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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th March 1841, Edition 5 of 5, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDS , Fbida . t , Makch 5 . The Dnke of AEGTLt ., vrho must be , judging from hh ispirines , a political genius , unseated by the failure cf tie lard Advocate and of the Bart of Aberdeen , « nd nsfeweat fey the sagacity of Lord Melbourne , -which its ' Noble Earl now actncwledgea , —the new 3 > ui . e of A egyll announced that he \* ould try bi » hand at & Bill to put an end to discussions in the Church of Scotland . The Earl of Aberbees threw the cold water of bis own experience on the project of the Noble Duke , who aid , however , that he should feel bound to persevere-The Earl of GlesgaLL , in moTlng for copies of CorrsFDondence between the Poor Law Commissioners and lande-smers at Cloumel , brought under the notice of the House of I / orda one or two cases of what be described as cross corruption .

      The Marquis of Normanbt requested their Lordships to suspend their judgment , till he bad communicated witts Mr . Xicholls , the Poor Law Commissioner , cm the subject-The Daie of Weli . i > "gto > ' rcnld hardly be persuaded to wait , and instantly gaTe notice of a motion for Monday , but at the reqaest of the Marquis of > " ormanby postponed it till Thursday . The Dukst said he " was greatly disappointed at the working of the Poor Xaw in Ireland . Lord ELLENBOTtotGH denounced the proceedings . as S gross breach cf privilege , for the official and private letters for the use of the Himsa contradicted each other . The R-tuiES moved for by Lord Glengall were ordered , sad thsir Lordships adjuurned to Monday . "We presume the maxuj , whenever it comes to be diseusse-3 , wiii afford a nice subject for a most extensive party debate . Jfond' jy , Jfarch 8 .

      The Earl of Sii-iFiEsurai , in the absence of the I / ord Chancellor , toot his seat upesn the Woolsack , shortly after 5 . ve o ' clock . Lord KedesdaLE presented a petition from Tous . ter in Kortharnptonsliire . corr . p ' . ainicg that the expenees attending -vaccination wtrc paid out of the -poor-rates and sugges ' . ing that as vaccination was a national object , the expences attending i ; should be defrayed at the national expence . The Earl of MorsCAS ' iiEL wished to draw their lordships 1 attention to the intelligence wiiich bad arrived from America that day , and which was of the ¦ utmost importance to th : s ctrar . try ; it had create *! a great sensation in the city , and had produced an effect

      on the funds . He referred to the document which had sppeared in the public paptrs purporting to be a Report of the Committee on Foreign ASliirs presented to the Congress of the United States on the 13 th of last month . It was chiefly respecting the detention of Mr . M'Leod , but U also related to other matters in dispute between this country and the United States He did not intend to enter into the consideration of that document , it would be H" . -judged in him to do so ; but he wished to know wh-thtr the document Leonid be considered as genuine Snch a document itight be got up for the purposes of stock-jobbing , and his reason for dcubtin ; its genuineness was , that he had too high an opinion of the understanding and cap&eity of the inhAbitants of tha Tailed Spates . He believed that

      they were not se blind to their own interests as to put forth a docuratnt of the hind ; moie particularly did he doubt its authenticity , when it did not arpeir , from the reports , that any Member of Congress had ever risen to move an amendiaem to it ' . Hear , hear . ) Surely , if that document were genuine , the people of the "United Susies must hav = forgotten the deranged state of their fcamses—they must havs forgotten that in their States there were three nuliiocs of negroes ready to take psn -srith Enj ' cjid in the erect of a quirrel—they mo * : have forgotten the greLt body of Indians whom tbey Bail driven into the interior , and who ¦ were ready to ad-rasce si ones im >> tceir territories , to revenge the -wrongs they had sz . Stre-1 . They must have forgotten the Canadians , ¦ who were am ; ng the most loyal eubjtcts of her ilsj ? sty . Suppose they were to wreak

      their vengeance on the unfortnnata victim who was now in their hands , did they suppose that the Canadians ¦ would not be ready to aTen ^ e his death in a thousand different wsys ?—did they suppose that they would not Bfcixe some person living in the United States ' Government ? Did they forget the body of large troops—he was happy to say , a large one—at present Stationed in our Xorth American colonies , znd the iarge naval force which could at once be brought to btar against them . He thecght ths . t , slier calculating a / things , they would £ z . d that they were more likely to incur a loss thau a profit by entering into hostilities with this country , and therefore he could not believe the document to be genuine . For these reasons he hoped this document could not be a true one , . but it had produced so six ng an impression ~ on the public i ^ ind , that be licuglit it jag&t u > inquire of the T > oble Tiscoimt iLord ilelboamsj -whethtr her ilaj « - tj ' s GoTernruent had received tny official iafonrustion

      respecting ih s Heport , and whether they ccasidtrtd it to be an ; -EdJ document or nut- If the Government did consider it to be in official document , he : Lord Mountc £ siiel ; did not consider the present ; o be the proper time for discisring it ; but be should certainly make Bcme observations upon it s . i the proper time . He thought a document more violent havl nevtr betn penned by one conntry respecting another . He therefore asked th- ^ f oble Viscount whether any official- information had bvea received on th < s subject . Lord MEL 30 t"H > E said he was reaDy unable to give any other imssrer to tie question ef the Noble Eitl than ttat he was not aware that her Majesty ' s Government hru \ received any despatches froru cur Ambassador to the IT sited States ; but he apprehended , from the form ic which the Report alluded to by the JCoble Earl had appeared , and from the manner in which it came , there could be no doubt of -its authenticity .

      On tie motion of Yisc « unt DV > CA » "OS the Tithes Compcsiuoc ' . irciicCi BUI wag read a second timi , and erd = red to be committed on Thursday . Tte Jfobie Tiscount said the o ^ . ject of the Eill was to save expenee in the cise of persons against whom proceedings were tcicn fer the recovery of tithes in IreLind . In ths ori fc iiial Bill , each parucular Cise was obliged to be procee-1-d arainst by tbe Attcrntjy-General in a separate Bill , but it Wis fonnd so extensive that the present Bi . l was brbu ^ ht in to authorise the Attotnfey .-Gciii ; ril ts inclautt aay numba of persona in the same Bill provided they resided in the diocese . On the motion of Tiscoust Dc > 'Ci > 'X 05 , the Court of Exchequer ilrt ' aEd } Bill was read a second time , and &ni = r = ii to bs committed on Thursday . The 2 foble Viieount said the object of the Bill was to amend an error that was supposed to exist in the former Bill

      After a motion by the Earl of Glexgall , which was agreed to , fi , r a rituru of ecpies of all correspondence between the Fo ,-r Law Cor , miiE » ioJirT 3 , and Ditis Pxielici , E « q-, End the other correspondence on the STLT'jeftt cl i » lt > iai appulntiriuiit , in the Tuion of ClOBmel , the iiciiie aajjur ^ ed .

