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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th June 1843, Edition 4 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      50 USE OP COMMOKS . —Fbidat , JjoteS . V . BKBSiiisportodfe > mQw > Kotangham Election J ^ gee , " That -Thomas Gisbome , juiu , Esq ., vr as &r > BA . '" Xfes Hon . Member moved 5 hs& the ^ jLge should De ^ printea . He said the ground of Mb ^ J ^^ as , &ai circnmstancss liaa been cSsdosed f § £ led the Committee fo think tbafc a course iiad ^^ aosuBaijy the parSes for the purpose < 2 procur . ^ elflizscs ttM « 2 i -was TEiy dbjee&nu&le . J ^ gnaeace -was ordered to be printed . we ©* ' was P reSEat * * y lMt ^ - Btjsshlx from zXa&Bd&a of Durham , complaining of bribery * 5 jjBBj > Bon " * tte ^^ election . ? L JEMS gare nofice fijaton Tuesday next , or on day

      -T ^ jest possible after , he should prBpose a ** jjij £ fli to flie effect ihat the payment of a pension ^ Z ^ spenaEiA iomm sovereign from £ be taxes of iLjTffited Eaf Som iras a -waste of puilie money and isjnsfice to the people of thus country , and that ? jsjse the penaon of ^ £ 31 , 000 a year granted to the Sgjf Gmaberiana < mgbt to be discontinued while he ^ jed Eng of Bsnover . ICheers . ) % ^ ng been Tnmonrea Ihat a message fromthe . ^ tmdan * thestate of Ireland was to be delirered , S 3 jnaa 4 aEiiety pre- ? afl 6 dianoiigstlhe members and

      " ^ taj present . ^ grR TsiX appeared at de bar , and announced g ^ fas the bearer of a message from the Queen . On Sjie expetta&on tfax intense , scd eachananheM Sstafliioi fear of losing a -word . The message •»*» ^^ pg the msrriflge of Qib Princess Angnsia . ^ jjg jSsajipointment < £ those "who expected another j j flifi ^ rait Knd of message was sufficiently ludi ^ . Her Majesty ' s message , TPhich -was received ^ gf& een , "was ordered to be taken into consideration ~ jIoB&y * H ig ^ * ° ^ nesEon * . lord Eijot explained the ^ at liots at J > angannon , and said that a sSpen-^ jiB | Htralehad been sent down to investigate the

      j ^ a JOCE 1 T 5 asked Government were taking « , ^ o hsTe paxSea arrested -who committed as-« £ i on persons assembled to petition Parliament ^ & the Bepeal of the Union—the case &t Dan-- £ ggn ? f ^ jso IEUOT answered , that the Government wonld , loos e , bnt they had no information at present on ^ j oSd so . jjrf - Ezxst explained , that the movement of troops ^ j seat from Dnblin to "Waterfowl , and imme-^ Jjaftenrards ordered back again to Dublin , -was * tDnsegnsisce -of information received by the Com-^ -nffr 4 a-t 2 utf » ¦ which Lord Eliot declined to state . jjs House Trent into committee on &e Canada f ^ i ana Hour BSl , after a protest from Mr . Gj ^ ar jgnrnct it , as a measure -the most . mlBchlevons sSnSsa intereS ? , and a notice from Co ' onel Sibin to divide the "House on it upon the third

      Sisal clauses irere agreed to , and progress re > Be House Trent Into committee on the Poor law ^ sa&EeBttlrelana ) BEL jt BED 15 GTO 5 moved Qiat the bin bB referrdd ; isekct committee , bnt trithdneir it , after a dispBiin-QsBsesone , tnra . and three , -were , after one divisioB , ^ sd to , snfl picgresB reported , i ? v £ Hcose adjonrned at a quarter past tsrelre . ! Mojcdat , JtatE 12 . i JnHUBl to an order of lhe Honse , a copy of the -esses taken before the Nottingham Election Gomiss Tras presented at the bar and laid on the

      It ^ ebobxe presented a petition from certain ears of Sottin ^ lism , in "which they took notice of StprccecdingB of the late election for Nottingham . 5 g stated , ihat after the election certain persons Bias named In the petition had cccapied them-Hafara long period of tame in sending round their smoes and distributing money for the purpose of ^ ng np sobomed errigence against the retain : they k ^ that such coimpt practices "Were calculated , rate sposed and punished , to bring the proceedings ^ ie fifction committEtes into contempt , and in their Bion irere a gross breach xil ths pnrileges of t > iiii jsx . Thej prayed lhe JSooes to institate an earnest xj strict inqniry into the allegations made by them .

      Efiay dated that they -were in a sit * ation to procure jseace to snbsianfciate them in the fullest manner ; ^ pray « d thai a committee might be appointed to isEre iirto the facts alleged in the petition , before ^ i 2 icy- » Ere mliing to jjre eviden ce on oath rekhte all ths proceedings in -which they -were engaged * £££ the late election ; and further , they prayedibr crelirf , &c "He moved that the petition be printed fii the votes , as it -was his intention to call the ati 5 cm of the Soss 8 to it on a future day . Ordered . Use Hon . Member then moved that the proceed-3 b ^ ore the late Nottingham Election Committee Knuied .

      2 a Earl of lascou—^ May I ask the Hon . Member t&er it is his intention to bring the petition under ^ fgn « 5 fjpTqti"Ti of ths House ? It ( Hsboese—Undoubtedly , I have given a notice i ± si effect . "Will the Noble lord allow me to ask a | B = £ on of him an return ? Had &e Noble iordany Bsoaon "with the proceedings before the committee £ ch lately inguired - into ths allegations made ^ Bst the return far Nottingham on the "late occaaeEsrl of Jjscois—Sir , lam aware that I ahould siMjjjnsSned , ana should , perhaps , better fulfil my j kj as a Member of this Houbc , if I declined to be I Ednsed by the Son . Member —{ cheers }—and declined

      I Haver a gnestaon that must be considered ertrasr ^ cryanfl unusual —( ckesrs ) . Sir , lam not only not iianed , bnt 3 am fully prepared to defend the part £ di I havs 'taken in any election , not only at Not-I iism , but in any one in -which I have been concerned . I iie Hon . Gentleman is inclined to go through a series § fess&ms , and Trill concede to me the same privilege | -irsr , hear ]—and Trill promise me that he -will give I fir xou Tmp » T ^ iJ answer to every questioD Iprog Jai to him , as far as 2 am concerned , I am per-| % prepared to go ^ through the ordeal —( lond I fesJ . Ths Hon . Gentleman fr »» given notice of his i ss&m to move for a committee ; if that is granted

      is , anfl if be thinks I have taken any steps in any feSan-which -were incompatible -with my duty as a fcier of SnrHoose , or the conduct of a gentleman , i ilia hsre an opportnnity of calling me , and I pro-Lfeium that I -win give as full answers - to every L ^ &b put to me as I did before the committee [ t ^ uforby the Hon . Member for Bath { Mr- JBoebnck ) f ^ cees . ) Sb , I am fully sensible that my du ^ r * 3 &l Jead me to leave the question as it stands , s : . as my refusal to ansrrar the Hon . Gsntle fesmi ^ ji leave an erroneous impression on the * 3 j of Hon . Members , I trust the House -win excuse Vst ilepartinz from -what I feel is my duty , and

