergy wbom they do not recognise , and raise churches which they never enier ? If "we are to have liberty of conscience , let us have it as we ongLt to have it—let every Church support it ? own ministers ; and I cannot see why the saints of a State Church cannot liv-j as the ministers of other Churches do , and walk to church on a Sunaay , us many a more zealous " advocate cf Christianity dees , instead of riding in a gilded coach at the expence of the people . - Nor can I see "why , if they are truly thi .-disciples of their sanctified Mastc-r , they should not , like him , be content to follow his example .
Ha had no coach to ride in ; and yet he travelled to' the mountain , and not only preached , but fed the multitude who followed him . Do the bishops of our " State Church ' do so ? Are they to be . found in the " highways" and " byways " inviting the people to the marr age feoit ; or do we find them blessing the loaves and fiehts , and ilistributin , them amongst their famishing flocks ? 0 . no ! It would be quite unfashionable to do so—tbe Redeemer waa a little-minded beingwhen compared to bis modern disciplts cf a Stste Church—they find it mere oomfoit-1 aMe , more genteel , to lounge in " a chapel t-f ease , " ana dose away the time cf sei v ice in a crinison cushioned j pew , to the edification of their wealthy and fashionable ueiehbours . And as to loaves and fishes , they are all
to fcs found in my lord " s pantry . They are almost out , ff fashion wiih the multitude ; for it is now three < hundred 5 ears tlnce the state church begun to angle for j herself , and so expert has she been that she has scarcely left a sprat for the poor . Only let a score or two of [ the miserable victims of hEDger and oppression present j themselves at the door of a Right Bfcverend Father inj God ' s palace , " and you will have an opportunity of wit- ) ntssing the unbounded Christian charity be possesses ; for his suff-jing fellow creatures ; bis heart "will be ! filled not with , compassion , but pride . And it is not j improbable that , instead ot sending his servants with j fo £ > d to nourish their fainting bodies , he will hand them ! over to t ' He tender mercies of the " police , " and have i them dragged to prison for intruding themselves into [ his presence , or daring to put their unhallowed feet j npon his consecrated door step . O , no ! The loaves \
and fishes of the poor have too long found their way to ; the table of - the bishop ; and when they cry out that j they are starving they are told in a spirit of Christian j charity to " go to the Union . " Yes , poor souls ! they i are driven from the door oi one shaik into the jaws t > f j another . And which ever way they turn there is some j monster ready to prey upon them . Yes ! this state ! church is , of all other churches which we are blessed j with , tbe orAj one which scorns to follow the example ; of t ' ae meek and humble Saviour . She alone must have j tonours and dignities . She alone requires millions of j the people ' s money to prop up her Christian charity , j although the people themselves have not bread to eat . No , the working elapses have been , and are , the J viciicis of the LAaricvous graspisgs of the mest hypo-1 eri ' . ical system- of Christian charity which ever curstd ! a n-avion . My fell -countrymen , have net you been \
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also visited by the locusts ? Have you not suffered at their hands , the moat unheard-of persecutions for your religious opinions , and been compslled to contribute your Bnpport to your persecutors . Yes J you have seen a State Chnrch rearing its head in districts where the parson , bis clerk , and one or two families comprised the congregation , and you have also , although you never entered it , had to pay your tithe for its Bupport . And that , too , when perhaps your children and your wives were famishing with , want and misery . I ask you , Irishmen , Catholics and Dissenters—nay , I ask the honest Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland , is it justice , or is it consistent with Christian charity , that sach an unholy alliance should exist between Church and the State ? The Church of Christ was not a political church—nor were the Apostles " lords" and " lawmakers . " No , but the Apostles of the State Chnrch are both , and whilst they enjoy their dignity at the expense of tbe poor , they assist in mating laws to grind and coerce ihem .
This , my fellow-countrymen , ia one of the evils ¦ which the Charter will remove ; and if it does no other good than to purge the nation of this monstrous incunibrance , it wonld be worth straggling for .. You bave seen , that justice is denied you , and that you are the victims of a . host of tyrants , whose interest it is to enslave you ; they know that the moment you obtain political , power , you will get rid of them , and therefore they oppose you with all their might ; th « y have ever made it their study to keep you beneath their feet , and for that purpose the saints e > E a State Church have "kept the people in ignorance ; for they well know that were they educated , they woul 1 . become politically wise , and that having knowledge they would soon obtain power , and that the exerciso of that power would
quickly produce tho political prostration of the State Church ; they know this , and it is to prevent such results that they thus labour against you—but their eff . « ts are vain , the people will no longer be imposed on . Their tyrants bave ruled them long enough —the naughty Tory has trampled on your liberty , and crushed you beneath the iron hoof of despotism , until your spirit cannot bear it longer with submission . The treacherous and contemptible Whigs have sacrificed you to their ambition , and laughed at your credulity , until tha Chartists , your friends , have swept them with indignation from the theatre of their villanies . The Church—aye , that overgrawn nurse of bigotry and hypocrisy—has too long revelled in luxuries at your expence , and fattened on the miseries of the people . But the people are awakening to a sense of their political degradation , and are determined never to cease to assert their power and dignity until they obtain
that liberty and happiness to which the laws of nature and of man entitle them . Irishmen ! you are a great poition of the people ; you have been plundered of your birthright , and the damning irfluence of class legislation has prostrated your country and yourselves tj tne brink of ruin . Arise ! no longer crouch beneath the footstool of your tyrants , but in your moral strength unite with your friends , tie Chartists , In raising yourselves to your proper position in society . Remember , all power originated from the people , snd that as there can be bo Government , without a people , so shonld they also be the source of nil poorer . Snake off your fetters ; be free as your fathers , and cease not t « agitate until you obtain that political power which will enable you to legislate for yourselves . Get rid of your Slats Church , and present system of " Christian charity , " and establish in reality civil and religious libeity . I have the honour to be , Fdllow Countrymen , Your most obedient servant , W . H . CLIFTON .