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF COiniONS— Friday , March 5 . In reply to Mr . O'Concell , Lord Palmebston stated that tike treaty with Ttsas waj a general commercial treaty , au < l contained no provision to secure the entrance into Texas of British subjects , being free perBtms Of colour , Mch per > ons being prohibited to ent = r Texas . In answer to Sir R . Peel , Mr . LaBOCcuere promised to ccv . side ? whether he weuid rtftr the . Railways Bill to a se ^ cc ; committee , as one clause was complained of by raiiwjy ccmpanici ; hat both Kigat Hun . Gentlemen Eist- ^ i tia * if tb . s railway companies who petitioned for that , did it ouly to gain time , they should oppose any gnch plan . On ti « motioa f ^ r bringing up the report en Lord Keane ' s Annuity Bill , Mr . HfiiE Rioved that it be pcstpocfd ii . i iht currtsptinueEce betvreen the Governratnt and the East India Company , relative to Lord E ^ ane ' s serv ; c « , In laid before the H&nse . The Hon . ilembtr vUlicu to have the annuity paid by the Eist India CompaLv .

      Lord John Rrsssi / L opposed Mr . Hume ' s motion , ¦ W hich , on a division -was lost by 127 to So . Tiie report "WU bron ^ rit up , and ike iiiil ordered to be read a Uiird time on Monday . The E-ist India Rnn Duties Bill was committed pro jbrma to iati-u-jiice s ^ iae 3 iteratiena into it . Oa the Order o : lit d _ iy for going into a Committee of Supply , Mr . O'B 2 iE > " r * : f « HT 3 il to our uneasy relations w ^ ta the Tnittii Sia : * s , and expressed nn opinion that if we iad a strong fieet within reach of Uie Amtrico . a ports , it wouid b * better shiu b > nave a strong force on tha frontier . ^ Mr . ETT . LE . T a » w no reason for anticipating hostilities ; he reiiru on the goou ssn 3 e and interest of the in-Labitants ui tbe 0 niicd Sutes , and be trusted our ucll » ppy a-J ? r " ine-is would be amicably tenninaicd . Mr . HtilE depraealfed ^ va ^ in atrcmg terms , and asked for inioraiari ^ a , aittivnclj none iraa eirea .

      Tie 6 ii « i \> e of ia « Minii ' iers on uiLs important topic is of no pleasant zwignry . The Boose west is * o a C ommittee of Supply , and jnoney was voted as complais \ ntly as usnaL LordJGH . v Russell , in answer to a question stated that a aiuna-iicnt is to i ¦« erected to Sir Sydney Smith ; and Sir James Di'KEga Te notice that he shouk move that a monument be also erected to Lord Ex month . Mr . Macaclay moved the Ar wj Estimates , whicl he explaia&i ia a business-like n > a . i 'aer . Oae it * m wil be coniidered by the public , as we considered it , cu lious : a Tcta of £ bai ) for inttrt * on deposits ii Savings Bants , of which soldiers couli I avail theinselrei That may make them careful and sai & persons . Jfot withstanding the exhortation of the * itnet to increaw the army , we are glnd to iesm that tb e charge for the present year is only £ 10 , 009 less than 1 . wi Tear for the eficetive strrica .

      Mr . ilcjiE regretted our disturbed i elations witl Eirropc , the grt-at espence caus « d tuereby , asd rect-nj mendKU a ptupcrty tax . Sir H . Hae . di > : g £ tbousiit the estimates iid not g < £ ar enough , aad sp- ^ ke as if he had written . "be leade ) in ths T . ' ai *? i , f Thursday en theBii ! -j = < : t . An aduitioi of 5 , 800 raca would , hd said , give batisfactio i to Uw army . Lord J . Kvssell thought , of course , that tite i vmk ¦ wus exscdy ri ^ ht , ljing between the parsimony . ' < Mr Home ana the extraTagaace of the Gallant Ge . ^ eraJ

      Untitled Article

      The Noble Lord justified keeping our force * up to their present footing by the state of foreign countries , and of our colonies . In the course of the discussion which ensued . Lord Cardigan ' s case was brought under the notioe of the House by Mr . Hume . Lord Howick insisted strongly on the nocessity ol an inquiry , and pointed out tha ; th « Commander-in-Chief was not free from blame . An interesting conversation ensued . Several of the votes were agreed to , and the House resumed . Colonal Sibihobp gave notice that he would call the attention of the House to the appointment of Mr . Visard as Solicitor to the Home Department . The House adjourned at twenty minutes before one o ' clock till Monday .

      Untitled Article

      GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . MENACING REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . ( From the New York Papers received to the 17 th vJt ., by the Packet-thlp Westcheater . J

      TWEHTY-SIXTH COKGBESS . Washington , Saturday , Feb . 13 . Mr . Pickens , from the Committee en Foreign Affairs , msde tbe following report , which wts ordered to be printed : — The Committee on Foreign Affairs , to whom was referred the message of tbe Presided , transmitting a correspoiKifcCce -trith tbe British Minister in relation to the burning of the stta-ji-boat Caroline , and the demand made for the liberation of Mr . Alexander M'Leoi ' ., respectfully rtport : — It appears that the steam-boat Caroline was seized and destr * yeil in the month of December , 1837 . The Committee ' ate inductd to believe that the facts of the case nxa as fc '; lv > w : —

      The boat wss owned by , and in possession of , a citizen of New York . Ske was cleared from the city uf Buffalo , and on the morning of the 20 th of December , 1 S 37 , she left tlie port cf Buffalo , bound for Schlosser , upon the American side of tLe Niagara river , and within the territory of the United States . The original intention s-etmed to be , to run the boat between Buffalo and Schiosser , or perhaps from Black Rock Dam to Schlos-s .-r , and , shou ' . d it seem profitable , it was intended to ran her also to Navy Islam ! , and touch

      at Grand Island anil Tonawanda . Her owmr was Mr . Wells , said to be a respectable ciuz n of B ' -ffiio , and it is obvious his intention in putting up the boat was one of speculation anrl proSt entirely . The txcitenient npon tkat portion of the frontier , at this period , had collected a gTeat many in the neighbourhood—some from curiosity , some from idleness , and others from taking an interest in the unnsnal and extraordinary collection of adventurous men gathered together at that time on Navy island . Navy Island was " nominally " in the British " territory . "

      The owner of the Caroline took advackce of these circumstances to make some money with his boat , by running her as a ferry boat over ts Navy Island . All these facts app ^ -i" from testimony regularly taken ( ice H . K . Dec . No . 3 u 2 , page 40 ami Sj , 2 i S « sion , 25 th Congress ) , and the Comiuittee knowof no Ugal evidence to contrauict them . There is no proof that sny siau or munitions of "war were carried in the bK-. t , exi ;; -pt , perhajs , one small Eis-p :. un'lfer field-piece belonging to a passenger . The princiial object was to run the * ioat as a ferry bjat from Scblosser , on the American side , to Navy Island , on the British side , it is beiieved that , even in war , a neutral po ^ er Las the right to trade in contraband articles , subject , cf course , to seizure ami MnfisCilion . if taken U'ltkLn ! iie jarixliction of either

      of the contending parties . Wbat is contraband of war is not always certain . Treaty stipulations frequently inclcde i-orae articits , and exclude others recognised iu the law of nations . Trading iu contraband articles is no eicuse for invading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power , whose private citizens may choose to run the htzirdof tach a trade . In this instmco there were no two Foreign Powers engaged iu war ; but all concerned in tbe outbreak or excitement within the British jurisdiction , claiiuei to be British subjects , in resistance of tho authorities of Canada , a province of the British empire . Even admitting , then , that the Caroline was er ; ga ; c . i in contraband trade , y < -. t it was with citizens who chaiud t * be subjects of the same empire with those wbu were styled tho legitimate omcers of the Province .

