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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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UMVERSAL BROTHERHOOD . LETTER XXni . TO rBS . KDITOB OP THE K 0 STHKE 3 STAB . Sis , —In my last letter , inprmmance of the badness I bad undertaken , namely , "To examine the various remedies thai have hitherto been proposed to remove ¦» h * t has been fosnd oppressive , " I reviewed the temperance movement of Father Msthew ; and Usb agitation under ii&O'Connell for the Repeal of the ITnian -with Ireland . J £ ball commence this week by calling the attention o ? jonr readers to one who has made herself not a little celebrated as an agitator during the abort period
she has been before the public I alln . de to " Rebecca , " ¦ who , thinking that justice could not be obtained in "Wales by any of the ordinary methods , has taken upon , herself to administer it inker own peculiar manner . I haTe no dears to criticise the mode by which others act , nor to express an approval , or tbeieverse , of the coarse "which Rebecca And her daughters are pursuing ; as individuals can only proceed -with anything they hare to perform in the manner they are prompted to execute it , by their own peculiar idiesyocracies . i xhaB therefore look at t + fi * movement as a put # f the great change which is approaching , rather than in its immediate i ««» . i effect .
Rebecca has clearly made manifest "what before was little known or cared for , namely , that the people of South Wales were suffering nnder every species of local tyranny that conld -well be conceived . The first object -which engaged the attention was the administration of the tmst of keeping the roads in repair . She found this made the subject of a most grievous charge , and appears to hare considered that the best mode of reducing it -srould be by destroying the turnpike ^ stea . A strong organization -was formed for thiB purpose , aid it was soon found that Rsbecca and her Daughters could at any time effect the object she sought : and this has led to many ether matters being referred to her .
Tour paper of this day bearB rather strong evidence of the manner in "which this movement is operating on the minds of the landowners , not only of Wales , but of other parts of the United Kingdom ; and as the success "which has attended it will be a powerful stimulant to others , it "will be 'well to examine to what cause that success may be attributed . Tba first thing necessary to observe in this movement , is , that it is one of unity . From the reports in the Times , it is evident thai there are plenty of suggestive meetings held , but the mode of action is conn . denily referred to Rebecca , and no one thinks of interfering in any -hwhitwt with her decisions except to execute th ^ TTI
The next is , that Rebecca is just , in her idea of the term ; and it is to the sympathy excited by the sense of justice that she owes that protection she is receiving in a most dangerous course ; lor should a contrary opinion prevail she "would Boon be handed over to the tender mercies ef the Government . The third point I would notice is that Rebecca proceeds promptly to the Execution of "what she determines on , and does not keep disturbing the minds of her followers by v sol ess theorizing ; a qualification which is essentially necessary to any practical leader . from the v&ers of abatement ef rents , abatement of tithes , removal of turnpike gates , and various other redresses for grievances , which are now liberally made to the Welsh people , it is evident that this movement is performing its part , in preparing the public Tni-nfl for an universal brotherhood ; and it will be very interesting to watch the farther progress of Rebecca .
The next proposed remedy to which I shall call at- tention is ,, "TheRepeal of the Com Laws . " Whatever may have been the motives for which the cry of ' Repeal was begun , the public mind has decided that it is a matter of justice ; and as such it must be yielded , whatever may be the epposition brought against it . Claiming as I do , in the abstract , the free use of the fruits of the earth for every individual in , it on the ' ground that we are all the creatures of one DivinB j power to "whom all things belong , it is to me a very , trifling matter whether these laws be immediately re- j pealed or not . It would be far better thai we should commence the great inquiry of what is best lor- all ; j but as our minds are not yet sufficiently expanded to : treat this subject in any manner approaching the importanee it deserves , the exertioBS of the anti-Corn ; law Xeagne will be most serviceable in preparing us for the task . ] Prom the rapid change in public opinion which has . xivui uw xo ^ Jtu uiouge iu ywjuc upuuuu ituiui u «¦
lately taken place in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws ; chiefly in the agricultural districts , and brought about bj agricultural depression , which depression must inevitably increase rapidly , from the addition * to the poor rates , county rates , police force , yeomanry duties , and many other matters which are inevitable ; to say nothing of the decline in value that will occur in agricultural produce from diminished consumption , it is quite certain that no government will Iodj be . able to resist it ; but the repeal being once obtained , how will the respective parties be then situated ? Will cotton lords , landlords , church lords / or lords of any other -kind , be in a better position from this change ? Or will it not rather be that their confusion will have increased an hundred fold , and an approach will be so far made towards the inquiry into the true remedy ? Depend upon it , we may safely say to Messrs . Cobden , Bright , Smith , and all their friends and associates , " go on and prosper ; for you too have a mission to perform ,
m preparing lor that change which is to placeman npon earth in such a position as * best enable him to work oat the mysterious ways of that power that over-mletb * """" things . *" N exfc to the Corn law movement , I would call attention to the remadies proposed by the Churches of England , Scotland , and Ireland . In England there are three , namely , a return to strict discipline , and catholicity ; the building of new churches ; and a system of Education baaed on voluntary subscriptions .
Thanks to Dr . Pusey and bis friends at Oxford , we are about to endeavour to return to that unity and Catholicity , without which true religion can never be known . Some people may be alarmed about the dec trices of transnbstantiation , and other things of trifling importance j and half a century ago we may have been touch inconvenienced in progress by them ; but these -days have lung since passed . There can be no harm in our churches possessing those inspiring auxillaries-to the higher and more elevating portions of our being
that are te be derived from fine painting , superior music , and the gorgeous spectacles that are sometimes exhibited to the people of the continent . There is no fear of our going backward in other respects , by forsaking thosewrimoniouB feelings which arise from dissent in religion ? and if the Chnreb ib ever again to have power over the minds of the people , it can only be by it * tavihtTn placing themselves in the advanced guard , morally , intellectually , and physically ; far this three-fold nature of man Is now for the first time about to be fully developed .
¦ With regard to the building of churches , what but good can arise from it ? Some will cry ont , " We dont want them ; are we to be taxed for them ? " and many other such like exclamations ; but all this ia perfectly beside the question . We are now too deeply taxed for a few millions a year to be asy objection to those who can pay it ; and those who cannot , need not be alarmed abontii . All the tention that has been devis « d is charged on the folly and ignorance of the people ; and when they shall be ready to pay earnest attention to the subject , they may early learn how to avoid it . With regard to the churches , they give employment to masons , bricklayers , carpenters , and others , is building them ; and should they not be found necessary for the immediate purposes for "which they are intended , they may be turned to account in many other ways .