      ^** me to answer the question -which has been pnt * ss —( Hear , hssz . ) Six , I Trill state at ones that the ^ stsStb electors of Not&igham did call upon me ^ a 3 nee ez the termination of the last election . * ebcb I entered npon public IHe , they have done * Sshoaonr to place : sreat ie iance upon my opinion , ^ Istbfregnenily been guided by my advice . After * fc& * leciion they solicited my advice , and having ^ aenied to me that the election bad been obtained ? nlswfnl means , I did advise them to present a £ 3 on against lhe Hon . Gentleman's return , and to ^* afe it before the House—and further , it-was upon ^ 5 t 5 c 8 that the legal assistance -was retained .

      b She question being again put from the chair , : « -Gssboxxe said , that the Noble lord { the Earl ; * IbcdSs ) had misunderstood Qie motive -with -which I *^ d put the iraestion to fnm . it -was generally | ( J ^ by a large body of the electois of Nottingham ; ^ 2 » Noble lord -was connected * m& the par ^ | ? 3 S-Bmch corrupt practices had been charged ; but i y ^ Qte- ffisbome ) had before received such an answer i ** 6 m » given by tte Noble lord , fee Tronld have f ^ fe ^ ectora of Nottingham , -with whom he was 1 r ^ ted , fe dismiBsirom thHi minds any notion that * Stile lord -wasinany Tray a parbr to the practices f he

      i ^ aasa « and hoped the Noble lord -would r * Sjak ttat he had departed from Padiamentary ^¦ a havrng pot the questionx ^ Sol of liscoiB itpeated , that he bad advaed ^ SiSesTrhD had consulted him to petition against ?* fen . Member ' s Tetum ; but with any corrupt prac-S ^ ifaBysnch ever existed , he need hardly say he r-j-a « naiEcon . Indeed , ^ from all ha learaed , he ^ asy the corrupt practices existed -on the other ^ ^ Bais- » iB m teat-conviction he had advised the gj ^ Trho consulted > nm to petition against the late

      «* motion-was then agreed to . i . T" C 2 ATTF 0 BD ssld , he had been intrusted -with rSui ? ' ^ S 3 ^ J > J 2 . C °° inhabitants of the borongn m ^^ aham . They complained of corrupt practices j j ~ £ pte as well as at f enaer elections by Mr . Walter , !§ jj ^ ^ acd others , and the petitioners prayed the *~ ffc * ° ™^ - te a strict inquiry into the -whols of I ^ . e 8 TE ? Psacticea . i j ^^^ fion ( as -we midentoodj -was ordered to be

      E J ^^ ' Inscois a 3 ld , that he had to present a 1 ia ^? ^ - ^ Ssfka , 3 JyHmore , and Hadgate , I ^ teT * ^ 8 3 * rat' * w the petitionerBagainBt the late i jj ^ j * " IfpHmgham 32 iey complained of a conspJ-\^ M jaeans of Trhkh the gnfls of justiceiad been ^^ a the late proceedings before a comTniUfo of jj ^*» , andalso tbe ^ ietidon TritharaTnij and they W ^ r * *» irquhy into the -whole of these proceed-^^ the view of h * ymgjnsfice done to a » parties ^^^^ jm ^ also ^ fpninahmg the partatsenjajjedin figj ^ ' ^ cSonB . Thepetitibners also complained , that false evidence before

      ^[^^^ one of Ittcommiaees , a ^ J ^ permg -wilih oSjer -witaesses in order to fc ^ l ^ ita give false -eridence . The petitioners •^ gg ^^ JblB lord } made many ether allegations Ussg- ^ y Mid they -were ready to prove , and they SgJ ^* y » gm prayinsthat the whole of the matters i ^^^ jnSa petition might be dnly inquired into | gpegaon -wbs ordexid to fee printed . -insj qS !?* 1 SaTenofice , that on the sext stage of the x &s&SS ? i ) Bm ' ^ ^ onM move t > ie appointment of ^^ *« to inquire TrhEther the long duration of

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      IhoselaTO -which deprived the people of on * nr « , „ Kcogni ** right o » i . British subgcta , iS * that ^ ea ^ ng ^ ms f 0 , fheir oim defend , haS SnS ^ sry ^ m ^ ss ^ ^ r 6881011 ^ ™ * ^^ ffls ^ ar ^ i ^ c ^ sssasu ^ jsr ^ u »> _ . v j .. " ~

      THE PKISCESS ACGCSIA OP CaHbmige . ft * £ 5 gffl-2 ^ ^ * - ^ Mat ^ KSowa ^ ^ ^ by tts < fl " * " YiciOKiA Regiha—Her Majesty thinks it right to acquaint the House of Commons that she has civenher consent to a marriage between her Royal Highness the fnvaxa Augusta Caroline , eldest danghterof his Boyal Highness the Dnke of Cambridge , and his Royal Highness . Frederick , Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenbnrgh Etrelitz . "Jhe ' many proofs -sihich the Honse of Commons has afforded of their affectionate attachment to Her Majaty * person and family leavs her Msjesty no doubt of theu readiness to enable her Majesty to make a suitable provision for her Royal Highness on this occasion .

      « . ^ then rose said—B eTore I move that the House resolre itself into a Comisittee or the "Whole Howe , to take into consideration her Majesty * most graaonB message , it will be right to move a formal address , thanking her Majesty for the communication Trtuch she has been graciously pleased to make to the Honse . Of course to that formal reply to her Majesty ' s message I cannot anticipate the slightest objection . I am sure that lie Honre feels obliged to her Msjesty foT her gracious communication , and will be glad to hear that a princess , of that fflustrious house of which her Majesty is the head , is about to ally herself in marriage -with a prince whose high character and amiable personal conduct hare endeared him to every one who has had the honour of being acquainted with him . He is already connected by more than one tie with the

      throne of thiB country , and , so far as circumstances can form any guarantee for the happiness of an union of thiB nature , there ib every guarantee for the happiness of this ; and I cannot forbear to express every -wish that every happiness may attend the illustrious princess and her consort in the nnion they are abont to contract—icheers ) . I move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty , offering the thanks of this House to her Majesty ' s most gracions information of the intended marriage between her Royal HighneEs the Princess Augusta Caroline and his Royal Highness Frederick , Hereditary Grand Dnke of Mecklenburgh Strelite , aria assuring her Majesty that this House will immediately take into consideration her Majesty ' s most gracious message . The question having been put ,