      Abstractedly speaking , bow was a private citizen to da ' cide who wcre right and wh-j were wrong in these lots ! disputes ? And which p irtiun of tho citrus of the same province must cur citiztus r « -fi ; se to huve any communication with . ' But the buat was merely ur-td for onu dsr as a ferry beat ; ac

      within the " territury" of the British G j verr .: ; ieiit ; for at the period to which we allude , the p ^ le collected there had as tfactually defied Canada authorities as any portion of our people disregarded ours . Vet British authority thought proper to pass Navy Island , then in its * ' nominal" territory , and in the pieciiuile uf Us power to cast tbe cejis of British jurisdiction ovtr American soil . This was truly extending over us that k ; ud guardianship whicu they had not the ability tit that time to exteud to a portion of tht-ir own territory , and wbkh recommends itst-if to us , fuli as much from its assumption as fruin its lovu of riebt or law .

      Tte British Minister is plesstd also to call t&e CjtOline a " piratical steamboaV The loese epithets of any one , no matter how high in place , cannot make th ^ t piracy which the law of nations dees not recognise as such Pirates are freebooters , enemies of the human race ; and emintnt jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no & \ g and no hsine . Piracy comes undtr the concurrent jarisdiction of all nations . Even in the worst point of view that it can be considereil , those connected with the steam-borvt Caroline were but aid « rs acd abettors of others engaged in rebellion . And the Committee are totally at a loss to know upon what authority rebellion is recognised as piracy . Such confounding of terms is rcstiag the case upon epithets , instead cf sound law or facts . But even supposing it to be a " piratical boat , " as the Minister asserts it to be ; yet the luuuient it touched our soil it fell under our sovereign ' . y , and no power on earth could rightfully invade it .

      There is no doctrine more consecrated in English history , than that ert-ry human being who touches tbe Soil Of Great Britain Ls imiiifoiiiniely eoTered by British laws . Suppose one of her vessels were cut from the banks cf the Tharucs and burnt by Frcnchui-. n , and British citizens were assassinated at night , end the French Minister wtre to avow that they acted under the orders of his Governnu nt , anJ that the vessel was " piratical , " aad the citizens murdered were outlaws , then there is cot an Er . giisb . iaa . n whose hear t would not beat high to avenge the wroLg , and vindicate the rights , of his country . The law there is the law h ^ re . And there is no inttrnatiunal ia-. v corxsistent with the separate indepencecc-e of nations , that sanctions tbe pursuit of even pirates to muriler and arson over the soil and jurisdiction of oue ui the Slaves of this Confederacy .

      No greater wrocg can a aan < j to a country than invasion of soil . If it can te d ^ r : e v , i ; -. impunity at one point , and on one occision , it aiu bo dor : e at another , and the nation that submits to it finally t , inks down into driveiiicg imbtciiity . If a rcpreientation of the state of things at So ' a : u > ser , and the conduct of those who had controul of ' . he Uiivline , Lad first been made to the proper authorities of New Y-irk , or of the United States , then there would have been some show at least of respect for our sovereignty and independence , and a disposition to treat us as an equal . But in this case , a « if to tr ^ at our authorities -with contempt , there was no preliminary demind or representation made .

      It is hoped that the outrage was psrpttrated by a party in sudden heat and txcitement , v . ^ 'n their own responsibility . But the Britbh Minisver now avows , that " the act was the public act of persons olvying thj constituted MithoriUeE of her Majesty ' s Proviuc-.-, " au . < a ^ -ain affirms that " it wa 3 a public act of peisoki in beT Majesty ' s service , obeying tke crderi cf their tuperior authority . " If this had been the first and only point of csllision with Great Britain it might t , oi have excited

      such interest , but there is an assumption in most of our intercourse with that groat power , revolting to the pride and spirit ol independence in a free people . If it "he ner desire to yreserve x-eace , bur true policy -H-ouid be to do justice , and fchim that , courtesy to equals -which ahe his always demanded from others , liio Cvnnmitree do not desire to press view 3 on this part of the subject , particularly as a demand has been made by our Government of Great Britain for explanation as to the outrage committed , ths answer to which it is hoped -wiii prove satbLictory .

      As to the other points presented iu the demand ma'ie by the British iiiaiitc-r fi . r the " liberation" Alotiudcr M'Leod , tbe Committee believe the fic : s of the case to be , that the steamboat was seized and burnt , as stated before , and that a citizen or citizsns of New York were murdered in the affray . And there were reasons to induce a belief that M'Ltod was partictps oriminis . He was at first arrested , and upon various testimony being taken , was then discharged . He was afterwards arrested a second time . Upon the evidence then presented , he was imprisoned to await his triaL There was no invasion of British territory to seize or take him . But upon his being voluntarily within our territory , te wsa iLrrtited as any citizen ol the United States , charged with , a similar oSsnoe , might have been .

      We tnow of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offences charged tu be committed agaitc ; : tie ' peace an-1 dignity " State , because he is a subject of Gr-st Britain , or because he , commiiUd the crime at tte instigation or under tho authority of British Provincial < JSctrs ; mnch less do we know of any law that woul < l justify the President to deliver him up without trial , at the

      Untitled Article

      demand , and upon tbe assertion as to facts , of any agent of the British Government . If we had been at open war with Great Britain , rad M'Leod hid committed the offenceB charged , then be might have fallen under the rules and regulations of war , and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Government , and would have been subject to the laws of nations in war . But as tbe alleged criminal acts , in which M'Leod is charged to be implicated , were committed in profound peace , it ia a crime , as far as he may be concerned , solely against the " peace an 4 dignity " of

      the State of New York , and her criminal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive . If the crimes committed be such aa to make a man hostU humani generis—&i \ ontl&w—a pirate , in the legal acceptation of the term , then , under the law of nations , the United States Courts and tribunals would have jurisdiction . But the offence chariSd in Ibis case , conimittedoa it was In time of peace , as far as this individual was concerned , was one putajy against the lex loci , and coming exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York .