Respecting education , the Cburcb is organizing a subscription of a quarter of a millien , to devote to this purpose , to which I see her Majesty and Sir Robert Peel have each contributed £ 1000 . The Prince Aibert and the Queen Dowager have each given £ 500 . and the Bishop of London , who is the soul of the scheme , has . given £ 1000 . I "wish them evejy success in their undertaking . The light of troth is now shining too "Visibly in the world for us to have any cause for feari * ng that the elements of instruction , nnder any creed , ¦ k ill do harm . The great book of nature is being re \ d in all countries , and any helps to this reading most ten . " 3 . towards the development of that great purpose Trhk * & the Creator has designed shall be now accomplish * **•
If a . TJ are afraid" mat we shall fall too rapidly into the an ** of the Chnrcb of Borne , they may find consolation L i the state of the Scotch Church- Those who have wai ted the proceedings which have torn the people of Scotland , to the centre , as a means of preparing the to minds for higher and more noble purposes , must much admire the calm and holy zaal , and fervent sine trity which distinguished Dr . Chalmers and bis eoad jnta " % < w ° 0 haTe lately seced&d from that church . They * a * bright examples of humanity under th « inflnence o 1 superior feelings ; and although their
movement has . "aot at present that universal tendency " » hich it is now - "lesirablethat we should soon attain to , yet -we cannet but' admire the devoden and energy with "which they pursue their object , knowing that it must tend to the same coi "umon end . Their proposed Temedy 5 * the buMing ana' endowing of six hundred new tbnrenea on the volu "Etary principle ; and the Scotch people have subscribed' ^ ery- freely for the purpose of retaining thtir Javourii © preachers , and Dr . Chalmers is the person to fulfil bii' promise of pursuing the old mstiiirtfoai if itbe needetl even to their destruction .
The Irish Church , by law Established , that is , the Protestant , seems to be in { treat danger from a remedy proposed—of Tendering its ^ evennes available to other Purposes ; and the tithe own . 'as will undoubtedly be much alarmed ; but no one can iail to discern in this , a step in nnmraal progress of * o- small magnitude . The grievance of supporting a body o < people with whom ^ EJ had .. ao sympathy , has been j " obj and deeply felt by the Irish people ; and they have aow mest wisely declared that this can no longer fea- No sooner do ^ J appear united on the subject , sod concentrate feir power at one focus , than plenty of persons are iSBnd to argue ihtir cause , and to asiist them in proeariag that jeEef which they will not fail to obtain , in ^ SMfc proportioa as their love and intelligence are de-T ^ Ped . Many of the Protestant clergy are making Knns with the Repeal party , and adding to that union * bo power " which can now only be disturbed by undue excitement on ihe part of the people .
.. ** " » & take a calm survey Sien of the position of the Hiree churches , every friend of nniversal principles will ** much to idoice at The internal differences , that
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exist in them -will cause deep and Bearchmg enquiry on all aides ; and sooner or later , in proportion to its intensity , will truth be elicited . As this shall be done , and it shall be brought tq the light of public opinion , will the fallibility ef man be corrected , and we shall be enabled to discern the true road to happiness and walk quietly therein . The more I reflect npon the subject the more strange does it appear , that with every element for happiness bo abundantly surrounding him , man is still the victim of so much vice , crime , and misery . The knowledge however of the laws which govern the universe , and the developement which is taking place in the sciences of human nature , and of society , will soon render the cause of th' * seeming anomaly plain , and easy to be understood ; and in the mean time I would say to Rebecca and her Daughters , to the promoters of the
repeal of the corn laws , and to the heads ef the various parties in the Churches of £ nglaad , Scotland , and Ireland , pursue weil the various objects in which you are respectively engaged . To you they may appear the . allabsorbing ones ; but there are other and higher spheres in which these movements will be absorbed the moment their destined ofi . ee is performed ; and to tbs readers of these letters I would say offer no obstruction to any of the changes that are now occurring , for they are preparing the way for the introduction of that universal movement which will Boon plaoe us in a situation for receiving - all the benefits ready to be conferred on ns , by the great creating spirit of the universe , when we shall be placed in accordance with its laws . I am , Sii , your obedient Servant , Wixiiam Gauin . Concordium , Ham Common , Surrey . August 21 , 1843 .
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There conld not be a greater evil than for the clergy to accept a provision from the Government ; for whilBt they remain free , they can act ; as circumstances require ; but , should they unfortunately be induced to accept terms of concession and provision , they would be in the position of men who agree to make merchandise of the temporal and eternal interests of thett flocks . And yet seme such thing as this mtut take place unless yon adopt more efficient means to remove the cause of oppression . It is thick headed nonsense to talk about " standing upon Repeal for the remainder of my life , " and promising a " next step" as a remedy when tUe only step likely to effect speedy and permanent good is spumed from you as contageous ! If Mr . O'Connell is in earnest—if he is determined to have Repeal , and to
make Repeal a blessing—if he is sincere in his wish to get rid of the inenmbrance of the church , I tell him and yon that he is only trifling with the people and tampering with their patience . Why , I ask , stand upon Repeal , for the remainder or his life , when by a bold and manly , an honest and patriotic a " legaV and " peaceable" tffort , he might effectually , in connexion with the English people , not only obtain the much talked about Repeal , but also secure to tbe people the power to os » it for their good ? I tell him there is no other step worth taking ; and unless he does take this one certain and direct step , be will either be pressed beneath ihe feet of J re m ands enemies , or Irishmen will slep ovX of his way , and in the bitterness of disappointment charge him xcith being instrumental in leading them into ihe ditch !
Open your eyes , then , and do not plunge voluntarily headlong into further depths of slavery ! You have power sufficient to conquer oppression , were it a hundred-fold stronger than it is . Use that power aright ; combine Universal Suffrage with Repeal , and then , and then only , will yon have taken a proper step—a step towards that happiness for which yon are now wasting your energies and toiling with no prospect of success . Only take this step , and I promise the rapid strides yon will make will speedily alarm tbe factions who joined you , and compel them , nolens volens , to grant you not only Repeal , bnt whatever else yon ask besides , taking the Church off your hands in token of respect for your sovereign will I am , fellow countrymen , Your obedient and faithful servant , W . H . Clitton .
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V TO THE R 16 HT HON . LORD ASHLEY , M . P . My Lord , —Another session of Parliament bas just drawn to a close , and the philanthropic object for which your LordBhip sacrificed both place and pay , tbe Ten Hours' Bill , appears no nearer gained than when the session commenced . I am tbs more sorry for this , my Lord , as I am firmly convinced that the present factory system is a murderous system . The great numbsr of deaths , both of infants and young persons ( particularly the female portion of them ) , which are continually taking place in these manufacturing districts , are , in a very great measure attributable to ita operations .
As your Lordship is always ready to hear anything on this most important subject , and as facts speak louder than words , I am sure your Lordship will excuse me relating the following death-bed scene which fell a few weeks ago under my immediate notice . The young person's name to whom I allude , was Mary M- . She had wrought in a factory from her childhood up to her twenty-fifth year , the time of her death . When I first knew her , she belonged to a Sunday School which I superintended . She had seen many of her companions carried to the grave , their deaths brought en by having been ever long , and over wrought , in the factory .
A very dear companion of hers was taken away a few years ago through that same cause . This girl was so attached to the Church school , that she attended it as long as sh « could crawl . The last time she attended , she had to be taken back home betweaa two of her faithful associates . The time at length arrived when poor Mary M—— was to follow her companions to their long home . I beard that she was very ill , and visited her a long time . She constantly declared that the Factory System bad brought her to her sick bed ; to all appearance her death-bed ; and so it proved , I happened to be walking in the street one Monday afternoon , and saw the father of the young woman hurrying along the street greatly coufosed . When I asked him
the matter , he told me he believed his daughter was dying . I hurried away at once to the death-bed side . As soon as I entered tbe . door , she turned her poor pale face to me ; and , after talking to her for some time , a thought struck me , that we had all kinds of evidence to prove the murderous effects of tbe Factory System . We had medical testimony , overloekera' testimony , and factory cripples' testimony , with the testimony of a great many master manufacturers themselves . Bnt I tbonght , my Lord , that . I would even go further than them all , and get a death-bed testimony , to see if that was wanted to convince oar " Christian" legislators that ten hours a-day is quite sufficient tor poor factory workers , as it is for any artisan , or common day labourer .