      Mr . Hcsle said , that no one could wish happiness to the illustrious Princess more , than he did , bnt at the same time he must say that the Right Hon . Baronet seemed to have omitted what was very important . He did sot object to one word that was in the proposed address , he only wished to add two or three lines with reference to what it -was the duty of the House on some occasions to attend to . He thought the Bight Hon . Barenet could not expect that the Honse should go into Committee before he had . given notice of Ms motion to that effect He presumed that the Right Hon . Baronet ought to state on this occasion that on a future day he -would name the precise sum which he Ehonld ask the house to vote Ixj way of income for the Princess . On the 3 d af May , 1797 , a message came

      down from the Crown announcing the intended marriage of the Princess Royal , -when the House only voted tfee Address , and did not go into committee . He believed there -were other precedents to the same effect ; but , whether there were precedents or not , the House was in a condition to make precedents for themselves , and they ought not to go into Committee immediately . He objected to a part of what had been stated by her Majesty .- ( A laugh . ) He wished to add to the words of the address two lines , which he thought it was the duty cf tile House to insert , and to which he presumed the Right Hon . Baronet could not have any objec tion . His . amendment went to pledge the House to consider Her Majesty ' s message with referenee to a due consideration of the condition of the

      usances and the diminished receipt from the ordinary sources of revenue , and to the state of many of Her Majesty ' s subjects , and the depression of trade , and especially to that suffering and destitution which had so long prevailed , which her Majesty ' s gracious speech from the-throne delivered by the Commissioners on the 2 d& of February had so deeply deplored . He wished her Majesty to take these subjects into her consideration ; he wished it because he believed that her Majesty would sot wish that any step should be taken in this matter without due consideration of the circumstances which had been stated from the throne in February last—{ hear , bear ) . He wished , therefore , to propose these wordB in addition to the address , and he could not conceive that the Right Hon . Baronet could

      have objection te them—( cries of hear , hear ) . He could not conceive it . He could not think that the Right Hon . Baronet wonld consider it proper to take any steps in the matter without taking into considera tion the slate of the finances , which the Bight Hon . Baronet himself had stated were in a very unsatisfac tory condition . All he wished was to add to the address that to which he could not conceive there could be any objection—( cries of hear , hear ) . When that motion was disposed of , he ahould propose that the Right Hon . Baronet should state in the House , and before going into committee , what sum he meant to propose . Mr . Wjiliams was not surprised at the manifesta tion of feeling on the other side of the House . He did not doubt ths readiness of Hon . Gentlemen opposite to

      vote away the public money without , as he believed , any knowledge of the state of the country , or the ability of the people to pay the taxes . ( Hear , hear ) He rose , therefore , to second the motion of the Hon . Member for Montrose , and if Hon . Membsra would listen he would give them some information to which they ought to attend . Within nine yean they had added by their votes £ 42 , 000 , 000 sterling to the permanent debt of the country . Within three yean they had added by their votes £ 8 . , 000 sterling to the taxation of the country . He would like to know whither they were going to drive the country ? If they fancied they would not have some day or other to answer for this they were mistaken . - Upon the question and amendment ,

      Sir B . P £ Ei said , —I hope th « two Hon . Gentlemen will allow the Honse to go into committee to enable me to state what is the proposal I have to make . I have acted not only in conformity with strict precedent , but in correspondence with those rules which are dictated by common sense and reason , without reference to precedent . - ( Heat , hear : } The proposal I have now to make commits no one to approve of what I may state in committee . ( Hear , hear . ) The proposal is only an assurance to her Majesty that we thank her for her most gracious communication , and consent to the

      consideration of the message—nothing more—it is not the adoption of the message . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , surely , in Committee of the whole House there will be a much belter opportnnity of my explaining to the house what is the nature of my proposal ; and though I cannot accede to the Hon . Gentleman ' s wish that I should state it now , yet 1 cannot help confidently hoping that the proposal 1 have to make will be one that will show that the Government have not disregarded the various considerations that , in the present state of the country , « ught to be duly considered .

      Mr . Aguokb * felt much in favour of tie proposition of hiB Hon . Friend the Member for Montrose , and at a fitting period he should support it ; but he would suggest that that was not the proper time for it— ' ( hear , hear ) . The best time would fee in the next stage of the question . Mr . HxniE—1 cannot do that . Mr . Aguosbt—If that were bo , then he Bhould vote with his Hon . Friend , thonga he felt unwilling to do so now . Mr . T . Duscombe asked whether the Bight Hun . Baronet intended to take the vete that evening ?

      SirR . Pkkl—1 hope the proposal I have to make will meet with gentral acquiescence , because , it must be remembered that there must be a bill to carry the vote into effect ; it is founded on the aBEumption that there will be a marriage—< heir , hear . ) lord Hottick pressed on Sir Robert Peel the propriety of not •^ " ¦ V'Tig the House to agree -to a grant of money iti » bou > giving time for consideration , thereby following the precedent adopted in . the case of Prince Albeit . Sir B . Peei . was not disposed to resist postponement , if it were the general feeling of the House ; but still thought that bis statement , if Buffered to be made , would prove satisfactory . lord J . "Rtjsseli considered that it would be more respectful to the Crown to go into committee , in order to hear the proposal of the Government .

      Mr . Hd : me xaid he should not withdraw his amendment He wished her Majesty to know the truth , as fax , at any rate , as he was concerned . The House then

      divided—For the motion ... ... — . 376 Por Mi . Hume ' s amendment ... 52 Majority 224 Mi . BTJ 3 U 5 called on Sir Robert Peel to make Mb statement before going into committee ; but after a few words Iron Six Robert Peel , he withdrew Us opposition . The House then went into committee , and Si , r ] peel rose and said , he wonld now state to the committee the precise nstaae of the proposal ha was authorised U submit to them . In the first place , he might state that he did not mean to call on the

      committee to affirm any proposition that would effect an immediate addition to the burdens of the people . In proposing a prowion for her Royal Highness the Princess Augusta he did not intend to call for an immediate T-ote of money—thear . ) ThB general xnle Tritk regard to the provision for princesses , whether the daugbtera of tht reigning Sovereign or of members of the Boyal honse , be found to have been , that the parents of such princesses had undertaken the provision fcr ihfem during their lifetime , either out of the dfa list in the one case , or out of the provision voted from the consolidated fund by Parliament in the