      The Minister , in his letter of the 13 th December , 1840 , says , " it is quite notorious that Mr . M'Leod was not one of the party engaged iu the destruction of the stea : n-boat Caroline ; and that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain C&n . idians , outlaws , and their abettors , " < k « . This may perchance ail ba so , but it would be asking a great deal to require an American Court to yield juriellctton , and surrender up a pris' -mei charged with offences against the law , upon the mere ipse dixit at any man , no matter how high in

      authority . Whether M'Leod be guilty or not guilty , is the very point upon which an American Jury alone have a right to decide . Jurisdiction in State tribunals over criminal cases , and trial by a Jury of the venue , are essential points in American jurisprudence ; and it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system , to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of the ouo , or thwart tho jurisdiction of the other . If such a power existed , and were exercised , it would effectually overthrow , and upon a vital point , tho separate sovereignty and independence of these States .

      The Federal Executive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign State , but even then it might not be ebiigatory to do so , unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation . Thii duty and right in an Executive has generally been considered as dormant , until made binding by treaty arrangement—But when the matter is reversed , and demand is marie , not of fugitives from justice for offences : u ; ainst a foreign Power , but for the liberation of a man charged with offences against the peace and dignity of one of our own States ,

      then it is that the demand becomes preposterous in the extreme . The fact that tlie offences -Hire committed uuder tho sanction of provincial authorities , does not alter Uve case , unless wo ¦ were in a state of war . In such cases as the present , the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the Fcaeral Executive by treaty stipulation . It could only ba conferred in tUoae cases over which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the Federal Constitution . Such , for instance , as treason , which is an offenco against tho conjoined sovereignty of the States , as denned in the Constitution .

      Over all cases , except those defined in the Constitution , and those coming clearly under the laws of nations , the States have exclusive jurisdiction , and the trial and punishment for offences against them , are incident to their separate sovereignty . It is not pretended , in this case , that there is any Treaty stipulation under which the demand is ni : uiu ; and tho Federal Executive , uniler eur system , has no power but what is conferred by tbe Constitution , or by Bpecial law of Congress . In the former it is declared that " the Executive power is vested in a President of tbe United States , " and that power is then to be pointed out and defined by special laws p . vsed fruin tiuiu to tinia , im . posing such duties as are thought proper and expedient by Congress . Your Committee deem it dangerous for the Executive to exercise any povrtr over a nutter not conferred Ly Treaty or by law ; and to exercise it in any case in conflict with Sute jurisdiction , would bo worse than dangerous ; it would be usurpation .

      But your Committee forbear to press these points furvher at pnj&tut , and they would not have said as much on such dear questions of international law , but that in this case , the demand for liberation has been made by the accredited agent of a great Power , and under circumstances of peculiar uggr&vation and exciw-inent . We have other points of difference with Great BriUin , which add interest to every question that arises between us at present NeiUier our north-eastern ur north-western bouudaries are yet settkd with her , and the mi ' , ject is not entirely free from diiSculty . She

      i : as recently seiawtl our vessels , and exercised a power iuvolvin ; the ri »; ht of search , under the pretext of suppress . u ^ the foreign slave trade , which , if persevered iu , wiil sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa , and wl . ich is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power . She has recently , in her intercourse with us , refused indemnity and denied our rights to projt > rty , on a sul . jec ^ iiatttr vital to near one iialf the States of this Confederacy , ami whn-h , considering her military position at Bermuda , anil her growing power in the West Indies , ia of the hist importance to our . nationc ! iuiiependence .

      Ail these subjects make every question between us , at this particular juncture , of the deepest interest . Btsi . es this , we are both permanently destined to have , perhaps , the most extensive commerce » f modem nations . Our flags float tide by side , over every sea , aud ( ay , and inlet , of tbe known globe . She lnovts steadily upon her theets , v / ith an ambition that knows no bounds . And wherever she has had a conflict of interest she has rarely yielded to any power . At this moment she presents to the civilised world tLe spectacle of tho greatest military and commercial power in combination ever known . From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe , and htr peculiar commercial system , she has been uja- ! e the reservoir of tbe wealth of nations .

      Her internal resources , jtkill , labour , and machinery , wiiu her capital , are beyond calculation . Her natural position , being about midway the coast of Europo , idvea her great control over the outlets and currents of commerce . Her m-litary occupation of Gibraltar , Malta , the Ionian Isim . ds , and recently of St . Jean d'Acre , give her ascendancy ou the Mediterranean and the Levant , while St . Helena aud tbe Capo of Good Hope , give her poiiei . ^ i . n over the currents of trade along those extensive coasU . Then Bombay , Calcutta , and her immense p-- s ^ essiun in tuu East Indies , together with her recent movements iu the Oiiina seas aud Islands , enable her to t-xtenii her power over those vist regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated iuagniu-C'iUcu . Stst possets Falkland Islaud but to control the commerce that passes round the Horn—while Trinidad { . 'iv ^ s he r all file dtsires in the Cirribaan sea . Halifax r > t one poiut , anrt Bermuda fct another , stand out in gre ; u force over otir own coast from one extremity td the other .

      Her positions all over the world are at this moment , in a military point ef view , equal to a million of men under arms . . Her continual contlicts in the mighty regions of the E u > t , only enable her officers to become skiiful and to improvu in tbe aits of war , while her great armies and txtensive fleets draw their support from the immense countries seized and occupied In the present juncture cf affairs , no hUitesman can overlook thtse iuing ? , Sieam powur has recently brought us so near togetLcr , that in the event of any future conflict , war with its effects will be precipitated upon us wiih much mo » e rapidity thj . it formerly .

      Avarice and ; . mb . i : on are tbe running passions of modern Umts . and it is vain to shut , our t-ytsto the state of tilings around us . It mmiiis to ba Keen what effect steam power ia to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war . It may bo a great engine for again levfiiiig mankind , and reducing everything to a contest of more physical force . In that event it might be diitL-ul :: tj cu : ij-jcture what system ot national defence wiil ttjjid the test * f time and experience , Wd have a deep stake in peace , and fondly hope the repose of the worid wiil jiot be disturbed . We have Certainly not tho least desire for any rupture . Firmness and a wise preparation will long preserve us from such a catastrophe . But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice upon the one hand , so no consideration , on the ofrber lun 1 , should ever induce us to submit to permanent wn .-ug fn .. m any power on earth , co matter what the consequences may be .

      Your Committee would e : m <; Uu ' . < 2 by expressing a Srm belief that all the points of affi .-ulty may be honourably and amicably a- justed , aad thai harmony may long be preserved by both Governments pursuing a liberal policy , congenial to the interest and feelings of both people , and compatible with the spirit and genius of an wnlighteued age .

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      ExTEN-iivs Forgery cpon thg Bask of Ei ; gla > d . — itha 3 been lately discovered ihac a robbery to the amount of £ 6 , 250 ha-1 been committed by mcaus of a tbrgeci power of attorney on the iiuuk or " tn ^ land by Christopher Picard , of Friday-street , linen-draper . The stock takeu out was in the New Three-aud-a-Halfptr Cent-., and Picard was-- , it 13 said , a trustee . Tha forgery was conitniited some month ? ago , but was not discovered untii within the last few uiivs . Oa Thursday Picard was ia town , and in such a state of heaith as to be unfit , to leave bis room . He was , however , doctored up in such a manner as to be s . ble to no out iu a coach , aaii it ia generally supposed that he is now on the Continent . The money was takeu ouc at two different times . A reward of £ 100 ius been offered for his a nor ehension .