I therefore said to this poor dying factory victim , just eleven hours before her death , " Mary , we are now before God , and death stares yon in the face ; answer me one question , fairly and honestly , as in the sight of God Almighty : do you really believe that on account of the long hours you have bad to work in tbe Factories , with the other evils consequent on ice Factory System , yon have keen brought to your grave ?" Oh . ' my Lord ; would that I could convey to youi Lordship tbe look of that ghastly countenance when I put that question to her . That look I shall never forget . ' With the little remaining strength the bad left , she exclaimed , " Yea , —I do—If I never see you more . " And then she added ,. " ! have been , many times , wet to the « kic , when leaving home in the morning to go to the mill ; and many times when I have got to the gates I have had to stand in tbe rain for fifteen or twenty minutes before I could get in to my work ; and then have to commence working with the clothes drying on my back I "
This then , my Lord , is tbe testimony of a poor dying '' factory victim I" and this in "Christian" England too . This in " Moral" England , as Baines © f Leeds would have us believe . Weir , my Lord , whatever else it is , it is murderous England ! Talk about morality , my Lord ! wby there are , in this town , up in one short street and back of another , no less than between twenty and thirty public houses and dramshops , with numbers of brothels and places of amusement ( as they are called ) of no very good character . Such places were scarcely known of , when I first knew Bradford , about fourteen years ago ; and now tbe place literally swarms with them : and still we are growing " moral ' forsooth 1 I am sorry to say , my Lord , that these places are , in too many instances , frequented by factory workers .
When , my Lord , will the legislators of this country wipe off the foul stain of >• While Slavery , " by giving ns a good efficient ten boar ' s bill , combined with other measures , so that the factory workers may have proper time for education , and for learning every other duty at borne , that they may become good and useful members of society . Then , instead of seeing a low , degraded , immoral generation growing np , we should have the happiness of seeing the rising generation grow ap in every virtue which adorns a man , a woman , and a Christian . That such a time may soon arrive is the sincere prayer of Your Lordship ' s obedient servant , SQtflBE AUTT . Bradford , Angust 23 rd , 1843 .
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A NORTHERN TOUR . ' A chiel ' s among ye takin notes , And , faith , he'll prent it . "
TO THB EDITOB OP THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sib ., —Tuesday , August 22 nd , I left Mauchline , proceeding by coach to Kiltnarnock , and from there by railway to Glasgow ; I bad no opportunity of seeking out old friends of the good cause in Kilmarnock , and therefore cannot speak positively to tbe state of political feeling , bnt from the information I gleaned while in Maucbiine , I believe Chartism to be in a state of quiescence throughout Ajrshire at the present time , and that Kilmarnock is no exception to the general rule . Mr . Hill has been invited to lectors in the
town ; should be do so , his visit will , I trust , be productive of a " revival" of tbe olden spirit Arrived at Glasgow , I made my way to Mr . Barns , schoolmaster of the Chartist Church in the Gorbals . Mr . B . has about one hundred and forty scholars under bis care , and erjoys the reputation of being a very efficient teacher ; the children are nearly all about the same age as if they had been produced at a single b . rth ; the reason of tbis is , that " the moment a boy or girl is deemed to be any way fit for labour , be or she is immediately ( if work can be found them ) , removed to tbe mill or any other employment that
can be procured for the unfortunate heir of slavery and want- What a cryicg sin is tbis to the rulers of the land , and disgraceful blot upon tbe country , that beings 'so yonng shonld be deprived of the days which should be devoted to intellectual culture , and the honrs which shonld be sacred to childhood ' s sports , that they may toil to aid their wretched parents , too often deprived of employment by that very system which drives their children to vice and death , the too usual results of condemning the rising generation to premature and unnatural labour . Mr . Burns , in addition to being a good schoolmaster , is also a good Chartist , and well deserves all tbe snpport he gets .
In the evening I addressed a meeting of the Gorbals ' men in the Chartist Church , wkicb was thickly crowded by tbe most enthusiastic audience I bave had the honour of addressing sicce leaving feome . A Mr . Cameron filled the chair , and introduced me to the meeting . I spoke for above two hours , and was most warmly applauded . Mr . Adams followed , and delivered a brief and excellent speech . ' Mr . Livingstone moved a vote of th&nke to your hnmble servant , which was seconded by honest John Colquhoun , in ene of his usual warm-hearted and energetic speeches . Finally , we wound up by fringing " Well rally around him , " and giving the usual cheers for Frost , O'Connor , and the Charter , ind no surrender .
A certain canting , clerical , religioas renegade , one of the gang of traitors and humbugs who opposed n « when I first visited Glasgow in Jannary or February , 1840 , had been vaunting that if 1 attempted to speak in Glasgow , he would shew me up . The opportunity wu ifiorded him , but very wisely be did sot make ids
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appearance . Chartiam baa been all but assassinated by Siepreaching prigs , and political knaves , who , forja long time , were looked np to as the ieaderg of the democratic cause in Glasgow . These fellows , since their defection to the Complete Suffrage ranks , have actedls the bitterest enemies of Chartfem ; but noshing near the narnvwas done , by their avowed defection , compared with the evil they effected while yet pretending to call themselves Chartists . Vot a meeting was held tot many months , bnt at , wbJch strife , bickering , and denunciation was the order of the day , caused by the private slanders and open calumnies of these now justly detested traitors . Their defection , aad the strife which preceded It , naturally caused the people to beconje disgusted with " almost all public men an * wearv ( of all
political agitation ; hence the present apathetic state of Glasgow , from which the people of that city can only be aroused by re-organtelng the movement in England , thereby rallying hope once more on the northern aide of the border by the moral influence which the English democrats will alwaya possess over their Scottish brethren ; secondly , by extending the Organization to Sootland , and uniting the people of that country with those of England in one bond of fraternity ; and lastl y ^ by framing such an Organization which Bhall render the people as independent as possible of leadership , and render it a , matter of comparative indifference whether mere mouthers are honest or dishonest , thie people being protected from their villany , M inclined te turn knaves .