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      s : other . To that principle he proposed strictly to adhere on the present occasion , and he therefore did not mean to propose any absolute vote of annuity , K ) at one contingent on the death of his | Royal JGghness the Dnke of Cambridge . In fact his propoaaramonnted to the devoting of a portion of the annuity , now received by his Boyal HighnesB to the use of the princess in the javent orhisRoyal Higness ' edeath— ( cheers ) . He was no $ jjciing to enter into all the cases in which provisions of this kind had been voted for princesses of the blood Royal —it would be sufficient for him to refer to one or two instancei ,, in order to guide the House in coming to a decision in the present case . The principle to which he . had referred was adopted in the year 1778 . when his Majesty George III . was enabled to allot £ 30 . 000

      a-year , as provision for five princesses ; and it waa again recognised in the case of her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia of Glocester ,. oh whose behalf a provision was made , which was to take effect on the death of | her father . It was in sfcric ^ accordance with the practice adopted on the latter occasion , and with the principle that regulated the ether caBe he had referred to , ; that he should now propose the vote for her Boyal Highness ihe Princess Augusta ; l and , notwithstanding the course which the Hon . Member for Montrose and those who acted with him had , from a sense of their public duty , taken , he ( Sir R . Peel ) confidently felt that they did cordially participate -with him in wishing every possible happiness to her Royal Highness and the Duke of Mecklenbur / jh Strelitz . ) The amount he proposed fo ? her Royal Highness was one which he hoped wonld satisfy the House that erery consideration that

      oujfht to be borne in mind in making arrangements of this kind had been attended to . He proposed that , in the event of the proposed marriage taking place ( a clansB necessary as a matter of form ) , the sum of £ 3 , 000 per annum should bejsettled on her Royal Highness , to be paid in the event of the death of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge—( hear , bear ) . He did not desire to draw any contrast between this proposal and that which had been made on a former occasion ; but at the same time he might observe that it would be found to be less . He hoped the House would bear in mind that no money was immediately to be voted , that his Royal Highness the Dake of Cambridge would still provide for the princess during his life , and that it was only in the event of his death that the public would become chargeable with the proposed annuity of £ 3 , 000 —( hear ) . The motion having been put ,

      Mr . Mackixsou proposed-ah amendment , that the annuity ahonld be reduced to £ 2 , 000 , to be granted from the day of the marriage . He entered into some calculations to prove the superiority of his proposition to that of the Government , but he was greatly interrupted by the impatience of the House .: Sir Robeht Peel said that the amendment , though ostensibly a reduction , was really a proposition for an increased grant , inasmuch as it was to take effect from the day of ihe marriage . He , therefore , submitted that the Committee could not entertain the proposition . After some discussion on the point of form , Mr . Mackinnon withdrew his amendment

      Mr . Williams wished that the Right Hon . Baronet ,, instead of referring to precedents established in this country , had followed the practice adopted in the case of those numerous German princes and princesses who had from time to time formed alliances with the Royal Family . He would have found ; very little difficulty in discovering that no member of the Royal Family in this country had ever , in forming alliances ¦ with those German princes or princesses , received era farthing of fortune . Ha should like to know what pretence there was in ihe present state of the country for adopting a different rule in favour of German princes or princesses seeking alliances with the Royal Family from that which was pursued towards the Rsyal Family itself ? The Duke of Cambridge had ample allowances of ! the public money to enable ; him to provide fox bis ewn children . His Royal Highness was now in the receipt of £ 27 , 000 of the public money per annum . He was colonel of two regiments , each having two battalions , and he had recently been created head ranger of two of the parks . -

      Sir R . Peel—His Royal Highness derives no emolument from that situation —( hear , bear ) . Mr . Williams—That was perfectly marvellous —( a laugh ) . He was uncommonly delighted to bear that his Royal Highness had undertaken a duty without emolument . In that respect he had shown a noble example , worthy of being followed ; but he was afraid his followers would be "few and far between" —( a laugh , and a cry of " The Duke of Sussex held the same office" ) . He thought it must be admitted , looking to the immense amount of public money which bis Royal Highness the Date of Cambridge had received , that the exercise of proper prudence and care would have enabled him to make ample provision for bis . children . His Royal Highness had peculiar opportunities of doing so , having

      for a considerable number of -years been Viceroy of Hanover , when the emoluments of the office must have been sufficient to meet bis expenditure ; and , if common report spoke truly , his Royal Highness hid , in consequence cf the numerous appointments and emoluments he held , been enabled to amass ; a very large fortune . On what ground then could they justify any allowance out of the public money to the children of persons iu hiB axaJted station , who had ample means of providing for them ; when in the New Poor-law , they had laid down the principle that these poor wretched beings who received 7 s . 83 . ot 10 a . a week , were in dnty bound , nay , were forced , to provide for their' families , however numerous they might be ? That law made the property of a father , nay , of a grandfather , ; liable to provide for

      children and grandchildren unable to provide for themselves , if they became chargeable on the public . Why not apply the same same just rule in cases like that now before the House ? ' . There was one very remarkable circumstance connected with the present case , —a Duke er Prince of Mecklenburgh , as ; he was called , some relation of the Prince who was about to marry Princess Augusta of Cambridge —be presumed either his father or grandfather , had been in the receipt of £ 2 , 000 , a ; yea ? out of the public money of this country ever since 1798 . That family , therefore , had already received sums which , with interest , amounted to £ 300 , 000 out of the hard-earned monies of this country . Was it not enough , then , that the father should be a pensioner , without placing the

      son on the pension list too ? [ The amount ef public money now allowed to German princes and princesses , who had formed alliances with the royal family , was £ 200 , 010 a year . Surely , in all conscience , that was enough , without the addition new called for . On what pretence was this new demand made ? The Right Hon . Baronet had offered no explanation , and he could only conjecture the reason to be the relationship subsisting between Princess Augusta of Cambridge and her Majesty . If that were the ground , and he could imagine no other , they must , in consistency , provide for all relations of equal nearness to her Majesty . They

      would then have a long list of them . There were some even nearer hi blood to her Majesty , and was the principle to be laid down that all these should be provided for ? There would then be > Oo end to the taxation of the country for the maintenance of those German princes and princesses who found it so very profitable a thing to form alliances with the royal family . Looking to the state of the country , ; tne suffering and distress which so extensively prevailed , the grievous complaints they had heard of oppressive taxation , and looking especially to the state of the revenue , he must on public grounds—en principle , and without any disrespect to the Dake of Cambridge , oppose the motion .

      Sir H . Docglas contended ( that after the grandfather of her Royal Highness theIPrinc € Bs Augusta had surrendered the hereditary revenues of the Crown , the immense patrimony which the Kings of England formerly held , a great moral and political obligation rested upon the House to make the provision now required . The Hon . Member for Coventry was mistaken in supposing that his Royal Highness the Dake of Cambridge derived emelumenta from two regiments ; hia Royal TTigbTi ^ m derived none whatever from the 60 th . Mr . Htjme pressed on Sir R . Peel the propriety of postponing the consideration of the subject . Sir R . Peel could not now think of doing so , seeing that discussion had been raised ^ lord Howick thought he ought to do so , in conformity -with former precedent .

      loid John Russell , on ihe contrary , was of opinion that as discussion had begun , it ought to go on . Sir R . Peel , however , yielded , on condition of the committee being resumed the ntxt day , provided lord John Russell would give way with his motion on the Com La-era , which stands for Tuesday . lord JOHU RUSSELL ¦ was reluctant to lose bis only opportunity of discussing so important a subject . After some further conversation it was settled that the diseussion should be adjourned until Wednesday . CoL RCSHBB . OOK . B then moved the issue of a new writ for the borough of Sa- ? bury .