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TO HAMER STANSFELD , ESQ . " Taxes are fi ^ ed monetary pajinents and do no / lower v . ith the / 'ill 0 / prices of produce . "—James Pen / 13 / . " All classes "will prey npon all other classes just os much as they can and dare . "—Hamer Stan . / eld . Sir , —Tt ia a favourite maxim with the politicians of your school ttuit , if the Corn L-iws were repealedif we bad a complete " froe trade in corn , " it would increase our commerce in an unlimitsd degree , and give us , according to your own st . itewier . t , " prosperity for agi . \ 3 . " Ltt us dt-vote a few moments to tho patient consideration of this question , and endeavour to come Vo just conclusions as to the bearings of the measure npon our commerce .
Bi-for < j I proceed , it mrvy , perhaps , be necessary shortly to inquire in -what coniinerce conaUt * . What , then , is commerce ? What are its elements ? It is simply the " bartering" of the surplus produce of an individual , or a collection of individuals , for the surplus produce of another individual , or collection of individuals . Mystify tbe thing ii 3 vre mny , " to this complexion it will com « at last . " And , ¦ when no third party steps in to distort ? the balance of " reciprocity , " it is one of the moit simple operations in the world . No-w then , Sir , let us take things as they are at present ; snd that I may not be accused of misrepresentation , I will take the description of our state given by men of yerr own party . Lord John Russell said , " Our
merchants and mauufacturerd were in the gulf of bankruptcy , and that onr labourers had eaten their beds " And Mr . Holdfnrtb stated , > u last week ' s Times , that he had personally visited a part of Leeds , and he found ¦ ' many of the families not having a morsel of nnythins eatable in the house . Amongst the whole number , one family alone bad . a loaf of bread , one twenty potatoes , and another five . One family had EXIS 1 ED for bvo or three days so ' ely on frosted , on rotten potatoes , found on the trhnrf , near a vessel from which potatoes utre unloading '' ! I 1 ¦ will quote no further . This i > tate of things is too horrible to be borr-e , and nm * t—yea , must—be changed either by one means or another .
Well , then , hero we are in tbe state above described an-1 , in order to carry out the theories of your class of politicians , let us suppose , in genuine quack phr . ise , that ihe " universal medicine , " tbe repeal-of-th « Corn Laws , wkich is to cure us of all the ills that flesh is heir ta , is applied to-morrow . Let us suppose this ; how is that measure to cause you , or any one else , to manufacture one single yaTd of cloth more than they do at present ? Don't be in too much hast < : in answering ; take time to deliberate befo e you make up your mind .
Again , Sir , I ask , how is it to cause one single yard of cfoth more to be nfanufactured than is at present ? You will reply , after taking time to think , that if we could take the corn of the Polamler , he would take our n ; anuf , 'ctures , give our labourers " cheap bread , " and cause us to have " prosperity for ages " ! Let ua try that—ltt us take you into the market where wilave been so often before , and see how your scheme wi 1 tend to increase the quantity of our manufactures . Suppose then , S'r , you take your nine yar . is of cloth into Leftits market to " batter" for nine loa < is of wheat ; ami by w :. y of increasing our commerce you hatter it with the Pol ; ui' ! er instead of the Englishman . Xow , Sir , you h : \ ve ' - barterai" with tbe Polaudcr ; you have increased ( nr foreign commerce ; but how hrtveyon increased . . the gross amount of cur Hii'iiufuctures ? If the Polandtr has gut your nine yards of cloth has not the English farmer to go without ?
But , you wi : i gay , if the Corn Laws had been repealed the Polander world have given me eighteen loads o wheat for my nine yards of cloth ; and then we should have heaTd no more of " families living solely un frost * d or rotten potatoes . " Yes , it does appear , at the present , as if you cuuld get a grer . ter number of loads of wheat of the Polander for your nine yards of cloth than you can of the Englisman ; but , if the Corn Laws were repealed , prices would at once be equalised . and therefore ymi could get no more of the Polauder thin you couM of the Englishman .