In the Gotbala the " sacred fire" of Chartism is still Jwpt burning ; and in the city , notwithstanding thfe defection of treacherous chiefs , the soldiers still exisfc-jdisorganized , or resting on their arms , 'tis true , but ready f « r action whenever the banner of democracy shall be agaia unfurled , and an aim presented to then ) by which they may hope to cut their way to victory . The Stnrgite faction in Glasgow which hoped to thrive by the destruction of the Chartist party is absolutely defunot . —gone out like the last smoke of a for i thing rushlight , leaving nothing behind but the stink of ita bad name . Ita fate has been the same 14 Edinburgh ; and here In Newoastle , although patronized by the Knight of the Spltal , Sir John Fife—that traitor to the people ' s cause—the faction has , following the good example of Castlereagb , died by Its own hands ; Lastly , In Snnderland , it has there too descended to the " tomb of all the Capnlett . "
Of all the wens of corruption and misery it has ever been my k > t to visit , surely Glasgow is the worst . I have seen London , Manchester , Birmingham , Leeds , and other great hives of human crime and human agony ; but for undisguised profligacy , offensive brutality ! , squalid wretchedness , and unbearable filth , Glasgow , to my mind , excels them all . Take its females , thronginj the streets , and , ye gods , what a contrast between them and the weraen of Ayrshire I There are thousands to be met with in the streets and "wynds of Glasgow , whom most folk possessed of stomachs would not touch even with a pair of tongs . I know no adequate remedy for the horrors of Glasgow but that of blocking it up at one extremity and setting fire to it at the other . Never until all large cities and towns are Jerusalemized—ihe plough passed over them and monuments erected to tall the inquiring traveller "here stood Glasgow' * or
" here stood Manchester , " &c , &c , shall we be able to drive corruption and tyranny from their strongest holds , or establish the reign of equality , virtue and happiness . Before leaving Manchline I bad received letters from England which compelled me to hasten my departure from Scotland ; accordingly I was compelled to throw overboard intended visits lo Greenock , Campsie , and several other places . I believe I have caused some disf appointment to my Campsie friends , who had expected me to visit them on the 26 th , and who , I understand , were arranging to meet me in procession with a band of music , fee . I regretted much my being unable to comply with their kind invitation ; at some future day I may see them . The Glasgow men , too , wished me to stay with them till the 28 th , and in company with Mr . Hill , attend a city meeting of the democracy . It weuld have afforded me extreme pleasure to have done so , but my engagements in England would not allow me .
Friday , Angust 26 th—I left Glasgow for Edinburgh , per railway . The railway is a fine piece of work , commencing at Glasgow nnder a tunnel three quarters of a mile in lengths Several places of interest are in the neighbourhood of the line , particularly Falktrk and Linlitbgow : tbe former famous for the conflicts of Scotch and English In ita vicinity , in the times of Wallace and Prince Charlie , and the latter for ita hav . ing been once the seat of Royalty , and still containing crumbling monuments ef its former greatness . Castlecary is also on the line ; possibly the reader may remember having heard or raad a beautiful Scotch song called " Mary of Caatlecary" ! I forget its author ' s name .
I that evening addressed the men of Leith in the Trades Hall . A Mr . M'Crae , & very intelligent working man presided ; several middle-class men were present , and I flatter myself that I tolerably well satisfied my hearers . The meeting was not very large , but extremely ; attentive and enthusiastic In support of my appeal for a junction of the Chartists of the two , countries . I am convinced that the veritable union of tbe two nations Is a preject that will have the hearty support of tbe great majority of the . Scottish democrats ; but great care will be required on the part of the English Chartists to keep np and cement this good feeling . The Scotch are proverbially cautious with respect to the " siller" and all matters appertaining thereto ; therefore must the English democrats take good care who , they elect or select to fill offices of trust tn tbe new Organization . Whetbbr there shall be a nnion of the two nations will principally depend upon the discretion and judgment of the English people in this vital matter . " A word to the wise is sufficient . "
I returned to Edinburgh on Friday evening , and slept at Mr . Cranstone ' s Coffee House , a place of abiding I would recommend to all the advocates of political and , social progress , visiting « k Auld Reekie . " The proprietor , Mr . Cranstone , is a good Chartist , and intellectually a very superior man ; as such is well : worthy of the rapport of all who love and advocate the ) right ' ; Chartism is shelved In Edinburgh for tbe present The body have lost their Hall of meeting , ahd are consequently nnable now to hold meetings without the certainty of being involved in debt Faction has cut
the throat of Chartism in Edinburgh . Leaders have been the curse of the cause there aa well as in Glasgow ; and there , too , the traitors and deserters , still having the unblushing assurance to call themselves Chartists , are the worst enemies to the movement , and are doing everything in their power to keep up disenssion , and create further disgust . Still there are some excellent Chartists in Edinburgh , and the mass of the party la atill sound at the core . New measures and modes ot action are what are principally nee Jed to improve hope once again . Confidence may then be restored , and Edinburgh may be found once again one ef tbe foremost fortresses of democratic strength .
I had no time for " sight-seeing" ; in Edinburgh , though I should have liked very well to nave visited Holyrood House , tbe Castle , &c . bad I bad time . Edinburgh is a splendid place , that Is , splendid tot the aristocracy—splendid for the shopocracy—and splendid to the eye of the giddy tourist and superficial observer ; but to call it splendid , we must shut our eyes to its filthy " wynda , " " closes , " and Babel-like dens in the old town , where thousands live a life of want and misery until cut off by the dreadful , yet friendly , hand of fever , which , like the plague in the East , is the anenvled gsest of all Scotch towns and cities , caused by the insufficient diet and dirty houses (?) of too many thousands of tbe labouring poor .
The monument in honour of Sir Walter Scott bids fair to be & magnifieeat structure , and already puts to shame that miserable abortion , the " Nelson Monument " of London , a monument of cockney taste with a vengeance ! One spot in Edinburgh I had a particular desire to visit ; that was the grave of FergUBaon , the poet , in tbe burial ground of the kirk in Cannongate , but the gates of the yard were closed and I could not gain admission . Certain prosecutions for that undefined and nndefinable offence called "Blasphemy" arc just now exciting no little interest in " Auld Reekie " The parties prosecuted are Messrs . Robinson and Finlay , and that now well-known character , " the man Paterson " . The two former were first arrested , and the shep of
Robinson fairly gutted by the harpies of the law , while Robinson himself waa most infamously treated ; he being confined to bis bed with illness at tbo time , was watched night and day by " filthy dungeon villains , " who fairly took possession of hi ? house . After such treatment , and after plundering him of his property , be was brought to trial , wben it was found that , aa in the cose of the " fifty-nine conspirators , ' * tbe indictment against him and Finlay was so wretchedly defective that it conld not bo sustained ; the consequence was , the present acquittal of the defendants , and their being bound over on another warrant to meet another trial . " The man Paterson " , expecting Robinson to be imprisoned , had come to Edinburgh to keep bis shop . On Robinson being set at liberty ,
he epened a shop of his own , and has since been engaged in constant war with the " authorities . " Persons for posting his placards bave been seized and sentenced to imprisonment , or held to ball ; his shop has already once been entered , and everything therein taken away by the police . thieves ; and when I was in Edinburgh he was in daily expectation of another and a similar visit from the " guardians of public order . " He is also under bail to appear ( it is expected ) in November . Of Mr . Finlay I know nothing , except that he bears ; the character , in Edinburgh , of an upright and clever man . Robinson I was personally acquainted with about eight years since , wben we were both engaged in the struggle to establish on unstamped press ; he bad suffered a short Imprisonment in Derby for vending the unstamped publications , and on his