      Mr . Ttjfkell Hii /» eu as an amendment , that leave be given to bring in a bill for an effectual inquiry into bribery and corrupt practices alleged to exist iu the borough of Sudbary . He contended that the inquiry before the House of lords , on the bill which had been rejected , was totally inadeqnate , and argued that the House of Commons could not now agree to the issue of the writ , after having unanimously agreed to the disfranchisement of the borough . He proposed , by this bill , to empower two commissioners of inquiry to go down to Sudbury , in order thoroughly to investigate into the nature of the inveterate corruption of the borough ; and affirmed that the motive which actuated him was solely a desire to uphold the character aud dignity of the House , affected as it was by anch practices as had been so amply proved to exist in Sudbury .

      Mr . Wtmn commented on the failure of the case before the House ot IoiAb , -which -would seem to justify a suspicion of collusion on the part of those who had its management . The House would scarcely do its duty , without appointing a dommittee , in order to inquire into the causes of thatffailure , which led to the' rejestion of tha Sudbury Disfranchisement Bill . Mr . Ttjffkell withdrew his amendment in order to enable Mr . Wynn to propose an amendment for a committee ef inquiry . Colonel Rushbrooke , not considering that the evidence affected the entire constituency of Sudbury , declared his intention of dividing on his motion .

      Sir R » Peel felt , that after the all bnt unanimous agrefcintnt of the Bouse of Commons on the Sudbury Disfjanchiserutnfc Bill , some information was netted as

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      to the cause why such imperfect evidence had been adduced to the House of lords . This information might justify the necessity of the Bill proposed by Mr . Tuffnell , and the inquiry might , therefore , snttably precede its introduction . , lord John Rcssell concurred , but was sure that in dealing with corrupt boroughs they could not go on in the old system of sending up Bills to the lords , and foiling there through some cause or other . A more satisfactory system sbonld be adopted . Mr . Thesigeb advised Colonel Rushbrooke to withdraw his motion , which waB done , and Mr . Wynn ' s motion for a committee \? as agreed to . Mr . Tcfnell then moved that the issue of the writ for Saribury be suspended for a menth , which was also agreed to . j

      On the motion for gobg into a committee of Ways and Means , in order to grant the annual sugar duties , lord Howick ( after fhe presentation of some petitions on the subject ) moved , aa an amendment , for a committee of the whole House , on so much or the act 5 and 6 Vic . c . 47 i-as relates to the imposition of a duty on the exportation of coals . He avowed that his object was to obtain the repeal of the duty imposed last year as a portion of the financial measures of the Government . Passing over the arguments as to the necessity for husbanding our stores of coal , seeing that competent authority had estimated that the Northumberland coal field woul , d last for seventeen bundled years , and that of Wales for two thousand , he addressed himself to the considerations which had been adduced by Sir Robert Peel as vindicating the imposition of the duty . The anticipations of the Prime Minister had

      not been realised ; the tax had already operated disastrously on the trade , in proof of which he adduced documentary evidence , showing that our exports had fallen off ; one-half with . France , while the Dutch trade waa nearly lost altogether , and that in the short space of nine ; or ten months . We were only beginning to feel the results of this pernicious duty . In Spain , Germany , France , Belgium , and other continental countries , capital was now investing in the expensive operations necessary for the production of coal , and when once fairly invested it could not and would not be withdrawn , and thus a class of competitors was raising up against us , depriving us of a trade ¦ which it waa vain jto expect that we could regain by retracing our steps . The example of the sulphur trade was a signal warning . The Neapolitan Government fancied—as did all the world—that it had a

      complete monopoly of the sulphur trade , and it imposed a heavy duty on the exportation of sulphur to this country . But the ingenuity of our chemists had discovered the means of manufacturing sulphur in this country , which maintained its ground against the Sicilian sulphur , though the Neapolitan Government had retraced its steps . The effect of ; the coal duty waa apparent , not only in the stagnation of the trade , but in the condition ef the working population , deprived as they were iof employment ; the { shipping interest was also sufferirig , for freights were now lower than they hfed ever been ; wherever the trade was retained , the tax was paid , not by the foreigner , but by the British shipowner .. It operated disastrously on British industry in other waya ; the Transatlantic Steam Company , which used to have a depot of British

      coal ot New York , was compelled , Bince the imposition of the duty , to let the Great Western steam-ship perform out with American coal . Sir R . Peel defended the tax on revenue grounds alone , and he had calculated on receiving from it £ l 40 j 000 annnally . But the actual produce had b « en only £ 100 , 000 , and as the old duties had produced £ 12 000 , the amount received was only £ 88 . , which had still further to be diminished by the expense of collection , as well as the indirect diminution of reveuue caused by the tax itself . In fact , were a balance struck , it would be found that the Treasury was rather a loser than a gainer by the tax . The budget of Sir Robert Peel had proved a more signal failure than any ; the least ef its evil remits had been its disastrous operation on various departments of Briti&h industry . '

      Mr . Gladstone did ; not see the necessity for an elaborate working out of such dicta , as that it was much more difficult to regain a lost trade than to create it Tee tax bad unquestionably not been proposed with the assent of the coal trade ; its repeal ought not to depend on its dissent ; The Btate of the revenue was an all-important consideration ; he did not defend the tax as abstractly good ; ) but he waa sure that if they listened to the claims of the coal trade ; for the repeal of the duty , they would be bound , in reason and equity , to entertain the claims of other interests for smilar concessions . Nine monthB was not sufficient to enable them to judge of the effects of the imposition of tbe tax . He did not deny that it was an impost on the trade , but he denied that the

      depression of the trade was to be attributed to it . lord Howick ' s estimate of the produce of the tax was drawn from imperfect data ; the actual annual amount would be about £ 112 000 or £ 114 . 000 . This vras not a large Bum , when considered with reference to the fact , that in tbis country we have to raise from forty-eight to fifty millions of revenue . But there were certain Btates of the public Treasury , when such an apparently small sum could not be conveniently parted with . Returns showed that there was an actual small increase in the amount of exportation—an increase which would have been larger , but for the unnatural stimulus of two years ago , which waa followed by a corresponding langonr during last year . The testimony of the English Consuf at Brest was against the allegation of the dituinuition of our exports into France in consequence of the duty , and , though there might

      possibly be a dimunition of tbe exports to Holland—a fact still in uncertainty- —even that dimunition , if it did exist , could be traced to other causes , such as the general depression of trade . The picture drawn by lord Howick of tke effects of tbe duty on our home trade was much exaggerated ; the duty had fallen mainly on a class of middle-men , intermediate between the coal-owner and the ; foreigner j end though he was far from wishing that the profits of these middle-men should be diminished , still their case was very different from that of a general ! state of distress in the coal trade . Nor waa tbe pressure on the shipping interest to be attributed to tbia tax , inasmuch as the general depression of trade was a main cause of it . On the whole he did not think that a case had been made out fox tbe interposition of the House , or that a sufficient time had elapsed for the purpose of enabling them to judge of the effects of the tax .