But , you are here rtady to exclaim in triumph , am I cot bettered , then ? do you not yourself acknowledge that I i-hould get eighteen loads of wheat for my nii » e yards of cktu , instead of the nine loads which I noi | F get ? And would tfeis be no advantige to those wliti are living en " rotten potatoes ? ' Do not chuckle too soon , Sir- I do not intend to accuse you of the gross ignorance , the monstrous folly af those who say tliat wag ; s would not fall in consequi nee of the fall , or tqualisation of prices . You know better- You know that the farmer c < uld not continue to pay the same rents , nor the same prices to his collar maker and his blacksmith , nor the same wages to his labourer , with corn at the nominal value of ten shillings per load , that he could -when lie g-t twenty shillings per load . The thing is too cross to is entertained for a moment by any one
but a " . Political Economist" ! And yon know also that corn , being the gieat standard of actual value , all other things ultimately find their relative proportion in price ; and that consequently wool would find itc relative value . That is , a load of xcheat would be worth as many pounds of wool or yards of cloth , after the repeal of the Corn Laws , as it is at the present In shoit , you know , that if the load jf wheat which is now wortb twenty shillings , were to come to be worth only ten shillings as a regular thing , the yard of cloth which is now worth twenty shillings would come to be worth only ten shillings Likewise . Do not think that I bave forgot " the fixed monetary payments " . But I had a fancy to argue the baing with you just as if Ifeere had been no such thing in existence .
Now then , Sir , with your cloth reduced in its nominal alue in proportion to the price of wheat , take yourself gain Into the market with yonr nine yards of cloth to cchange or " barter" for wheat and then you will find aafc the Polander can give you no more than the Inglishman , and that neither of them will give you any lore than nine loads of wheat for your cloth . You saw le high relative value of the Englishman ' s wheat , as Dmpared with the foreigner ' s ; and your mouth r atered at the ideaj of getting eighteen loads oi low imiTial valued wheat , for your nine yards of high
imiiial valued cloth ; forgetting that the same causes hich had made the farmer's wheat of a high nominal ilue , had also caused your cloth to bo of high nominal iiue , too . Now , then , Sir , let us go back to the place from hence we started , and ask yon how a K ^ peal of the orn Laws is to cause one single yard ef cloth more to 3 manufactured ? Ltt ub suppose , tfeen , teat the corn iquisite for the consumption of England takes the ; oduce of five millions of acres , and that there is emloved upon , thes millions of acres one million of
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labourers , who * of course , are consuming manufactured articles in proportion to their ability . Now , then , suppose the Corn Laws repealed , and , to make the case complete , suppose that . . we purchase ^ he whola of pur wheat of the Polwider , instead of the Englishman , how would that increase the consumption of cloth to yon as a manufacturer ? It i 8 true yon wpnld have increased your foreign trade , but would not the home trade have diminished in exact proportion ? Then , how do you increase your trade ? To put the , ttuBg ia another Bhape—to make it clearer , if possible—let us suppose that it took . twenty millions of yards of cloth to " barter' for the whole of
the corn consumed in England ; and let us suppose that you haye beeri in the habit of bartering with the English farmer for -Sbe amouut wanted— and let ua suppose that the Corn Laws are repealed , and , further , suppose that you take a faney , byway of " increasing your foreign trade , " to " barter" your twenty millions of yards of cloth with the Pole , how will yon have increased your ma-ufactures ? True , yon will haya mcreised your " foreign trade ; " true , you will have benefitted the Pole to the amount of the cloth he has received , but will not the Englishman , be injured in exact ratio ? Will not the Englishman have ceaaed-to consume iu the same ratio that the Pole has begun to
consume ? But , even allowing that it will increase our foreVRn trade ; arid even th . it it would increasa it in proportion to the whole of our consumption of wheat ; suppose this monstrosity ; how would it increase the general trade or employment of the country ? Would there uot be the whole of the farmors who are thrown out of employment by out purchasing wheat of the ' . foreigner ready to enter into the manufacturing of cloth to make up for the extra demand ? Then , how , even in this case , do you . in the least increase the quantity of labour , or benefit the labourer ?
I know that M / Culloch has told us that our purchasing our articles of the foreigner makes no manner of difference in th ? long run : ; " that it or ; ly changes the species without diminishing tbe quantity . " The man must have been grossly ignorant , or have possessed most sstoniabing powers of face , before he could bring himself to make such a statement as this ! But , howevtr , taking it as a truth ; allowing that it would'not " diminish the quantity although it changed the species ; " stili , wise M'Cullochdoes not pretend thai ifc would increase the quantity . And without-it increase the capacity of either the foreigner or the Englishman to purchase , how could i ' u increase our manufactures ?¦
Then , Sir , hoV -will the repeal of the English Corn Laws have increased the power of the foreigner to purchase our manufactured articles ? What would he have to give in exchange then , which he has no ? now . Come , tell as , what more he would have to exchange ? The repeal of our Corn Laws could not have increased his ' means' of exchange . He would still have only his corn , und why should we go to Poland to purchase it if we could get it as cheap at home ? And , as the repeal would equalise prices , we undoubtedly could purchases " chfap " at homr . Then why purchase of the foreigner ? And if our purchasing of the foreigner enables him i > consume our manufactures , does not our not purchasing of the English farmer disable him from purchasing in exact ratio ? Besides , should we not have the home farmers thrown idle by our ceasing to purchase of them , competing with us us manufacturers ? Ah oir , things are ' not quite so smooth as you seem to dream ?
In considering the question m this light I have purposely kvipt out of sight , " the fixed monetary payments . " I have . argued as if the public engagements of both Polander and Englishman wee equal- You know they are not ! And you also know tbe injustice that the monstrous inequality existing between them would inflict upon the British farmer , under your " Free TraUe plan . " But I will return to this subject again . James Penny . Mill Bridge , February 2 , 1842 .