removal to Glasgow , I took up his position in the former town , which position I maintained until I was myself condemned to six months Imprisonment for a similar offence . Robinson afterwards removed to Edinburgh , where he has for some years now filled the useful and honourable office of liberal bookseller of that city . ? 'Tbe man Paterson , " I have known for nearly two years . I first became acquainted with him at Sheffield , where he was assisting Mr . Holyoake , the Socialist lecturer . Since that time Paterson has acquired no little notoriety by bis famed shop in Boly well-street , and hi > battles with Hall and Jardine , the magisterial Solons of Bow-atreet Persons unacquainted with Paterson would sappose him to be a monster , judging by the " fancy portiaite" of him given by that veritable , nany-headed monster , the London press . / know him — I know him in private life to be one of tbe best of
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men : his morality , self-denial , warmth of affection , and love of liberty , well entitle , him to that character . Gtentle as a child in private life , he is fierce and resolute as a lion in public life ; and ihe Edinburgh champions of orthodoxy will find him ari " ugly customer" to deal with . j I have introduced this subject because , as a democrat , I feel bound to protest against all persecution . I say nothing as to the principles , theological or antitheological , contended for by these men ; the Northern Star is not the proper arena in which to discuss the merits of creeds or the truth or otherwise of any system of belief ; but aa a man claiming the rights of man , I demand for all men j the right of perfect freedom ot thought , Bpeech , writing , and publishing . If
men speak or publish noneense or falsehood , they will not do bo for long in a state of things where veritable freedom of thought is established . Where all may enter tbe lists of mental confliet , the sophist will not long delude , nor the bad man loDg deceive ; therefore , would I have full liberty for the publishing of even nonsense and falsehood , because the evil would be immediately corrected by the publication of sound knowledge and truth . Under tbe existing system , what are called " limits of free discussion" are always defined by those who have j the power to will what they please ; and they take carje to define these " limits " that the hired tools of corruption shall be permitted to have full fling at the principles and advocates of universal right and universal justice , while these latter if they dare boldly to assail the cheatury , fraud , and humbug of the enslavers andfdeceivers of mankind are hunted down as pests to ba destroyed , pests
to be thrust without the pale of humanity . The hypocrites and state-jugglera who raise the war-whoop of persecution against a Southwell , a Holyoake , a Paterson , or a Rebinson , would hunt down Jesus Christ himself , were he now among them , and dared personally to teach what these fellows affect to believe in . Tbe case of these men is one , In my bumble opinion , well worthy the sympathy and support of all who love liberty , and desire to see the human race freed from the thraldom of priestcraft and tyrant-craft . For myself , as one of the community , I feel that my right of free-thaught is invaded in the persons » f these men—holding , as , I do , that ; " where one of the community is oppressed , ail are \ oppressed . " I therefore protest against these ridiculous and infamous prosecutions , and ippeal to my brother democrats to everywhere raise their voices in protestation against them , and In vindication of the sacred right of free and unlimited discussion I -
I took passage on board the Vesta steamer , and left Granton Pier on Saturday evening , the 26 th , at six o ' clock ; after a pleasant passage of thirteen hours , I landed at Shields on Sunday morning . George Julian Harney . Newcastle , Aug . 28 th , 1813 .
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TO DANIEL O'CONNELL , ESQ ., M . P . . sir , —I have read your * f plan for the renewed action of the Irish Parliament" with the utmost attention ; and , in my humble opinion , the basis upon which the representation is founded , —namely , populationis sound , right , just , and equitable . It is the first Btep that I have seen you take in the right path since the death of Cobbett . I am rejoiced beyond expression to see that you have abandoned the infamous Castlereach ' s plan of making reutalv revenue , and population
the basis of representation , if it were for no other reason than that Castlereagh's plan would gi 7 e an increase in tbe representation in the same ratio as the people increased the revenue by drinking whiskey and chewing tobacco ; because , where revenue is mixed up as an ingredient in forming the basis of representation , that representation must ! necessarily be limited or extended in proportion to the ever fluctuating state of the revenue ; and , therefore , such basis , or any other basis but that ot population alone , which you have wisely adopted , most be fallacious .
It bos often grieved me to \ observe that in almost every instanco where differences ef opinion arise upon certain political propositions , ant ; ry feelings , also arise , and very often envy , hatred , 1 ill-will , and all manner of uncharitablenesa . I cannot account for tbis ; but such is the fact Now , although I do not profess to have more political virtue , or , a greater share of good temper than other people , yet it is well known that I have come to the discussion of political propositions in which I felt a deep interest , with tbe same disposition to arrive at a just conclusion ! as I should feel in demonstrating a proposition in j Euclid ot in telling up an account in a ledger , and without the most remote idea of mixing up any personal feeling in the matter . I have ever looked upon it as bad logic to
say , " such a man is opposed to my political views ; the orangemen are opposed to them ; the orangemen are my personal enemies j therefore he who does not agree with me In politics must be a personal enemy . " Now , this is a specimen of false logic , yet it la very frequently made use of . I agree , for instance , fully and reservedly to the principle of taxing population , and population alone , as the basis of representation ; while at the same time I dissent altogether from the sixth proposition of the plain of the renewed action ; of the Irish Parliament , which in my opinion is absurd , j ridiculous , an * impracticable ; it surely does not follow as a consequence that I must j be tbe enemy of the ! author of that in which I concur because be purposes [ something else in which I do not concur . The sixth
proposition , to which I object ; says , " It is proposed that the right of voting should be what is ealled Household Suffrage" requiring bix months resideneo in the counties , with the addition in [ the towns of married men resident for twelve months ^ whether householders or not" j Surely , Sir , you cannot avoid seeing that the principle upon which you base the Suffrage does not harmonize with that upon which you { base tbe representation . i Beside , it appears to me to be wholly impracticable . How can you or any man define a parliamentary House ? It was owing to the indefinite term " House" that you I lost Dublin . Lawyers differ in their definition of " house and premises . " Parliamentary committees I differ about its meaning . It is a fertile cause for calling petitions to Parliament , and for Parliamentary cemmittees . i
, In 1832 there were six voters registered out of one bouse in Charles-street , five of whom were registered as " householders , and one asi a leaseholder . " Your proposition will disfranchise all those electors except the owner and tbe leaseholder : besides , it will disfranchise the aeven-eighths of the Catholic clergy resident in towns and cities , because few of them are " householders" and none of them married , or ever will be married . Is it just to deny those gentlemen tho right of citizens , because they reside in cities ; while their more lucky brethren who reside in the country are thereby entitled to enjoy that right t The question as to what is a legal marriage will arise ; the marriage articles will be examined , and proof of certificate required . I
There are thousands of persons of small income resident in Dublin , in lodgings , iwho are not married , and who know the value of and would appreciate tbe elective franchise , and exercise jit conscientiously , to exclude whom from the rights of citizenship would be a grievous act of injustice . Suppose that adverse circumstances should overtake Mr . James Haaghton , which Heaven avert , and that he was \ obliged to part with hiB household property and live in lodgings , would it not be a great act of injustice—nay , cruelty , to add to his misfortunes by depriving him of tbe elective franchise , while he himself still remained the same benevolent , patriotic , and virtuous James Haughton ? You say that married men resident in a town or city for twelve months would be entitled to tbe elective