      Mr . Hodgson Hinde was glad that Mr . Gladstone had abandoned the high ground on which the tax had been originally defended . The depression in the coal trade was unquestionably not to be traced to the duty ; but it could not be denied that it had produced much mischief . In fact , no answer bad been given to the case made out by lord Howick against the tax . lord H . Vane said that in France there were no less than sixty-one coal mines open , though not worked . The effect of the tax would be , that English capitalists would go over to work them . It Was not wise policy in thiB country to maintain anything whose tendency was to check native industry , and stimulate foreign rivalry . ; Mr . Bell did not consider the motion of Lord Howick to be well timed , but as it has been brought forward he would support it

      Sir George Cleiik pointed out , that in the four months which elapsed : ' between the time when Sir Robert Peel made his financial statement , on the 11 th of March , of lost year , ] and the final passing of the Custom Acts , there had been an extraordinary : activity in the coal trade , which accounted for the depression which followed . But the trade was reviving ; , as was shown by returns , though the trade of Sunderland was affected by local causes , not connected with the imposition of the duty . ; Mr . Iabovcuere felt himself perfectly justified in supporting lord Howick ' s motion , after the evidence they bad of the utter failure of Sic Robert Peel's anticipations , whether it were the distress caused by the coal duty , or the moral mischief produced by the spirit duty in Ireland . He recapitulated some of the facts adduced against the coal duty , the operation of which he contended was pernicious , and not worth maintaining for the sake of the email revenue which it produced . ;

      Sir Roberi Peel reminded the House of the finansial condition of the country , which was still in a state of deficiency , in spite of the Income Tax . Our diminished exports to the United Slates were adduced as an evidence of the effect of the duty . But the United States imposed a duty of 8 j . on the importation of British coal , which must be taken into account . Looking to financial considerations , he hoped the House would support the Government ! n resisting the powerful combination which sought to repeal the duty , and thereby to inflict a blow on public credit . Every other interest , as tbe advocates of the repeal of the duty on wool , would be ready to urge arguments similar to those by which the repeal of the coal duty was solicited . Mr . Liddell , though feeling that Lord Howick ' s motion was ill-timed , would nevertheless give it bis support . On a division there

      appeared—For Lord Howicks motion ... 124 Against it ... 187 Majority 63

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      HARMONY HALL . LETTER XIV . TO THE EDITOK OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Before proceeding to the subjact ot my lettei for this week , I must make one or two comments on that of Gracchus , which appears in thislday ' s Star . Your correspondent appears to attach more importance than I do to who may be the persons to first lead such a movement as I desire to see iu action . I rely on the principles I have laid down ; on the ease with which their practicability may be dem ' onBtrated whenaver unity is obtained ; and on the universal happiness to be gained by their adoption ; as the weapons that 3 hall overpower all opposition and lead ] men forward to undertake and accomplish the task that ! I propose . With regard to Mr . O'Connell or any other leader giving an explanation of his conduct ! , I believe that

      whenever or wherever this can be done , it is highly serviceable ; but my remark only went to shew the objection to compelling a leader to debate , discuss , and explain at a period when prompt action may be absolutely necessary . J Respecting the excitement produced , by the Chartist agitation in 1839 , I am well aware of ihe fact , but I hope a similar excitement will never again be required to be produced . If the objects to be gained had been shewn to be beneficial to all ; th « means of obtaining them made clear and distinct ; and the movement carried forward in entire unity , under bound practical leaders , these objects could have been readily obtained , and a much higher position might ere thiB have been gained for tbe general body of thejpeeple . To stick a thorn in the side of any Government or of

      any individual of my fellowmen is no wish ot purpose of mine . It is true , that whilst we are so irrational and bo ignorant of what contributes to bur own happiness ; whilst we are surrounded by circumstances which compel us to seek our own individual interests at the expence of others ; er are obliged to ] associate with those whose minds cannot be expanded to anything resembling universal principles ; we must both give pain to others , and be ourselves pained by their conduct towards us . But I seek another and ] a far different destiny for every child of man ; my purpose is to show that the means for human happiness abundantly exist around us , and that all may be provided for aa readily as true desires can be created without an injury being committed to any . f

      Gracchus says that numbers hazarded their liberties and may-be their lives in the struggle , ' and have been sacrifleed as scapegoats ; and be claims ! this as an evidence of a proud position in the political world . It is from such a position that I desire to remove every human being , to whatever class , secfi , sex , party , or country he may belong . I hope we ] shall never be afraid of the loss of liberty , life , or anything else , however dearly prized , except truth and justice ; but I do also hope that the minds of all will become so far enlightened , that they will see an easier and a better mode ef accomplishing what all must of necessity desire , than by making sacrifices of any kind longer necessary . J

      With regard to the theory laid down by Robespiere as being in accordance with the democratic principle , namely , that the rights of every man ore beund by the rights of others , and if we pass our own boundary we invade the rights of others ; it is quite inapplicable to tbe universal and eternal truths on ] which alone I propose tfcat we should form tbis association . The rights , the interests , the duties of man , are all universal , and it is only in proportion as we can embrace tbis idea that we shall be enabled to progress to that higher and better destiny , which I believe is now ready for us , as soon as we can be sufficiently united to receive it

      I have , in ray former letters , given an euthne of a new society which I propose should be formed for removing the present distress , which every where exists , and introducing such changes as shall secure to all ranks and classes a higher and better state of existence than they have hitherto obtained . I have jstated tbe principles on which such a society should be based , and some of the chief objects to which it should devote its attention . I have spoken of the election of the Central President and his Council , and of the kind of manifesto or Charter they should put forth . I have , at some

      length , explained my reasons for desiring a unity of proceeding , and the views I entertain of the most practical mode by which this unity can be secured , and I have also at some length given the details of ] an organization simple of construction , and easy to be worked , which if it be established br men of com prjehensive minds , will , I think , be sufficiently powerful for tbe great object requited , namely to procure an enlightened public opinion that shall combine and direct all the energies we possess to promote the universal happiness of man .

      I stated , at the conclusion of my last Utter , that I should in this , point out further practical steps that will require to be taken , which after this lengthy digression I will now proceed to do . J In my letter No . 8 , I stated that the Central President and his Council should , if possible ^ be immediately located on the land , and call to their assistance the best Blinds that they can procure to carry on the agricultural and gardening operations in the most superior manner that the present knowledge aequired in these sciences will admit , and that they should employ on the land the greatest quantity of manual labour that the means afforded them would allow .