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THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FROM THE MEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , AND NELSONS MONUMENT , lO . N'DON , AND THE W 00 LW / CH DOCKYARD ,., To the Public and ihe Trades of Great Britain and Ireland . " Through the existing system of ' unequal exchanges ' the working classes are plundered on all sides . They form , like their parent earth , a common pasture-ground , by the impoverishment of which all crawling and creeeping things feed-. ' and fatten , " Brethren , —Changes bave tnken place in our position since we last addressed you , calculated to cheer us on in the ¦? ' good fight" in which , wo are now engaged . The vitality of the " league" recently instituted in Cornwall to " starve our members into submission , " has already departed . With one exception a virtue has been nVaclo of necessity , Qrissell and Poto ' s orders abandoned , and near thirty of our members Uava tedumed . th . eit usual employment
At Woolwich , a complete mutiny has liken place . Qrissell and Peto finding that even at the pittance unt « which they had reduced those who have attempted to fill the places of our members , they were by frr too unprofitable a bargain , or ,, as we have before stated , to get rid of ihe «) , on Saturday last had all their jabs valued , with a view to the general introduction of pieca work . A rebellion was the immediate constquer . ee ; ' * routs , riots , and tumultuous meetings , disturbing the peice of their taskmaster , '" foilo ^ ed in quick ; succession , and , so far as our knowledge now extends ,.. resulted in above fifty of them making their exit , loudly denouncing the treachery and " inhumanity" of Grissell and Peto towards them ; and amidst tho execrations of a duped populace , with whom it appears they had some-¦ what extensively contracted debts .
At the Houses of . " Parliament they have been several nights seen engaged taking down work which the architect had condemned . Littie or no progress is perceivable in the building ; and we hesitate not to predict , tliat proceedings , simiiar to those which have transpired at Woolwich , will immediately follow at tliese works , preliminary to the entire disbanding of the incottgTUouB mass of rubbish they have taken so much pains to collect . On the evening of Tuesday the 25 th ult . a" feed" in commemoration of the " Royal farce , " which came off at Windsor that day , was given to those . employed-at the Houses of Parlianicnti G-rissell attended " , and harangued them at considerable length " , during which he
. stated , ths . t " Often had he aud his partner congratulated themselves on the efficient , steady , and industrious set of masons they liitd in then employ ; tliat they were a jewel to any employers ; that he regretted their withdrawal from bis employment , and sympathised much for them , knowing that t ^ oy m . iist . Iiav ^ endured many privations ; he gave them credit for- the determined manner in which thsy had Opposed him : they had not left a stone unturned likely to afifect hi . s interest or facilitate in their favour tfie termination of the strike . He was , however , suro that it had all beeti thd work of a few disaffected and iles > ignhig mon , whom , he thought , would soon gtt into other employment ,- and then the rest vrould return aud work comfortably with them . "
In juxta position 'with GtisseU ' s statement relatf vet-j ( ha turnout being the work of a few , we place the conduct of the whole for the very long period of twenty weeks ; the great number that turned out , and the few that have turned traitors , notwithstanding its taking place and continuing through that season of tho year in which they were least likely to be supported . The Times newspaper of . Wednesday 'la * t ; in i \ feeler . as to our intentions , declared the period was " very remote" at which ( G . anel P . would dismiss Allen . We can BBsurethe Times , Q . and P ., and Alion . too , that the time is indeed " remote" when we shall be found , working " comfortably" with his imbecile sycophantic slaveB .
At the Jlonument it would n « ed more perception than modern philosophy ican supply , to discover what upwards 1 of fifty masons (?) have been doing for the great length of time which lias transpired since our members left ; and , thanks to the men of . Devonshire and Cornwall , they are not likely presently to do any
more . At Dartmoor and Plymouth the turnouts are going on bravtly ; The bribe of drink bas Keen attempted by the Granite Company ' s minions , with an intention of making them arunk , and then inducing them to agree to resume tkeir work . It bas been indignantly re-, jected , and will be as oftsn as it may be offered . As an evidence of the incapability of those they have got in their places , and which are farmer ' s riien , navigators , &c ., two of these have ' cut , " after working a fortnight , one earning ninepence , and the other , Who was considered their -best man nine shillings . The work , it must be understood , is by the piece—they are not paid for what they spoil . Meeting with but little success ,: G . and P . have discontinued advertising for . Granite Masons , &c-, about Aberdeen . : i
The entire number now on the funds are about three hundred , and as circumstances are now daily tending to our advantage , if the sons and daughters—aye , and daughters of honest labour—aiding the patriotic , of their sex now struggling with adversity , rather than suffer the partners ' of their life to submit to Insult and contumely , will come fairly to the battle , the powers of the enemy shall be subdued and annihilated—the great moral fight in which we are engaged terminate in spotless victory—and , we hope , prove the harbinger of that unity , that mutual and reciprocal good feeling among the -working classes , essential to the attaining—and then maintaining that position in the great family of mankind , which , the Author of theii existence intended they should occupy . . . .