franchise , whether be had a beuse or not Now , It is a great misfortune to a man to lose a good wife , and such less , to my own knowledge , has been the rain of many a man , and the destruction of his family ; would it not be a great hardship to deprive an unfortunate mau of bis elective franchise because ha bad the misfortune to lose his wife . According to your plan , the franchise should be buried in the ] grave with his wife . i was taught , Sir , by a wise , a sensible , and an upright parent , " never to depart from principle for the sake of expediency , " and every days' experience proves to me the wisdom of that lesson . Principle is permanent . Ijt will endure for ever . Expediency is ephemeral , ever
varying—never certain—and will lead its votaries into the most extravagant absurdities , j Christianity fa based upon principle , not upon expediency . The selection of the twelve Apostles should ever afford ns a salutary ejxample . They wera not selected became they were householders , or married men , but , according -to the beat authorities , because it proved to tbe world that , if real virtue , truth , and j BincerHy , are to hi found upon earth it is amongst the poor working classes you are to find them . Wei are told that there is no distinction ot persons in heaven . Man la made ia the Image of God . Wby then deprive any man of his natural right , except tor aa offence against the Iawb of
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God , which is also an offenca against his fellowmaaan offence against society ? Act like a man—forego your prejudices . Be what you were in tha days of Cobbett , when you blessed your son John at Youghal , for having voted with him and against yourself . You cannot . maintain Household Suffrage , Manhood Suffrage , Generai Suffrage , or Complete Suffrage , as expedients in place of Universal Suffrage , which is the true and generous . suffrage , as well known and as well understood as the words , "Coming of age , " or the " age of maturity . " In 1780 , Colonel Lennox , afterwards Duke of Richmond , Major Cartwright , the profound Sharpe , Djctor Jebb , Northcott , Lsfft , and other great men , agreed to a declaration of rights which contains amon ; st othe * propositions favourable to public liberty , the three following ;—
" E ? ery man , ( infants , insane persons , and criminals only excepted ) is of common right , and by the laws of God , a freeman and entitled to the full erjoyuient of political liberty . " " It is essential to a man's political liberty , that ha have an actual shave either in legislation itself , or in the electing ot those who are to frame the laws ; which although they ought to protect him iu the full erjoyment of those absolute rights that are invested in him by the immutable laws of nature , may yet he fabricated to the destruction of his person , his property , his religious freedom , his family , and fame . "
" It is a natural right and required by the principles of the Constitution that a new honse of parliament be elected once every year ; because whenever a parliament continues in being for a longer term than one session , then thousands , who since it was chosen , have utt . iiaed to man ' s estate , and are therefore entitled to enter into immediate possession of that elective power which la their best and most sacred inheritance , are in that case meat unjustly denied their right and excluded from the enjoyment of political liberty . " How plain , simple , just , right , and admirable are these principles , and how they stand the test at the end of sixty-three years . These are the genuine principles of political liberty . You once held them , cherished them , and advocated them . Adopt them
again ; stand to them firmly and determinedly ; and you will Repeal the Union , Reform tbe Corporations , abolish tithes , Btop the clearance system , aad bring your poor , hard-working , honest , ill-used , fellowcountrymen within the pile of the constitution . It may be said that the poor labourer and the pauper in the workhouse have no right to the franchise ; but why not , let me ask ? Are they not God ' s creatures , as well aa the rich ? He made them after his own likeness , but He did not make brick houses , mud cabins , one pound notes , or a national debt , in Government debentures , consols , &c . &c , though the possessors of those things which have caused mors poor than all other things put together , have the r-. gbt to Vote . The poor labourer , who is the very foundation of society is shut out of society , and denied tha right of citizenship . The elective franchise would be his
shield , his best protection . Gat it for aim , aud there will be an end to the clearance system . Get it for him , and the landlord or master will take care of him while he is able to say yes or no . Get it for him , and the happy looks and healthy limbs of his offspring will be your reward ; a reward which monarchs might envy . Get him , the franchise and the labourer will soon be held worthy of his hue . Remember that it is in the condition of the working classes , and there alone . that men of sense and integrity look for tbe character of a Government . There is no danger to be apprehended from the millions who would have t £ a right to vote . Few men would demand a poll when they found the popular veioe against them at the elections . It would be easy to divide and count by the use of lines as trees are counted In a wood . By judicious arrangements all the elections in the kingdom conld be taken in two hours .
In a future letter I shall prove , or at least endeavour to prove , that the Sovereign has not the power to Repeal the Union that there is no analogy between the abdication of King James and the supposed abdication of the Union ; that the Union cannot " abdicate / ' At the same time it is but justice to mysslf to say , lest there should be any mistake about it , that sooner than see my country kept in her present de * graded and impoverished condition , if there were no other mode of Repealing the Union , or of placing Ireland upon a footing of perfect equality with England , I should turn round aad adopt tbe last resource . PAXfilCK O'HlGGIJfSL No . 14 , North Anne-street , Aug . 23 , 1843 .
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WINGATE GRANGE COLLIERY . To the Public . —As the dispute between us and our employers is yet undecided , we feel it to be our duty to state , that we feel thankful to those of on friends who bave supported us with their mite , in our struggle of right against might ; and likewise to icquaint you that the hand bills that our masters have put out , are intended to prejudice our cose in tbe minds of the public ; but truth will stand with a- bold front against falsehood . Mr . Chicken , the Engineer of oui choice , has pronounced the wire rope unsafe , it being is a broken state , having 20 broken wires in it , and the rope otherwise split in three different places . 14 feat * 8 feet , and 4 feet , making 26 feet split in the rone : and
tke masters' engineers have found and declared the rope te be so damaged ; still they wish to make us and the public , believe , that aftet one-fifth of the roue is b"rimn . it is but one-nineteenth part weaker I Ttiere are 20 wires broke oh 6 of 96 ; that constitutes the whole of the rope , and there is 26 feet of the rope split up ; and yet they publish to the world a bill , with their own names attached to it , that the rope is but one-nineteenth port weaker than if it was whole I We boldly assert that we thiuk them either not competent to divide 96 by 20 , or they are not honest in their decision . Since they have given their decision , the rope in question has actually broken , or drawn ought of the socket that altaches it to ihe
cage , and the cage fell to the bottom of the pit ! . We feel determined to have the broken rope taken off before we go to work again . We thank you for the help that you have given us , and although our privations have been very great for the past ten weeks , we are determined to have justice , if it can be found . With your aid we will fight every inch of ground that the law-can give us . We are convinced it is our duty : for human life is a sacred thing , and ought not to be sacrificed fur Che gain of others . From the workmen of Wingate Grange Colliery , Committee Room , Aug . 26 th , 1843 .
In relation to this disgraceful dispute , —disgraceful to those who wish the Colliers to trust their lives npon an unsafe rope , the following temperate and judicious observations have been made by Mr . Homer , solicitor of Darlington ; and circulated in an hand-bill . They do him great honour ; and surely justify the men in refusing to . trust their lives npon the ' ' unsafe rope " :- — " I bad occasion some months ago to observe on the bad taste and worse policy of a hand-bill issued by the owners , or their agents at this Colliery ; and I waa obliged to remark at the same time on a not very reputable suppression of such facts as had occurred in the pitraen' 8 favour . " We are regaled , or in other words , common sense and public decency have been again outraged by another publication from the same party ; in which all the bad qualities of tbe former document are renewed , and the same suppression of truth committed .