      Adulteration of Tea . —At the Ilford Petty Sessions , . Edward Glover , of Westham , appeared 10 ar . swer an information fur having iu Ms possession 300 . bs . of dried sioe uud hawthorn leaves , tor manufacturing au articla called " Mouhafarina , " but which was a decided imitation of tfi , and as such the defendant wm liable to the pcnalv . es inflicted by tho Act 17 Geor ^ o III ., cap . 29 . The case was clearly proved , and ( . La defendant admitted that he had niauufaetnred ibe farina , but had never sold it as ' ca . The li ? : n-h cor . rictcd him in tbe penalty of £ 2 W , and ia defiuit of payment sentenced him to twelve months' imprisoumour .

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      THE CONTRAST . TO THE EDITOB OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir . —A most admirable method has , for the last few weeks , been adopted for giving the readers of the Stdr a view of the masB of Incongruities which surround us and which are the effects-of . the cannibal system un def which we , some way or other , contrive to exist . We have seen the expensive tomfoolery of royalty placed ia juxtaposition with the wants and woes « f the useful portion of society . We have bad the fulsome adulation which fitato sycophants and well paid panders heap upon the idols whom tho poor are cempelled to clothe in purple and fine linen , and flaily provide with sumptuous fare , contrasted with the contumely , insult , and cruelty , endured by the really useful but unfortunate members of the community .

      We have seen the inequality , or rather the maladministration , of the law—the titled blackguard being held up ( maugre , the notoriety of his vices ) as a paragon of moral perfection , while the untitled man , of spotless reputation , has been assailed with opprobrium , and treated as the vilest of his species . Tim tyrant is held guiltless , while the patriot is viaited with all the vengeance which despots can inflict . These thiDgs , and many more , originate in the want of a properly regulated system of govermntnt ; ona based upon the nation ' s will , conducted , in all its ramifications , by men chosen from among the people by the people themselves , and responsible to the people for their every act touching public affairs . This is " Urn consummation devoutly to be wished , " aud to achieve it we must look at the two pictures immediately before our eyes . ; I mean Chartisin and Foxisra ; and , when wo h : cve viewed both , we must act as reason dictates and justice commands .

      CHARTISM . FOXISM . Look on this Picture . And also look on this . Chartism recognises the Foxismanmanstheman , right of all men . " Men and makes him a inert ) being by nature tqual are thing j giving him no entitled to equal rights . " rights , but coufarriug them upon inanimate matter , which to-day may be in the possession of the sane and to-morrow in that of the insane—to-day in that of an honest maw , to-morrow in that of an highwayman .

      Chartism will abrogate Foxism will only cancel every law inimical to the such laws as militate gen « ral weal . It will lay against monopoly it usury , the axe to the root of the It will only prune corrupi Upas tree , and prevent the Mon ' s tree , and cause it to desolation produced by its be more fruitful , and its baneful influence . branches more extensive , that the cormorants may be fed thereby , aud fresh birds of prey find a resting-place thereon . Chartism will cleanso Foxism -will only stir the Augean stable in West- up the dung , and increase minster , and make it 11 fit tho stench , leaving it , as receptable for honest men . the scavengers of 1 S ' , 1 ' 2 did , in a worse condition than

      they found it Chartism will m . iTte tfce Foxism will lay its paw labourer first partaker of on the first fruits . It will the fruits of his industry . profess a desire lor the * cheap loaf , but a greater desire for cheaper labour . It will perpetuate the " coarsdr sort of focd" regime . Chartism will abolish all Foxism will retain all useless places , unmerited the " nice pickings , " pensions , and snug sine- comfortable places , fur its cures . needy and gaping adherents .

      Chartism will oust bad Foxismwillallowshonldservants , or unjust stew- be representatives three ards , at the earliest possible years to " pick , " plunder , period . &ad perpetuate mischief . It will re-establish the parent of the septennial act , which , at its next lying-in might give birth to a sit-fast for life . Chartisin will disband Foxism will requiro the a useless and expensive continuauce of th « pliyaimiUtary establishment . It cal force corps , for the will carry retrenchment purposo of defending the into the naval department , old citadel , and clearing and send the "blue-devila" the way for its votaries , to the right about . -who : vre anxious for a firm stage and solid favour , besides a good protection from lodgers , huttets , and houseless vagrants .

      Chartism will bo the Foxism will be , like the foundation of individual Whig R e form , a steppingcomfort and national pros- stone for political ativenperity , if carried out , and turers , and unprincipled improved , in proportion to charlatans to ascend to the increased knowledge place and power , whiie it and nltcred circumstances will be an additional mill-» f the people . stone around the necks of the people . Chartism Is jwst ; hence Foxism is a fraud ; hence its advocates are persecut- its advocates aru smiled ed , prosecuted , imprison- upon by " the powers that fed , U&nsported , and putto be , " and the arm of pvrsedeatii . cation is turned a , way from them .

      These are a few facts -which may be improvedi Yet 1 trust that the Chartists know tneir course too well to bt > led into the traps of tho Foxes , even though some tcill-be leaders may show the white feather . Yours , truly , AN Old Chartist . Leeds , March 2 nd , 18 il .

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      The Governor Fenser . —We have been requested by a surviving brother to publish the ¦ following names of a family who perished in the wreck of this uniortiiuato vessel : — . faints Holt , carpet printer , Bridl-jway New Churoh , Rossendale , aged 3 G ; Mary licit , hid wife , ivged 36 ; Jane Holt , his daughter , aged 12 ; Fanny Holt , bis daughter , a ^ ed 7 ; Janus Holt , aged 2 ; Alice Ana Holt , aged 7 ; and his wife ' 6 sister , Alico Barmes , aged 34 ; and Alice CunliiFe , cousin , from Lcu ^ K borou gh , aged 28 .