We again take the liberty of calling your attention to the lines with -which we have headed our address . The truths they most convey to every thinking mind are palpable and complete . The neighbourhood of London has , for the last ten days , furnished ocular demonstration that the working classes are " the common pastureground on which all crawling and creeping things feed and fatten . " Honeit poyetty has been mocked by pampered Royalty , Aristocracy , and ill-got capital . The few have been occupied in " riots , routs , "; and Royal farce foolery , while the many that " through the existing system of unequal exchanges' have provided ; the means , have been starving—literally perishing from want This , however , is only an effect What is the cause ? Existing inequality of labour , which has produced inequality of wealth , and given possession to inequality of power , is the cause of thisj aud reason tells us , that tiitre is no cure for an effect while the
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cause remains untouched . If the working classes would , irupiove theii condition—if they would alter tue ByBtam that , makes one man so undeservedly rich , and another so nnmeritedly poor—they must no longer waste their means in desultory and unequal coflflicta \ fith effects , but decisively grapple with and destroy the cause from which they arise . The vast amount of wealth they create , compared with the small amount they ; enjoy , shoiild stimulate tbem to this—a knowledge that the smallest alleviation to their nnmerited poverty and distress is denied them , except in
connection with hardship and degradation , Society , as at present constituted , offers neither welcome or shelter to the wife or children of decayed workmen whose strength has been exhausted in unremitting toil in its syryice , they must wander—poor arid penniless mendicants , or , like ctinunals , be confined in pauper bastiles , where the mother ia parted from her children—the children from each other—the chorda which should bind their infantine hearts in brotherly . love snapped asunder —where all are disregarded and ill treated , because the parties which iDflict these cruelties have had the power to make them poor .
To change a system productive of so much evil to the producing and most useful portion of society , more than the isolated endeavours of . a mere fraction , is in / lisr pensable . All are affected by its existence ~ , it generates vice , hatred , and uncharitableness , through all its rawiiflcationB . Its subversion and the estabiishment of a better and more rational system must therefore be undertaken by ALL . Their efforts and means muat be concentrated— -an unbrokeu confederacy must be organised , not for the purpose of attacking this capitalists as individuals , but " that system winch sivea to irresponsible individuals the power of grinding masses of labour between masses of capital . "
Should the practicability of these propositions be by any doubted , we offor as evidence in their favour the power of our present unions contrasted with that of our individual and isolated strength— -the power of ten men united is greater than that of twenty ' -divided ; hence the power of the numied few—combined—over the toilingmany- —divided . We repeat , that if the united efforts of the workingclasses , and" the funds ef their innumerable aocieties , " were applied for , . instead of against themselves , the present system of " unequal exchanges , " which now lays them prostrate , " a common pasture-ground , " would be undermined in all directions , and speedily crumble down in ruins .
Again seriously hoping that , at the termination of our present strike , with a view to prevent a wcurrence , this subject will receive due consideration ; and thanking ALL for the liberal support we have received , We remain gratefully yours , The Masons society , Thomas Suoiitt , Sec . 6 , Agnes-street , Waterloo-roail , Februarys , 1842 .
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TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Brother Chartists , —We ask , are you still slumbering , or what are you thinking about ? It id now three months since we appealed to you , to assist in supporting those Whig-made widows of the bravest of Britain's pons . During twelve months before-that , when we . had four times the number , in prison than are how , we could send to each widow ( made so by Whi fe' ^ ery ) three times as often , as we at present can , to those whose husbands are still detained in prison by the Tory Administration , Some to whom we have personally applied , bay , " They thought thai the birth of a Prince of Wales had given liberty to all political prisoners . " Empty thoughts ! No , no , friends ; the balance sheet will shew you other wise ; you will ihern see the names of those who have been relieved and are still in durance vile , and several others whom it has not been in our power to relieve ;
We how call upon you in . the name of all that is Rood , if you love your country , or have the least spark of sympathy in your breast , and a single drop of liberty ' s blood iiowing iu your veins , to exert yourselves in the cause of suffuring humani y . Imagine yourselves in prison , and your wives aiid familiea starving for waut ; wi : at must , be the . sensation you would feel 1 Are they not suffering in your cause as well as their own ? Arouse , then ,. from your slumbers I awake , exert yourselves , and raise a s , ub 3 criptioh in every asaociation room . Then you will not only be doing that which is your duty , but you will ease the minds of those brave men who arc suffering in a good cause , and also command the sincere thanks of The National Victim Fund Committee . N . B . All communicationH to he forwarded to Mr . A . Hey wood , Oldham-street , or Mr . Peter Shorrocks , beci-etary , 70 , Gun-street , Manchodter .