      These remarks form part of a subject which now very much engages the public mind , namely , that of the occupation of the land ; and , as it is j one on which I have had some practical experience , and one to which the Society I have been speaking of will have to pay great attention , I shall place it as the next practical step on which I am to speak . ) In the occupation of land , as in every other proceeding , entered into by a society based on ] tbe three great truths which I have placed before your readers in former letters , entire unity of purpose and action should be observed . However large or small the business may be which tbe society undertakes , jit must be one and entire , and under the chief superintendance of one directing mind . This principle does not prevent , or interfere with , a variety of modrs of occupation ; but , on the contrary , will allow of these being suited oi adapted to all existing circumstances .

      My opinion , as before stated , is , that in the first place every effort should be made to locate on tbe land the Central President and his Council ] assisted by the beat minds with which he can be associated ; and that all tbe parties so placed should every day do something towards the procuring of their own food . After these are provided for in such a manner as to give them ease and calmness of mind , and k due appreciation of the great business they will have ] to perform , and the necessary expences attendant on the missionary and other exertions connected with the diffusion of the principles and objects of tbe society { are liquidated , I should propose that all the money raised by the contributions of the members , both centrally and through '

      out the branches and classes , should bejappropriated in the next place to the purchase of freehold lands , in the names of the trustees of the society ! These , lands should be selected in 'tbe best localities ^ and with the greatest natural advantages that can bej secured . They should , as far as possible , be contiguous to each other , and the better the soil is at present , the more advantageously may they be brought into immediate high cultivation and profit . Much has been said about waste and inferior lands , but it will be found that under sound arrangements and wise direction , it will be most economical in the first instance to select the best lands that can be obtained , and to cultivate , however small the quantity , to the highest point of perfection .

      With regard to the mode of occupation—I would always distinctly keep in view Mr . Owen ' s largest combined arrangements , as laid down in a ( werk published by the Home Colonization Society ; entitled "A Developement of the Principles and Plans on which to form self-supporting Home Colonies , " and as rapidly as the minds of those who associate could bo brought to see or comprehend the advantages of such a ! combination , I would endeavour to cairy them out to their fullest extent . But in the meantime 1 shall ( not neglect tbe simplest form cf occupation , namely , the Allotment System . I would proceed from this to other and higher orders of occupation and association , in

      proportion as the members of the society , or other fitting persons , offered themselves on terms advantageous to the sooiety . but I would not force prematurely together minds not trained to aff jrd pleasurable company to eaeh other . I know it may be [ urged that the superior minds will naturally attract and draw up the inferior , and to Borne extent thiB ia correct ; but 1 have seen and knoivnby the strongest personal experience that the warmest and most devoted feelings and actions for the benefit of others , nre often , and [ even generally , misconstrued in such conduct ; and rendered dangerous to tha individuals who pessess them , and Bueh persons suffer to an extent not to be calculated on by those who are differently organised .

      I shall have again more than once to revert to the subject of the Land , and to speak more in detail , but I would here again urge more especially , as it involves the Whole of existence to all who associate ; whatever may be tbe extent of the combination let no parties ever think of commencing except on a basis of unity , with the strongest power placed in the handa ' of tbe koternoi , and that governor lit some manner selected by themselves . All external interference with tbe internal regulations , whether by an individual , a society , a monied proprietory , or any other body of persons , who are not equally advanced in associated arrangements , ia

      false in principle , and cannot fail to lead to disastrous results in practice . j The highest combination , or association , tinder tbe name of united interests ever yet formeii , is that ot the establishment from which this letter is written , and nothing conld more powerfully demonstrate the truth of the principles of the formation of character , than the practical experience daily gained here , j In proportion aa these have been understood and acted upon , the most satisfactory and harmonious results have been obtained , and those who have been enabled truly to comprehend them , have had a foretaste of an orckr cf existence , higher and more noble than men can generally anticipate . [

      There have , however , been errors made here as in all other new undertakings , and in some of my fGture letters I may have to allude to some of theBe ; but iu the meantime I must revert at length Jto some points

      Untitled Article

      of the Preliminary Charter , and shew their relative importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage the public mind . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpin . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 10 , 1843 .

      Untitled Article

      THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS PRACTICABILITY , ITS FOUNDATION , ITS PRIN C 1 PLE , " THE BJGHTS OF MAN . "

      TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brothers in Hope , —Again , the political horison aheweth signs of approachiDg drvy ; the bright rays of the sun of liberty illuminating the borders of our dormant scene , proclaims " the night is far spent , the day is at hand . " The new crisis is gradually though certainly approaching ; the delegates of North and South Lancashire have Issued their manifestoes ; Wales is answering the call . Those signs , like the tints of early dawn , note surely that the bright ! refulgence of noon wjll come . We shall awake with renewed vigour to the labour of love and hope , with the increased strength that a day of rest is wont to give to the mind and body , with tbe increased confidence in each Other that years of companionship in toils and troubles ia wont to bring , with the undying energy that years of active zeal in a righteous cause is wont to effect ; and 'neath the influence of these holy feelings , by our united moral strength , who can Bay but we shall be invincible ?

      The Congress of the Rational Society have addressed us , through last ' week's Star ; allow me to draw yout attention to that address . Let me induce you to read it again and again ; it is full of good truth respecting the present state of things , and contains good advice upon the remedy of the evils under which we labour , and however so much some of you may differ with the doctrines of Socialism , I trust we shall none of us be so foolishly stubborn as to reject good advice , and truths , come from whatever quarter they may , though It were from an " infernal den , " as some of their halls have been named by the professedly pious . I particularly wish to draw , tbe attention of the South and North Lancashire delegates , at their next meeting , to that adrfrese , especially the two last paragraphs , with a view

      to their devising some plan whereby we could start a society , in connection with our Charter association , for the purpose of relieving , to some degree , the poverty of our fellows , a , nd drawing from the labour-market some of the surplus bands , giving beneficial employment to that surplus ; in a word , seizing the wealth tbat is within our united exertions , by bringing together the idle labour and stagnant materials for the benefit of all . Tbe practibility of such a society is the first purpose of my present letter . An outline of a plan suitable to such a society hath already been drawn up by delegates of the people , that is , tbe plan of the National Charter Association . That plan only requires a few alterations to render it perfect . It was not to be expected

      that any plan could be sent forth from any body of men . perfect . It may be based upon a true principle ; but it would require to be tried in order to prove whether it had faults or not . On the discovery of those faults , they . should immediately be remedied . One fault in our present plan appears to be , that the people have not sufficient knowledge of the candidates for the executive offices . To obviate this , I propose that every candidate Bhnll have testimonials from the locality in which he resides or has been a member , stating how long he has been a member , what offices he has filled , and his general qualifications for office , published in the Star , with his nomination . Another fault in the localities ib , tbat the mtmbeia do not pay sufficient attention to the manner in which their officers perform the duties assigned tbem , nor to their general behaviour to the members , and consequently ' are ill served ; this the members may immediately remedy , as it is in themselves . Again , they

      are often very backward in using their common discernment in electing their local officers . These things they must remedy before all will go on well ; in this they do not do their duty . The members are the best judges of the fitness of any of their brother members for office , and must use that judgment in common justice to tbe association . The plan of conducting a national association by a general council and executive committee with its numerous secretaries , treasurers , &c . is a good conception . It forms a cord to bind all the members and officers together ; and has an influence on every member , ( more or less ) whereby he feels himself part of a great whole , and as the plan continues it will beget a stronger influence , whereby the individual will feel he has thousands of brother members who have a claim upon hia actions ; that these expect he will do his duty . That the plan requires many additions and alterations I feel confident , but the groundwork of the plan I would not have altered .