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      OASTLER'S FLEET PAPERS . Nos . IX . andX . Ii was our intention to give a lengthened notice , and an extract from these excellent numbers of the " Fleet Papers , " in our last ; but circumstances prevented our being able to do so . We will not mar with commendation the touching and pathetic introduction of a factory cripple to his readers , by Mr . Oastler . It will speak better for itself than any language of which we aro master : — « " I told you , in a preceding letter , I had heard that a young man , whe ¦ was formerly a Hudders&etd factory boy , had left twenty shillings for me with a friend . I will now tell you somewhat more , . about It Believe me , Mr . Tbornhill , it was the poor , broken-down , -wornout , turned-off . kicked-out orphan factory cripple , Joseph Habergam ! The Jirst time I saw that poor lad was in my drawing-room , at Fixby Hall . John Wood was there that morning . Joseph had beard , from some of

      his comrades , that 1 loved poor little factory slaves . He was 'done up' — served with crooked legs and spine , swelled knees and ancles , and a broken constitution , at fourteen years , as the reward , from the factory monster , for his industry ! He had crawled on his hands and knees , and , in some hours , had managed to creep two milts ! The poor slave , having heard of my exertions for the factory children , hoped that I could help him to ' an iron frame , ' to put his deformed and crippled body in ! this will only be understood in the " factory districts , where it is common ( when the children are so ¦ weakened and distortea aa not to bo . able' to stand or walk ) to make-iron frames , likegibbtts , to fix around , their limbs and bodies , so as to enable the poor wretches to support themselves by tbat artificial aid . With the help of John Wood , T was enabled to procure an iron frame for Joseph ; and afterwards , William Osburn , jun ., and Robert Hall , Esqrs ., befriended him , got him into the Leeds Infirmary , educated him , and but I am running on too fast ; I am not

      about , in this letter , to write a memoir ef poor Joseph . I Lave told you of the first time that I saw him ; the last time was in this prison—in No . 12 , Coffeo Gallery : I have not seen him in this cell , but I have seen his kind master , Hall , and his benefactor , Osburn , hero . When he entered ( very neatly dressod he was , but still Joseph was cr .-oked , deformed , and crippled ) he said , ' Oh ! Sir , I r . m sorry to sco you here . ' * Do not grieve , Joseph . I nm rejoiced to see you . ' And then 1 aaked him about his health , and about his poor mother , and his kind master and Hristi-ess ; all his answers were satisfactory , but his look was melancholy . Then he seemed to be weeping , and said , Oh ! Sir , I should hairo been in my i ^ rave but for ycrar Kindne ss ; you have caved many others , as well as myself . I am

      sorry to see you here I' Bless the lad ! 1 could have clasped him in my arms . Would not you have been moved under such circumstances ? I saw that he was in some difficulty or embarrassment : he did know how to perform the task which he Lad set himself . I said , ' Joseph , was it yon who gave Mr . a sovereign for me ? ' ' I never intended you to know that , Sir : I have brought you ten shillings , and has sent you a nice home-baked loaf ; f < ho thought it would be a treat for you in prison . ' Talk of rents , Mr . Thorntall , of dividends , or of winning bets . ' Why , Sir , the receipt of thousands , in such ways , is abject poverty , compared with the real wealth which Joseph Habergum thus poured into the lap of his imprisoned benefactor ! 'Joseph , ' said I , ' I do not despise your offering—it is too large ; your mother needs it . I will take sixpence from eich of ywiir donations . ' I can

      well spare it all , ' replied Joseph , with a smile that seemed reflected from some celestial being ; ' aiidyon know I owe you everything ; but for you I should now have been iu my grave . ' Ha saw that I was resolute , and thtn he said , ' I will send it to my mother , Sir , and tell lior that , you have given it to her . ' Do you not admire the delicate sensibility of that youth , Sir ? I do . Joieph was a noble victim—too noble for the waste and cruelty of the fell factory monster J I never enjoyed anything so much as that interview ; and , afterwards , that Jcaf ! Ob ! it was good . ' But that expression—with the celestial countenance , and sweet , yielding , conquering tone— ' I -will send it to my motheT , Sir , and tell her that you have given it to her , ' was an angel's treat—a treat worth coming many times to prison to enjoy ! He thus , with his own gift , repurchased for me the prayers and blessings of his widowed mother !

      ' * I wish I coula convey to you , and to all who read this , the feelings of my enraptured mind at that moment . Ita very memory is sweet , and will be to my dying day 1 " Upon his favourite subject Oastler is , of conrse , at home ; and the treasure-house of hia memory not seldom brings out matters in connection therewith not less annoying to the lukewarm iriends or open enemies of England ' s infam slaves , thau serviceable to their cause . Such we apprehsud thd following reminiscences to be : — " The Select Committee of the House of Commons , on the operation of Althorps Factory Act , is sitting ; and , although I mny not discuss their proceedings , I may write something which will be useful to them . Tkere is , I believe , no law to bar me from that .

      " You are aware , Sir , that the present Factories ' Regulation Act , was passed by the Government , in 1833 , in opposition to tho Ten Hours' Bill of Lord Ashley . Lord Ashley had no hand whatever in the passing ef that Biil His Lordship hr >! solemnly and publicly pledged himself to the T « n Hours principle , at a meeting , held in the City of London Tavern , the 23 rd of February , 18 S 3 . Sir Peter Laurie , on that occasi « n , ( Lord Mayor of this City , ) was the Chairman . Lord Ashley then said : — " ' Before he sat down , he bfcKged to assure them , that he Should not give way a . eiru ;! e moment on the

      question of Ton Hours . He assured the meeting , that he should persevere in the course he had commenced . He had taken up the question as a matter 0 / conscience , and as such he was determined to carry it through . If the House would not adopt the Blil , they must drive him from it ( the Ten Hours' Bill , ) as he iconld not concede a single step . He most positively declared , that as long as he had a scat in that House , nnd God gave him health and a sound mind , no efforts , no exertions should be wantinpf on his part to establish the success of the measure . If defeated in the present session , he u-ou ( d bring it forward in flie next , and so on in every succeeding session till his success was complete . '"

      "It was at that very meeting , Sir . -wheTO' the monster Judas O'Connell' said : — "' Good God ! that such a system should exist in a Christian country—that poor infants should be condemned to the deprivation of sleep , the inhalation of poison , and the endurance of the extremes of human anguish , to obtain a miserable pittnuc . to save themselves imd their parents , perhaps , from starvation ! The question was a question of blood , and those who should stand by , and ucquiesce in the continuance of sucli a sustain after the facts which had been stated , tcould be guilty of murder . Every manufactory -was open to be viewurt , and was proved , by couciirrent testimony , to be a hive of swarming misery . The miserable creatures themselves , too , were brought before the Committee ; and their sunken eyes , hectic cheeks , emaciated limbs , on which was stamped the decrepitude of premature old

      age , spoke for them , and gave a fearful oorroboration t » their testimony . He trusted that he should not be mistaken in supporting the cause—the cause ofOiosexcho hud « o proUclor , no voice but the voice of humanity ; and that it should have the support of all his energies , humble as they were , he . pledged himself . It was said , that the number of hours it was propusod to reduce the labour of these children , waa too small ; but he was surprised that human nature could bear , under such circumstances , to work even . that number of hours . He , for himself , considered that Tun Hours were too many ; but as medical men and men of experience bad decided , that labour during that period could be borne , he should go a ' . ' . ng with them to that extent , but he would not cou-Saut to tliO addition of oua half-kour—nay , one minute , beyond the time so decided to be capable ot ' being ep . dured . '"

      " It is true , that O'Connell , afterwards , voted against these , his solemn protestations—i ; ay , he even gave the casting vote against himself t He also received one thousand pounds from the Manchester millowners and their friends . * * " Thoso solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , were made in presence of Sadler ; that fact stamps them with double weight . Myself , and otbers , were immediately dispatched to public meetings in Yorkshire and Lancashire , to inspire the hopes , aud restore thu confidence cf the factory slaves , who-were downcast at the less of the Parliamentary services of their champion—Sadler . Tiie solemn declarations of Lord Asliley , at the London ni ' -oting , were quoted ai ;< i requoted by us—until , at length , the hopes and confidence of the Ten Hours ' Bin men , were entirely ctmtred in his Lordship .