BALANCE SHEET OF THE NATIONAL VICTIM FUND COMMITTEE FROM THE 28 TH OF AUGUST , 1841 , TO THE 2 ND OF FEBRUARY , 1842 . & 8 . d . Aug . 28—Cash in Mr . Hey wood ' s hands as treasurer ... ... 10 8 0 « . ' From Carlisle , per Jos . West ... 0 2 G ^ Fro m Newton . Heath , per E . Travis ... 0 4 0 Sept . II . —From Sowerby , per Jno . Ciolly ,
to Mr . Campbell 0 12 0 From Soyland Alills , do ., do . 0 9 0 From Ediuburgh N . C . A . do . 1 0 0 Ditto , tho readers of the Northern Star , do . ... ... 0 10 0 Sept . 14—From the Tower HamlotsJJ . C . A . per Charles Johns ... 10 0 „ From Haudley and Slieltoa N . C . A ; , > er Honry Sharp 0 10 0 „ After a lecture bv Mr . Leach , per Mr . Ralton ... ... 0 0 10 East Mancliester Joint Stock Company , per Mr . James Carrledge .. 050 Sept . 20—From Wellington , Newcastleupon-Tyne , per Arthur ... 1 0 . 0
^ From Nowcastle-upon-Tyne N . C . A ., per Isaac Bruce 0 3 0 Oct . 20—From Brighton N . C . A ., per Wm . flowers 10 0 From Mr . Ruffy Ridley , of London , por Hcywood ... 0 10 0 Dca . 2 C—FromMr . Buck ! ey , ofDoncastor , per Mr . Campbell ... ... 0 5 0 Jan . 22—From the Northern Star , per Mr . Ardill ... ... ... 27 4 4 Total money received by comraifctee ... 4-5 3 o Total money paid by do . 33 Io 0
Balance in hand Feb . 2 , 1842 . 11 8 ii 1841 . Aug . 28—Mr . Potts , of Bath ... ... 2 0 0 ~ Mrs . Peddie , of Edinbro' ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Foden , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Marshall , ditto 1 0 0 Mrs . Ilolfaerry , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Peiithorp , ditto 1 0 0 . Sept . ] 2—Mr . Carrier , of Trowbridge ... 1 0 o * .. '¦ ' Mrs . Jones , of Mouniouthsbir . ' } 1 0 0 ; Sept . 27—Mr . O'Brien , on his liberation from Lancaster 1 0 0 ! Aug . 30—Mrs . O'Brien , ditto ... ... 1 0 0
Sept . 27- ^ -Mrs . Ash ' tpn , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Crahtres' , ditto ... ... 1 0 01 Mrs . Walker , of Bradford ... 1 0 0 j Mrs . Brooks ,-ditto 1 0 0 ; ^ Mrs . Roberts , of Bfrmiughaw ~ 1 0 0 | Jany . 25—Mrs . Foden , of Sheffield ... 1 0 0 , ^ Mrs .-Mare -hall , ditto .- : -... " ... 1 0 0 ! Mrs . Holberry , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 : „ Mrs . Walker , of / Bradford ... 1 0 0 , „ Mrs . Brooks , ditto ... ... I 0 0 ' ^ Mrs . Peddie of Edinbro' ... 1 0 0-, Mrs ^ DawsoQ , of Oldham ... 1 0 o ' * .., Mrs . Brooks , of Leigh ... ... 1 0 ui ¦ * , Mrs . Emanuel Evaaf , of Bre- ¦ '
coashiro ; ... ... ... 10 0 j ~ Mr . James Good win , ditto ... 1 0 0 j ~ Mrs . Morideth , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 Mrs . Pi ice , ditto ... ... 1 0 0 ~ Mrs . Elizabeth Jones , of Mon- 1 mouthshire ... ... ... I 0 Ot Mr . Pentliorp , of Sheffield ... 1 0 Oi . «* Mrs . Ashton , of Barnsley ... 1 0 0 ) Mrs . Crabtree , ditto ... 1 0 0 ! v .: Mra . Roberts , of BirmingTiam ... 1 0 Oj „ Expences of the Committee in Stauips , Rent , &o . ... ... 0 15 0 , £ 33 15 6 . ; Audited and found correct by | Jajies Wheeler , j Andrew Melville , Samuel Chamberlain , [ James Millington , . . j James RusiiTON , . Wm . Maddocks , Petek Shorrocks , ^ Secretary .
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A Gloucester Paper states that , " a couple from Aableworth were united in wedlock on Wednesday last , ia Sc . Mary ' s Church , Gloucester ; and immediately after the cei ' emony they got blind drunk at a public house . " We have often heard that love was blind , but not till now that ho was blind drunk ! During a dreadful storm on the 26 th Tilt , at Clifdon , iu Galway , no less than tweuty-two fishermea were lost in tueir boats , leaving their wives and children destitute .
TiiE Herring Fisheries . —We have accounts from the western coast to the 2 nd inst . It is . not correct , as stated in a Galway Contemporary , -th . it 150 lives were lost in the disastrous storm of Wednesday se ' nuight . Unhappily sixteen perious perished in that dreadful gale ; . but the intrepidity of the pooriand industrious firsumermen has not suffered thereby . The number of pf rsoris engaged in these fisherk's is , 18 : 000 , and the boats alone are 3 , 500 . — Limerick Reporter .
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TO THE WORKING WEN OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Countrymen , —I have addressed toyoa three letters on trie rejection of , the National Petition , and I have observed with pleasure the report of the proceedings ^ n Aberdeen , Lanark , and other places . I have also read , with some degree Of surprise , that Mr . John Dancan , of Dundee , has taken up the p . iunHet , in favour of the objectors to the merita and necessity of the National Petition , and as Mr . Duncan states , that the English readers ' of the Slar , together with myself , areignorant of the objections ; it rjecotues necessary for me to examine this true and authentic account of the real gtqund of differjance on the question at issue . I need not trouble the readers v . ith any remarks as to theeatiniationin'whichl hold Mr . Banean , as yon the working men are fully aware of the high opinion I have ent ° itiihed Of his servieea in the cause .