"The report of Messrs . Robinson and Gair , on the disputed rope , is now printed for the public edification ; because , by an inference , though of a very questionable nature , the rope may be considered as practically safe . But these publishers have carefully concealed the fact that another Engineer , of venerable authority , has given in his report that the rope is unsafe , and unfit for ihe trust of human life . " In a moral , as well as in a practical sense , the concealment of the truth ia not less venal than the promulgation of a falsehood . " This is not a matter of pounds , shillings , and pence : human life is the questien at issue ; and if one single Engineer of competent authority is of opinion that the rope is unsafe , it ought to be Instantly condemned , even though all the rest of the world were of a different persuasion .
" Messrs . Robinson and Gair give an account of several broken wires in this rope ; and it can matter little to what the fractures are Imputed : the rope is in a broken condition , and Mr . Chieken , the Engineer , declares it unsafe . It has been observed of late , on tbe occasion of tbe steam Vessel , the Pegasus , that human life is a sacred thing , and ought not to be placed in dangerous positions , evea though all the chances are In favour of escape . My duties , as the pitmenE' solicitor , are new at an end . The men of the various Collieries , on the Tyne
and the Wear , and the Eastern Coast , have united in the appointment of ajsollcitor for their own exclusive business and protection ; and they have fixed on a gentlemen , of a zeal , not greater than my own , but infinitely more able , by his talents , to do justice to the cau 3 e into which he has been called . In taking my departure from that cause , I would beg permission to advise the Colliery Agents to be more discreet and less irritating : on the other hand , I counsel and enjoin tho men to persevere in obedience and good intentions , and I now bid them my Bincsre farewell . Darlington , August 17 ih , 1843 . T . Horner .
P . S . —Sums received at Winfifate Grange Colliery , for the men on strike , August 22 nd , 1845 . Tromdon , £ 15 7 s . cd . Castle Eden , £ 7 10 a . Caasop , £ i 10 s , Thomley , £ 6 Os . 9 d . Kslloe , £ 3 63 . 1 ^ 1 . Quarrington Hill , £ 2 3 a . 6 d . Tesick , £ 3 15 s . 9 d . Hetton , £ l 2 * 9 d . EHorraoor , £ 2 113 . 9 d . South Hetton , £ 4 12 « . 7 d . Datton , 123 . 7 d . Hugh Hall , £ 2 Os . 6 d . Wingate Friends , £ l 16 s . 6 £ d . Newbottle , 5 s . HasweU , Is . Pemborton , £ i 63 . 6 d . Framweilgate Moor , £ 2 17 s . 4 ^ d . Sec&iBtdn , £ 1 . ESinonsley , £ 1 Is . Bedlington Distrct , £ « 8 s . 5 d . Craghead , £ 1 10 s . 6 d . South Moor , £ l lls . 6 d . . Cragwood , £ 2 3 s . 3 d . Pontop , ils . 3 d . South Tanfield , £ 1 Is . 63 . West Stanley , 189 . Two Friends , 2 b . Sbiney Row , 13 s . '* . 43 . WettonPark , 13 s , Tatttoby , ' 5 d . A Friend , 5 s . WTalbottle , £ 2 63 . A Friend , 6 d . A Friend , 5 s Seaton Burn , £ 2 14 s . lOd . Andrew ' s House , 13 7 d .
Wallsendj £ 1 16 * Pearcy Main , eg ^ lJ&h&FSx Elswick , £ 2 4 s . 2 J . Marlow Hill , £ *^ $ * Ho # W « K 19 s . 3 d . Hebson , £ 3 . Felling . ^ EF ^ ilaC-iBII ^*^ Main , £ l . Washington , £ 1 5 s SdABcfe&ri&r 0103 . - * pr Weatmoor , £ 6 . West CramllngifiJ ¦ & *» , 3 d , . Springy well , £ 2 . Sheriff-hill , £ 2 8 s . . 9 fnf £ ytito ' ' £ i- lW& £ t East Holywell £ 2 2 b . 66 % Miami&- 9 a . ^ WyW * - Holjwell , £ l 10 s . 6 d . BiahoJ ^ Wto , ± ' 2 I ? 9 . JMU \? it V *' . / ,: ¦ ¦ ' »* , Main , <^ b ^ lJ ~ gyrgMi £ b r Hill , 4 *^? J * Ho ? f < W ^ k ' elling , ^ B ^ i ^ fe ~ iB | I «^ dffi ^ 5 s 3 d , jreo >^ &t £ 3 'O * $ JSH lingtw ? ' & $ */ 3 < k .. $ pru >( j& 9 . 2 ghe ( lAi&i £ i ^ lfsN&C ^ j Ste ^ f ^ i ^ j / 'IS ^ kK ^ ujMRUfe ** £ 2 l $ tUijlf ** j * * vt 4 /»" '/; . ;' ¦ ¦ / ~ ;( . '
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_ THE NORTHERN jn ^ R , 7
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TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Fallow CouMBTJfES , —Having disposed of the cry of " Ireland for the Irish , " and shewn yon the fallacy of seeking Repeal without Universal Suffrage ; I will now turn to the question which is of all others of tbe greatest importance in the present position of Ireland . It is a remarkable fact , that nearly . aU classes of Refomers agree in the opinion , and even loudly assert that the Church is the prolific cause of all your misery : but as the various sects and parties of society have their own reasons for attaching all blame to this soarce , I will content myself with believing in the general opinion npon my own conviction of its bulb .