      When the Bill was m committee , mid Lord Ashley was defeated by the Government , on the Ton Hours ' clause , he entirely withdrew from tho discussion , and left Lord Althorp , to pass hia own measure . " Now , Sir , it is impossible that Lord Ashley conU \ liavo given tho measure of his opponents a fairer chance than he rms dor . e ; for , even in tho face of his solemn avowal before tho London meeting , he deemed himself bound . by honour to wait , and try if the Government measure wouid succeed . So determined was his Lordship to give his opponents' scheme lair play , that , when

      he was urged by the Ten Hours' Bill-men , to redeem his pledge , he answered : —• I cannot interfere , until Lord Altiiorp - s Act , has had a fair trial . ' Nay , even when his Lordship joined Sir Robert Peel ' s ministry , in 1831 , aud when many enthusiastic friends expected that he would avail himself of his official situation , and introduce his own Ten Hours' Bill as a Government measure , so atrong did he conceive tSe requirements of honour to be , that , even then , he was silent , waiting for the proof of the tfiicacy , or ineffieacy of the existins law !

      " Tl . 'e time , liowover , has now arrived , when the same feeling of honour , which has so leng restrained his Lordship , will impel hint strenuously to exert himself for the fulfibnenS of his solemn pledge . . • " Lord Ashley cjirmot now fail to be fully satisfied that ho has waited till honour can wait no longer . He must now be persuaded , that the law of his opponents hus had every cbanco which time , the * power of Government , and the aid of hi * friends can give it ; and that ,

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      after all , it is a failure ! He trill now , In the Hon » of Commons , redeem his aolemn pledge , and take nn the Ten Hours" Bill as a matter of conscience , and u such , " be determined to carry it through . And ' If foiled by the power of wealth , ( which I know is' at this moment , subscribing ita blood-stained thousand , for the purpose Of causing procrasttnaUoD and delay 1 he -will , as long as he has a Beat In * M House of Com ' mons , and God gives him health and a son 24 mimj take care that no efforts , no exertions will be -wantinr ' on his part , to establish the success of the nieasareT and if defeated in the present session , ' he-will keen hk vow , and 'bring ifc forward in the next , and « o on fa every succeeding . session , till bis success is complete ? Never sfeall I forget the honest indignation of Lord Ashley at the perfidy of O'Connell , when the' monste * Judas' betrayed the cauge ! " **

      Thus has Oastler pinned Ashley to the postwhence if he flinch now—no flogging caii be mora severe than he will merit .

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      ' TRADES' HALLS . How few exist iu this country—and those ouly in name ! Are any of them based on right principle £ of equality ) and peifecl freedom of occupation ? How have they boeu built il By the united subscriptions of -working men , or tho purse of-the speculator ? Trades' Halls are new wanted more than ever , common sense and jusuco admit the claim of the great mass of the population to mako known their opinions , and the hw acknowledges its exis'tence , as a component principle in the British Constitution . " An Englishman has the privilege of forming hia own opinion upon the policy , expediency , and justice of the system that is adopted by his ruicrs . . Having formed this opinion , it cannot bo denied that he has a right to promulgate it , io support his own opinion by his own arguments , and t-j recommend its adoption in what he may deem the moct efficacious manner . "—Lord Brouahum .

      Oh , yes ! tho working classes may meet 1 But where 1 " If they turn their aucutum to the green fields , or to tho common , heritage their forefathers possessed for their ' folkmotes , ' their * tithciaotes , ' and other public purposes , they are there niut by the law of trespass , tho power of exclusion , the opposition of all the squirearchy of the town . " And , last , but not the least , " Torohli ^ ht" Proclamations Trades' Halls are now the only direct barriers aga . 'nst the progressive suppression of public meeiijj ^ -a and free discussion . Wliat is tao use of Trades' Hails amongst iho working men of . the country \

      " To unito in ono general bady , persons of a ! 2 creeds and opinions who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement o ' i the people . "Chartism Ly Lovett and Collins , p . 24 . " I'o extend the utility , influence , and nunibcr of Trades' Societies , by offering a commodious building , where their mottings may be better and more economically accommodated than at public-houses . " London Trades' Hall Laws , No . I . To provide a " Mechanics' institution , " , in spirit , as well as name , an extensive library and reauingrooni accessible to operatives throughout the < iay and night , at an expeuso ot' a few police per week each . To offer cheap and liberal schools for tiio tuition of the children of both sexes belonging to the workin t ; class .

      To unite , and call forth in public meetings and festivals , the mutual feolings and sympathies of both sexes of the labouring population , ou the ground of their common participation in every public measure calculated to oppress or bent-fit the rights of labour . a substantial and extensive means lor the accommodation of public meetings , of from 3 , 000 to 6 . U 00 persons , at a lesser amount of rental than tho public Duildmga already existing can be engaged , without any exclusiveness on the score of politics or religion , and available at the same time for lectures , concerts , and social entertainments . Depota for concentrating the intelligence and operations of the numerous Trades' Societies of the country , and the promotion of an easy and permanent systotu of communication between tlum for niutiul benefit and information .

      Traded' Halis wiil benefit all classes in the country , beneath tho aristocrattcal oue ; the interest in tlusir erection aud use ia general ; and , -amongst the working mon of the kingdom , would provo an immediate source of pecuniary profit , and speedy political improvement . The constitution , government , erection , and application of Trades' Halls will be developed in the f ature numbers of the Star .

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      CORNER'S HISTORICAL LIBRARY-D EN MARK , SWEDEN , AND NORWAY . ££ " don : Dean and Muaday , Threadn eeclle-street Nos . I . aud II . "' This is a very popularly , dearly , well-written historical work , designed for youth , schools , and families . We do not recollect to have seen history so familiarly and yet so ably -written , and so well suited for the class of readers into whose hands it is designed tho book ehouid fall , as in the numbers before us . One great desideratum in ail works which are intended to convey uaeful knowled ge to the young mind is to present it in an agreeable and attractive form , such as will engage the iuteresfc and absorb th >« t « ntiou of the student . Thispoiatfa fully attained in the edition before us