I shall , therefore , confine myself to Mr Diincan ' s letter , aud as a conintryruan and a Chartist , I shall answer it without dragging Jn . niy colleagues of the Executive CounciL Mr . Duncan bids us mark tliat the ^ rreat ' principle of the Charter refers solely to the const tution of tie legislature ; thatin t ' ie truth of these principK s lies our strength ; and , thtrtf-re , tb : > t "we shpuld nc > t mix with them any other dpinions . A ! r . Duricau should ; i | so have remarked tUat the British Copstitutiusi is . u ' si'xifs of acts of Parliament , ' whose spirit is-yhoatUe '' to , fI' ^ . adoin , . ¦ who se working is inj ' urip ' us to labour ,, ard \ vhuse « -fi ' - * cts ire vritnessod in the political degradation , soc ; - ! misery , drid general wretchedness of the worJdris ; niili : oD 3 , and , tberefpre , to destroy ¦ pirtial arid oppressive Hmb , we point out grievances , trace them to their source , aed dc ' tuahd a power to amend , abolish , or iti ' ruine the Constitution or Acts cf Parliament -ci > in-oosin ^ it . The union with Irefaud and the English X « w Poor
j Law areaets of a . legislature irresponsible and having i ( Like' tho English Executive Council !) mcarte blanche I from . our class to over-tax and under-feed the whole j people with or withouttheir consent . . "' ¦ :. I The Chatter ia intended ti cotifer power ujvob all , bat it is not the mere possession , but the useaiulexercise of the majority of the suffrage , which is to bring relief and spread happiness over the latid , theref <; re I widely I differ with Mr . Duncan , when he dasignatfts : ulmitted and terrible grievances as mere opiuious , whicQ opinions are not . to be attained by . a section of the Scottish leaders , even if the Chartists , how .-vc-r numerj ous , were to adopt and proclaim therii I am bound to 1 abide by the vote of the -majotity , ¦ -and I win attend to its decision , even if the Biajoriiy be ttrintd ' alarge section of our body . "
The grievances produced by class legislation gave rise to the agitaiion for the Charter , the abolition of those grievances is the chief end of -t ! io Charter .- and the possession of power to effect that eud , isthssola desire of tlie working classes . It is idle tp tell me that I ought not or I must no allude to the . Poor Law and the Union with Ireland , because certain persons do hot like it . I Trill , if possible , continually widen our position , and by enuiuorating our grievances , ninltiplj' our claims for redress , and ao far from that honest and open course ' wing based upon expediency the very opposite ia teat ciiionVa-ted to give forco to tbajt charge . Thus , it is not politic to . mention the Po- < r Caw , because we will iose the Malthusians , the Ciiiuch of St . Ann ' s , Glasgow ; because we will be deserted by the parsouai . ' on the Repeal of the Irish Union ; because we will be strengthened fey . the Irish people .
Away witli such policy-mongering crotchets and if we have a grievance , let jus be bold enough to name ifc , honest enough to point continually at it , and c- > nsisfeenfc enough always to say that a wrong is a wrong and ought to ba abolished . Tile man who feels himself aegricved or insulted by the relation of- a public grievance will never use bis private vote or influence , to remove it , and if the denunciation of the Jfew Poor Law has excited the hostility of the Malthusian Chartists , I iteV saticfied that if they had power , their philosophical tyranny would be mpre . atrocivus and inijumin than t ' te present barbarous and feudal syiUm of Government . I may likewise renuirk that iny efforts are directed to no theories ; but to the effecting of practical Komi for the working men . The Poor L * w is a praeticil evil , the remedy is the suffrage ; and thatl wonldnoc thank you for , unless I believed that the working classos would use it for their especial advantage .
To conclude the question of the merits of the Petition as a whole , I by iieve the Coustitution to consist of a series of unj uat acts of Piirliament—ths t they give rise to theexisun ^ grievances—that the Chafer would strike at the rootof all evils—and that , if we did . not continuously repeat our cornpiaints , iiud poiut out our just claims , we wouldeither be too servile to deserve power , too degraded to uso it , or too ignoraufc / or selfish to < Vo jvistiee ., -when \ ve had 1 the power . The ; Petition does not state all . Therefore , in my opinion , the only reasonable objection to it is that it h ; ts riot enurnerated more grievances . I earc not for tlie groans of faction , or the wiacing of the galled jade of oppression . On tho justice of our principle ; the honeat relation Of wroags , aud the firm advocacy of our rights , consist the glory of tha Charter , and the duty of every Chartist . ¦ ... - '¦"¦ ¦ .
The man who will nob submit to the vofe of the majority cannot-baa Chartist ; and he who wonlil set up private tiieories against the public good c ; vn lay no claim to principle or patriotism . Mr . Dmi-ian says , that aniti repealers of the Corn Laws , Maithusians , and churchmea may all be Chartists . No doubt they may be mongrels , and c . ;' . l themselves Chartists ; but no honest man can call them friend to tho labourers ; and if the ixLeaiiin / of tha term Ckartiet is bo very vague and accornm-jauURq , it is time we understood it better , and learntd to distinguish a iamb from a wolf . Mr . Duiiean accuses ths framers of the Petition of setting up an tin warrantable staudarc of CLuirtism ; in other words , thai we make oar position so wide , our boundaries so definable , and our objects eo prominent that we either frighten away the wolves from the fold , or muzzle thorn when they mix with the flock .