This I oonsider to be the better way , as I am aware : that numbers assail the " Old Lady" upon grounds j of envy or malice , and with a view to her annihilation , i in tbe hope that their class may one day share her | honours or her profit ; or mavhap aspire to govern this I superstitious country in her stead . i With such parti » s as these , 1 hold no sympathy , nor I do I value their opinion in the present case for mnch . ! They may " cant" about evangelical purity ; " the , only purity which is visible and apparently essential , is i the pure actual amount of pounds shillings and pence : , which ever was , amongst such parties , the distinguishing
mark of spirituality , and " ever will be , aa Paddy says , I world without end . Amen ! " For those sysipa-; tbisers with Ireland , I repeat , I have no reciprocity , \ nor do I calculate npon their assistance to rid yon of tbe burthen which they so magniloqnently declare ' oppresses yon . There can be little difficulty in persuad-. ing an Irishman that the existence of & State Church is j an evil to his country of the greatest magnitude ; nor
j ! j i ; j does he need to be told that both in a political and ! moral sense her compulsory mppcttTIa manifestly un-. just He knows all this , and I beinrve wonld , had be I the power , put an ond to her unscriptural career by j starving her temporal part ont of its sanctity , by the i simple measure of stopping the supplies . Now this is just tbe point I wonld endeavour to explain . Ton , would also get rid of this evil if yon had the power . j Let me see how yon prove yeur sincerity . To set rid of the Church you agitate for a Repeal of the Union ; ; bnt ss I have taken the mask from that measure in its
present form , it must follow that if effects be equal to causes , you will never get rid of the holy (?) nuisance . Ton are now , my Countrymen , placed in a very peculiar position . O'Connell has renounced and denounced all palitical parties , save the Orangemen , and rests on his individual exertions to obtain Repeal ! This , I bave shown yon , will be impossible ; and that he cannot obtain it constitutionally without the &ld of the English people . He tells you at the same time he will stand upon Repeal , and take no concessions > I would like to know how yon can reconcile these two
positions , so as to prove them capable of succenfnl ; results ? Do you imagine that the Government will < ^ et tired , and grant to importunity what they have bo I long refused to justice ; or that to pacify Ireland , they ; will grant a Repeal of the Union where they know yeur , first act would be to , if possible , annihilate Church : ascendancy ? Oh , sever ) will you see » constitutional : [ to use CConnell's own meaning of the term legally , ) Repeal until your English and Scotch brethren are ; united with you , and in a voice that will not be denied , . demand it . It is plain , then , there is bnt one way , one step , by which yon are to rid yonrselves ot the Church . Then , why , I wonld ask , stand npon Repeal \ for the remainder of your lives ? Why be wadded , if . yon are desirous of obtaining it , to a system whieh is essentially bad , and ultimately doomed to be ineffectual ? I cannot for the life of me see how you are to get oct of tbe awkward position with credit to yourselves or ; your cause , unless you honestly and at onoe aeknow-; Jedge your error , and cordially accept the assistance of
men who are willing and able to make you victorious . Now , mark me ? unless yon do this , you will learn , when too late , that it is dangerous to reject friendly counsel . . Bow then are yon to rid yourselves of this monster evil ? Answer me , I pray ! Is there one man in Ireland will have the honesty or the eourage to give me an explanation 7 No . ' not one ; even O'Connell himself will shirk from the question , and in his usual vllerior way , say , by the next step J But wiil O'Connell ,-or will you , really persist in standing in a false position , unable even to answer & plain question ; and will you still refuse to reason for yonrselves ? Is there , I repeat , one man in Ireland , who has faith in O'Connell , that can tell me how he is to get rid of the church without Repeal ? or who will bave the hardihood to
assert Repeal is possible by pursuing the present coarse of policy for its attainment ? No ! not one ; and yet you-are not only satisfied to continue in blind ignorance of your position , but dare to prate about Chartist interference as a thing to be avoided as dangerous and destructive ! Remember , I tell you the Charter and the Chartists will be yet the rallying cry to the rescne , and Ireland will owe to their inflmence and generous strength her future happiness and glory ! Mr , O"ConneD , when writing about Chartists , described them as { hick-headed . Now , in a political sense , I may be permitted to return his elegant compliment ; for certainly it was not to be txpected that so sapient a man as he is would persist in standing in s > position from which he has no posrible means of honourable escape , save through the assistance of those identical numskulls !
The Chartisis take a broad view of the questions which distract society and oppress the people , and determined neither to be wheedled nor frightened . They agitate the question of the Charter as an effectual means , to enable them to counteract oppression , and reform abuses in cbarch and state ; whilst they build their fntnre prospects of happiness npon the principle of giving to every man a voice in governing himself . But O'Connell seeks only the Repeal of an Act of Parliament as a means to get rid of tbe burthen of the church i
-Teen , I wonld ask is there not more thick-headedntEs in obstinately standing npon sectional reforms , than in nobly ( as the Chartists do ) waxing war against all existing evils ? Repeal , without Universal Suffrage , would not empower you to get rid of tbe Church ; but Repeal , with ihe Charter , would enable yon to sweep tbe Crrurcb aud all other evllB into oblivion . Repeal would not exonerate you from tithes ; whilst an Irish Houts of Lards and Commons , elected by Household , Manhood , or Womanhood 2 Suffrage , would rule your destiny , and compel yon to be silent spectators of their nefsricna acts .
But whs wonld you have hi those Houses ? Would you not ha ^ e the vultur es who have preyed on yon ; the harpies who have plundered you j the tyrants who have Harnp 3 ed on yon }; the monsters who quaffed your life-b ' iood ; the leeches who have sacked until they can suck no more from your vitals ? And would yon not have "the traitors , who sold your birthright , eager to sell you again , and barter your eouatry and yourselves to political traffickers ? who too long have enjoyed the fruits of their former purchase-money , paid as the price of your debasement ! You wonld have the rampant Tory , wiih arm ever uplifted to strike , and the insidious Whig-wolf in sheep ' s clothing , ¦ who speaks fair to yon by day-light bnt to devour yon after night-fall .
These would be the banditti who would have to make laws for your obedience . And whom would you have to oppose to this conglomerated host of enemies ? Wby , you wonld perhaps have a few talking Reformers , who if even thsy were honest , would be powerless for good , in consequence of their minority ; in fact , like the present demociatic minority in the English Parliament , who , notwithstanding their magnanimous exertions , are sure to be defeated on every question which refers to the amelioration of tbe people ' s condition . Thus would Ireland continue to snffsr , nnless the people had tbe pewer lo elect their own representatives .
Tbeie is then as little hope of happiness with such a parliauifcnt in Ireland , as there is of obtaining one by the course you have to pursue ! The only thing left is to change jour plan of proceeding ; and this I wonld advise yon to do as speedily m possible . Remember the fate of the tithe agitation , and take warning by its result J Tithes were to have been abolished , and heaven was called to witness the determined resistance to toe impsfit {! ji and bear in mind , itmay be possible , if eonceMionssre made touching the Church and ibe Bench , that Repeal will die the death of the tithe agitation . Concessions are spoken of , and provisions for the Catko-Irish dis
lic clergy is mooted as a means to suppress - csnUnt ! Bnt I would ask , of what avail would it be to the people if such concessions were to be made on the one side and accepted on the other J What -would be the most probable result ? I assure yon it wonW be only another rivet driven into the chains that bind yoo I The Catholic Clergy being paid by the Government , would become the slaves of Gorernment , and every act or overt act of patriotism on their part ~ w » uld be visited with the displeasure of th « powers that be . Thus your strength would be weakened ana tbe people eventually brought into confliet with their" yMtW , would become sn easy prey to their esemiei .
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TO THE EDITOR OP TH ; E NORTHERN STAR . Sir—Language is wholly inadequate to convey even an idea of the cenrorship which is at present exercised over what is called here the [ liberal press . A Dublin newspaper dare no more publish anything to which the Liberator objected , or which ' might be disagreeable to him than a toad dare to budge when under a harrow . Any change to get rid of this odious tyranny , must be a change for the better . It is intolerable . It was hoped that when the perfidious Whigs were kicked out by their own Parliament coming to a vote of want df confidence in them , that the Dictatorship would have been
got rid of . For a short period ! Us severity was relaxed ; but the moment the Repeal delusion , for delusion it is , became profitable , the Consorship was renewed with increased vigour . And now who betide the Irish * 'LibermL" paper that will dare to publish any story but that which is agreeable to , or lauditory of , the liberty-loving Liberator . An instance of this detestable terrorism will appear obvions to every impartial reader of the Star , from the simple fact that the Freeman's Journal , which is decidedly the most independant paper in the city dare not publish the subjoined letter .
It is right to state for the information of those who are not aware of tbe fact , that Mr . O'Connell invited commentary , and objections to his " plan for the renewed action of the Irish Parliament , " and In accordance with that invitation , I sent the subjoined letter to the Freeman ' s Journal on * Wednesday last , the day on which the invitation appeared in that paper . } Patrick O'Higgtns . No . 14 , North Anne-street , ! August 28 th , 1843 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 2, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct817/page/7/
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