      The two numbers constitute parts twelve and thirteen of the series . They are occupied entirelv with the histories of Denmark , Sweden , and Norway . andarecomplete in themselves , and independent of preceding or consequent parts . This is a merit in itself . ll We have not room for more than one two extracts Judging from the following , " FEASTIXG AT PC 11 LIC MEETINGS WAS A SCAND 1 NA . V 1 AN CUSTOM . "In Scandinavia , as well as in Gaul and Germany feasting was a part of every public transaction . Mail riages , funerals , meetings on affairs relating to the state or assemblies held for religious purposes , all wetg celebrated -with feasts . At the national assemblies which held in tho air

      were open , all free men were allowed to attend , and to have a voice in ev « y thing connected with tbo public -welfare . Al ! persons came armea ; tho king and nobles took their seats on stones placed for that purpose , the King ' s being higher than the rest , and then tho priest commanded silence and tbe king addressed the assembled multitude , who signified their assent to any proposed measure , by clashing their swords against their shield ? , and their dissent , by a sort of groaning noise . When the latter was . made , the proposition was usually withdrawn ; for the king was not an absolute sovereign , but merely the chief of a free people , who elected him thenm-lves , and were willing to be directtd by him ; though they preserved the right of opposing his will , if they thought he was not acting for the general good . " In another page we find the OIUGIN OF THE KING ' S CHAJIIMOX . " The office of champion was instituted in tbe timt of Harold Harfoargre , and it was afterwards introduced into other European countries . The duty of the champion was originally to guard the person of the king , and to revenge his quarrels ; therefore , he was required to possess extraordinary strength and valour . He was frcausntly tn ^ aged iu duels , In defence ef tae rights of his sovereign , and tho scene of combat was usually some small uninhabited island in the Baltic . From this custom , perhaps , originated the trial by combat ; in which champions were sometimes employed by females , or men who were too aged or infirm to fight for themselves . A battle of this nature was called the Holmgang ; turd the island where it was fought , the Holm . " And elsewhere is described the obstinacy of

      THE NORWEGIANS' OPPOSITION TO CHR 1 SIUMTT , "In tho meantime , his brother Haco used every effort to convert the people of Norway to Christianity He built some chuvches and monasteries , and destroyed many of the heathen temples ; but the prejudices of the people in favour of their ancient religion , wen too great to be easily overcome , and loud murmurs arose . The landholders -would not consent to a fora of worship that mado it a duty to rest one day in seven ; for they all had slaves to cultivate their fields ; and they began to reckon how much they should lose , if these poor

      men Were allowed to cease from labour so of tea . A Thing was , therefore , assembled to discuss the subject , nt which the king was present , when oae of the husbandmen got up and addressed him on tho . part of his neighbours , saying , tbat they had elected him to reign over them , on condition tliat he would support all their ancient institutions , and they had come to resolution , that if he did not do so , and attend tha sacrifices according to the custom of his predecessors , they should elect another sovereign . " This , " said he , " is our determination ; therefore , king , take thy choice . " Haco chose to continue king . "

      ORIGIN OF MARKETS . " It was about this period , [ the tenth century ] that fairs and markets beean to b « established in the North of Europe , and these gave birth to towns ; for as long as there were no regular places of trade , fevery ptrson built his house where it seemed most pleasant to him . But when regular markets came to bo held , it was found so convenient to live near them , that a great number of houses were soon built on the same spot ami formed towns , -which gradually increased in size , wealth , and importance . "

      SLAVERY IN EUROrE . " Slavery was so general in Europe , at this tune , [ tha tenth century ] that the principal merchrmnise at tha fairs and markets in the north , nnd in Germany , con > 6 isted of captives taken in the wars , which were often made for the express purpose of obtaining them . The common . price of a slave was one mark , or eight ounces of silver . " Each number is illustrated with a neatly executed steel engraving .

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      FIRST COLLECTION OF BIBLE RlfJJ ^ . T p A CATECHISM OF THE HISTORY OB ENGLAND . First second , and third Catechus of Common Things ; and first , second , ana tflj ™ Lessons of Natural Philosophy for Children . « tKe , Rev . T . Wilson . London : Darton aad ^ a « , Holborn Hill . ,- . ! , „ , - We have carefully looked over the pages ot tn esj new atid excellent helps to juvenile ed « caaoo , au « have much pleasure in recommending them io notice of our readers , and the public general ^ -. w • Wilson has most » b } y executed hJ ***!*' * ^!! provided a rich fund of information for «} e . yoU"n mind , on a vast variety of subjects , and in sucnmanner as to combine instruction with . delipni- *» opening intellect will here find ample range lor jub exercise of its expanding power £ , andI ™" pleasingly introduced into the paths of knowieagw gaining fresh acquisitions at every step , ana » nus coming imperceptibly , led to more ^^ f ot of rea ) , practical improvements . Ihe > * - ^ , * Natural Philosophy are embellished with a ne » minature map of the globe , solar , system , w ^ j , planets , Sec . and with highly useful wood cms , J lustrativo of several branches of -the ^ ubjectv »»« £ of . These add much interest and valce to the dooj * We are sorry to observe some typo ^ rap hit-ai err y which detract from the beauty of these * jm « " » works ; and what is worse , an inaccuracy in -om the dates , and a few of the details , . £ ma - fheSe the young student into 6 erious misEajfe .. things we hope will be corrected in a second ed o We most especially recommend Uger ^ l 4 g ^ pliy for Children , and the Catechism of umw Things , to general adoption and approval .

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      ADVICE TO THE REFORMERS IN REFERENCE TO THE TAXES ON FOOD . By Samuel Gordon , Esq . Dublin : West , 154 , Capel-street . Mr . Gordon has , in this little tract , demonstrated not only tho iniquitous nature of tbo starvation laws , but also , whether he intended it or not , th ? . mischief which must result from thei * * ep » &l , without Universal Suffrage . Let those who corn plain that they ar « brought to the verge of ruin by these enactment ? , join the people for the attainment of their riphtB , and we will pledge ourselves for the repeal of > hes « and of all other bad and class-made laws . There are some facts added illustrative of the nice doinga of that sink of iniquity , the Irish Court of Charoery ; to which we may find it convenient to icviie public attention at somefntu . ro time . The following remarks on- the Whigs contain some sterling truth : —

      . , ,. " Probably , it -were better for the connti-y tbat tne Whigs should occupy tbe opposition benches ; wlulfl there they generally contrive to earn the character of virtuous MaQdalens , and even set the Tories jeadns of their good name with John Bull , nnd then the strangle begins as to -who shall do most ; but trLile in tfflcfl they are notorious for their profligacy and treachery . If they will give us no Reforms—if they will « t their faces against the repeal of the Corn Laws , against the revision of the Pension List ; if they wiil do nothing but betray tha peoi-le on the subject of L * vr R-fprra ,-the Septennial Act , and every other measure of rclwl , Oie sooner th « Ffpro of Waterloo drives t ! -: * m fr <> n »

      their position ia Downing-street the better ; we shall i !; en know how to act . If he were to so to-morrow , it would be impossible to gtt up two meetings in their favour in tbe whole kingdom . It is almost unntccs ^ ry ti go farther in citing instances of the real character of tne professions of Reform made by the Whigs ; they erectM a humbug called a Board of Works for Ireland , and » appears by a report of a Committee of the House or Commons in 1835 , that the attorneys and lawyers oi the Board could put the Company of a Railway « nw miles' length to the expence oi ten thousand potarts jot a deed of mortgage . ' ¦ that is , an expence of ten thousnno pounds for tbe parchment or paper writiD ? , and a this by the way of encouraging employment for tea starving people of Ireland . "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct846/page/6/