The next singular part of Mr : Duncan ' s conduct is marie apparent in the fact , that in one little p ; H-agKipa he denies the , frainers of the petifciosi the i-i ^ ht , of adopting a position thjit cannot be misfciktui , : i : Vd instautly commits the error of erecting a stam ' . ard of his own He says , "As Cha .-tis-ti we hold a ctttain fixed opinion upon tne con .-stiuition of tho k-gisl . tu .-e : but no one particular opinion whatever upon any of the Ut ' . iss that ouiihtiobeposstssedbyit . " ' For auch standard of Chartism , convenient as it may be in the eyes ; of those who socks expediency under piinciple , I cannot subspribe , because 1 not tm ' . y object
to the powers of the legislature , but likewise to the laws they have frrmed , ard far from enteriihiiag no opinion whatever e-ri one © r two , I have the stronges opinion as to the absolute necessity of curtiuiint ? tha powers of the or . eand widening the equity of Uie other . Which si&hdniji- is the most- " warrantahio and the most it : accordance'witli the principles of the Charier ? _ Mr . Dujean wilfully mistakes the . majority lor it faction—grievances far opinions—aud broad principle for base- expediency— ami , therefore , hfs whole positioa being founded in ' error , his ' arguments , a 3 a mstter of course , fall to the ground .
I am told , workingmen of Scotia d , tbst by your directions the leaders acted in the Scoilish Convention . If so , I -ask again , if , previous to your rttcision , you heard botli sides of the question ? Your recent j lecisions have proved , that " to commit a f ; vbe-s . tep is bad—to repair the evilJs wisdom . " I cannot believe that' working men in . ais . y country , can deciile in f tyour of oppression being continusd , in ar . otber , unless taey are dupes or slaves . I vri ! I not believe that th 8 Scottish people have bcesi unjasfc enough t : > give - -their voice in favour cf the New Poor Law for England , because their parsons ' fort ' ici ' ir peculiar Ijerjefit have t ujht them t ' iiit to serve . God is to submit to be fobbed , and tien to practice obeaience to tho robbers" . '
Mr . Duncan shonld read the rules and regulations of the Xaticnal Charter Association , and be will then under .-t . nu tha principles upon which . tht iixecutive are acting . I can inform him of tnta much '; ' . ' ' that no nieniker of the Executive represexits a ' consli . t ' iie . acy .-of tivo or fifty , and tbat they are not elected by tielegates whose qualifications have been repudiated bv the best of all judges—the people . I should be sorry to suppose that BIr . Duncan" baa been duped . I am certiin : he ismhtikea . undl doubt not in time th ? end-wiil be more appareLt , or the period is riot fir distant when leading men will throw the mask from their faces , and be exp . rsed in tLeir intrigue ; then it wiUjte discovered that many good mui : Lave been used as . tools , and . thousands of workiugiucni-y which political traffic could be tffectsd .
| Fcilow countrymen , iu the petition your grievances are prominently explained . Are we to be reviled a : ; d denounced because we have been firm enout ; h io point the fihgfc-f of scorn to the diabolical Jaws which have as long afiiicted and scourged you ? If it is to be so , then I shall stand , for one , in tho ppaiti «» h . '" . ' I . have Jtoscn , viz . for " the rights of labour . . Let others' catttend for the rights of themiddle class , tLo pardons , or the capitalists . I renounce all expediency , iisd wkilst [ have power , truth , however feebly , slu ' . l be expressed .. ; - .- ¦' . . ' .- ' ¦ ' ,,. / ' .- ¦ ' . '
1 i ! Sign the National Petition , consulting first your ) own judgment , instead of the advice of men ; appeal I to your own reasorj , sympathy , and nati& 2 ; ai iioiiuui-, and you will have a response alike vrortliy of your j character , and honourable te- your country . j Above all things send delegates to the Convention about to nieet in London , and lest there should be any I error committed , demand an exebange of comuiuniiationa : betweenEbglaud and Scotland . ; ; I shal , whatever may be the result , if elected for the ; Convention , do niy duty to the working classes ; and -I i shall make a point of going down to the House of : Commons with a band of countrymen who veiIV tnew at least , that " auld Scotia . " eluill not be disgraced in the . ' iirtices 8 ion .-. v : " ..- ¦ . . - : . ¦ - . : ¦¦ - ' ¦¦ ¦ ¦ .. .
Ireland will have her representatives , Errand her trades , Wales wil ! not be behind ; and I shall strive to make cur position not the last cr least in a movement which will thi 8 time be the greatest and I believe the most memorable ..- . : , _ Let us , then , act -with unanimity , and forgetting partial tiifferencej seek " only the public good . ¦ ¦ " I remain , ¦ ' V ' - . . ' . . ] ¦ Fellow Countrymen , ; Faifafuliy yours , in tho cacse , ' -.. ; . . ' .. '¦ - * M M'TJOUATJL
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct878/page/7/
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