      In commencing our new campaign , I would recommend that a delegate meeting be convened from all the localities that can make ifc convenient to send , whose business it shall be to revise and amend tbe present plans of organisation , consider the plan or plans for a national benefit society , and adopt or draw up one suitable to the present depressed and varied circumstances of the peop \ 8 , having for its objects the relieving of tbeir present wants , either by giving them employment for the society , or a weekly stipend in accordance with their subscriptions ; the ultimate locating them on the land , or in the societies , workshops , and warehouses ; the defence of all members who ahall be arrested for performing any services that the society exacts , or has deputed them to , and to engraft the same into the National Charter organisation as part and parcel thereof .

      Let me induce you , by the poverty that surrounds us , in which we shall surely be all overwhelmed , unless by such a society we provide against its future rapid fearful strides , the present and future prospects of desolation . Let me beg of you to turn your attention to this subject . I am assured that Mr . Hill is prepared in a short time to submit a plan to you or your delegates that will embrace all the desired objects . In the mean time , brothers , bestir yourselves ; consider and discuss this at all your meetings , until you have decided upon giving your delegates instructions ta act thereon , and to the best of their abilities frame such a plan that will meet our numerous wants . We possess in our body all the requisites to such a society . We have plenty of tried , honest , energetic , talented , businesslike men in our localities ; we have , as the Socialist's address sets forth , that power which calls wealth inte existence in abundance , viz ., labour and knowledge . There

      is aa abundance of rawmaterial waitingfor the labourers magic arm to coin it into wealth . Let us unite our pence to put chase it—let us-no longer etay like gaping idiots or parabzed mortals , gazing on this unholy , unjust , unnatural divorce of labour and land , or its springing , ripening , and ripe comforts . If we possess already associated such abundant means to acquires sufficiency of food and taiment , wherefore should we longer remain in this slough of poverty ; if we possess in our association , the requisites for such a benefit society tbat I have named , wherefore should we suffer it any longer to lay dormant ; and if such a society is so mueh needed in our present distressed condition , what will the world think of us if we do not attempt to establish it ? Other countries will say of us , aye , even the upper classes of our own will excuse their want of feeling with the stinging accusation of " they might have bettered their condition , but would not . "

      Come , brothers , let us prevent their having even the shadow of a pretext for such a taunt ; let us by forming such a happy combination of all our powers , avcll ourselves of all the advantages within the reach of such a union , and thereby maintain our character for intelligence , industry , and ingenuity . In conclusion , brothers , let me ask of you to read my letters on the subject of tbia National Benefit Society through once more , and calmly consider whether I have not established the necessity for such a society , and its practieability : and if you think I have done this , the rest is for you to do , by instructing your delegates to the next National Delegate Meeting to frame tho plan , and then work like men to carry it out . I have herein shown how it should be carried forward on tbe democratic principle .

      I should have proceeded further with tbat argument in continuation of my last two letters ; but thought , — seeing you are so wedded to the above principle , —that that subject may Btand over awhile , and tbat the qn . estion of practicability was to you of more immediate consequence t seeing , too , that it is more than prob&Me that a National Delegate Meeting will shortly be convened by common consent , when I hope this subject will occupy their attention , and that they will produce an efficient plan embracing ali our wants . I remain . Yours in Truth , Geacchus .

      Untitled Article

      '— . _ THE NORTHERN STA R . 7 Oim * vi , _ ., " ¦¦ - ' — - ¦ : - ¦ . - ¦ — - —¦ . ¦ —

      It^^Mhiit 3^ »*»T T»»W**Rt Gramma! Tbarltanwnt

      it ^^ mhiiT 3 ^ »*» T t »» w ** rt gramma ! tBarltanwnt

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      Fkom thirty to five and thirty thousand workmen are now employed in the re-building of the city of Hamburgh . , A Fugitive slave undergoing an examination at Northampton , Connecticut , when asked if bis master was a Christian , replied , ' ¦ ' No , Sar , he ' s a member of Coneres 8 . "

      Prevention better than Cure . — It ib a fact beyond dispute tbat most of the diseases with which the hnman race are afflicted are tbe result of a disordered state of the blood . To remedy this , the occasional use of Parr ' s Life Pills should be had recourse to , and sickness prevented as well as cured . A Fool . —A drunker ! shoemaker at Skertou made a firm resolution jon Monday night last to drown himself ; and in the presence of a number of spectators plunged into the river Lune , but , not being out of his depth , he suddenly bethought himself that his temporal affairs were not properly arranged , ; and deliberately walked . out ofithe watery grave to bequeath his old coat to a brother cobbler , when his triends dragged him home , to the no small amusemeat of the spectators . —Lancaster Gazelle ,

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      At a Match which took place on the Thames on Thursday , bet . weeufive yachts , three , of which were iron , was shewn tJ » e superiority of iron vessels over wooden ones for epeed . The three iron boats made the distance in shorter time than ever was known before , and beat all their wooden competitors . No Accounting fob Taste —A morning paper assures us that everybody , high and low , at Kew , loves and admires the King of Hanover . The Bebwyn range of hills , in Montgomeryshire , were on Wednesday morning last , the 7 ih of June , enveloped in snow . Last week , two vessels sailed from Greenock to Quebec and Montreal , taking with them no Ies 3 man 590 passengers , principally agriculturists , and t ery respectable in their appearance .

      The Act for the abolition of slavery in India passed the Supreme Council on the 7 th of April , and became law . Henceforth , there is no slavery in Indva , save that which is perfectly voluntary . 8 t . Petersburgh , May 16 . —YeBterday waa our Longchatnps , but all ice and sno-. v . All vegetation is dead , and the thermometer oh tho freezing point even at noon .. The oldest ^ habitants do noi . remember a similar season ; and more astonishing still , similar accounts arrive frosa Trfltg , the Naples of ou . empire . i .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct806/page/7/