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imperial ^arltam?m 4 THE NORTHERN STAR. _
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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1843.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday , Mat 2 . After tbe presentation of a petition by the Duke of Abgtll , praying for a settlement of the differences of tbe Scotch Church , ,, «» . ^ , Thf . Marqnh of BbeadalbaNK decla ed hu conviction of the incalculable mischief which "would ensue , if . on ,, measure were not passed to settle the question . Eighty per cent of th * popu atioa would aec » de from ttie Church % \ mz ' i' -h their minUter * . Thp E » rl of Abebdee * klM that the Government bid off-red all that could be conceded , and that there ytm no intention of introducing any me&ture on the " nfswxffld reading of the Townsbend Peerage Bill raised a dUcasrlon on the peculiar nature of the case and the remedy proposed .
Lord Cottenham opposed the . Bill , as contrary to precrdent , and -without necessity , a legal remedy being open to the parties Lords Bbocghaji , Desma . v , and Campbki-l supported the BiU , si & remedy foi a wrong -whieh could not be otheT-wiBe rectified , and the Earls of Devon and Wicklow oppesed it , as being at once unprecedented and extreme . The LORD Chancellor supported the second reading . The case ¦ was a singular and extreme one , and if the facts were true , constituted a Bcandaloua lrrong , noi only against individuals , bat the peerage , and the privileges of the House of Lords , for ¦ which no adequate rtm&dy was afforded in the courts below .
Lird CoTTEXHAii declined to press his opposition ; the BUI was read a e « cond time ; and counsel -were ealle-i in , and an arrangement made for . hearing evidence .
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HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tcesdat , Mat 2 . Sir Bobeet Peel , in reply to Captain Pechell . said thit be expected in a few days the exchange of the ratifications of tbe treaty between France and England for regulating the fisheries , and that he would then apply to Parliament to give it effect . Mr . BrME brought on his motion for a vote of thanks to L-ird Ashfcarton , for his management of the negotiations which ended in the conclusion of the treaty of "WVhirgton . He went over the history of the negotiations between Lord Asbburton and Mr . Webster and tbe nature of those mutual boundary arrangements which have been already so ample and frequently diseased , contending that the treaty was condociTe to tbe interest ol the two nations , and honourable to the negotiator .
Dr . Boweixg seconded the motion , remarking on the violence and injustice with which the treaty had been Mailed , and arguing that Lord Ashburton had serred the interests of this country . Sir ChaBLES Napier was surprised that Mr . Hume , % plain honest Scotchman , should have followed the eccentric moTements of Lord Brougham . The Govern-Bent > "nt not originated any motion for a Tote of thanks to Lord Ashburton , and the conclusion was that they did not think that he deserted it . The question of the right of vis : * was left unsettled ; a suspected American Tessel was warranted , by the expressed opinions of the President of the United States , in refusing te submit to the search of a British crni * e ; and at this very mement we were exposed to all the risks of collision . Nor was tbe settlement of the boundary line between the two countries satisfactory . He xn-ved , as an amendment on Mi . Hume's motion , that tbe house do now adjourn .
Captain Bekkklet iecoDded the amendment , disclaiming any wi&h to cast censure on Lord A&hbuxton , bat not considering him entitled to thanks . Mr . EscuTT taunted tbe gallant officers with evading fo « question , 'TtTt ^ vi of boldly meeting the motion with a direct negative . Impartial history would hereafter record iti approbation of the conduct of Lord Ashbortou , in settling the long standing boundary dispute between the two countries . If the late Government had any excuse at all for not concluding such a treaty , it was because they bad no such negotiator as the Noble Lord in order to tffect it . Mi . Edward Bullek regretted the introduction of the motion , and tbe revival of a discussion which he deprecated . Without blaming Lord Ashburton , he did not see why they should step out of their way to thank
Sir Howard Douglas , drawing on his military knowledge and experience , acquired during his governorship of New Brunswick , justified the arrangement * ef the treaty . Mr . TJWiOH Smith quoted Sir Rebert Peel ' s sentiments uttered on the occasion of toting the thanks of the House to the officer * and men employed in tbe Chinese war , when be assigned precedent for not including Sir Henry Pottenger , be being a diplomatic agent . He was therefore surprised when he found that the Right Honourable Grfe&tieman i- tended to support the present motion . Tbe best that could be said , even
by the Hosle Lord's most darling friends , of tbe mission of Lord Ashburton , was that we were all out of tbe scrape . Under the treaty , we had surrendered territory , and tbe question of the right of search was left unsettled -, » ndjlow ground had be- n taken on the kubj-ct of sliTory injurious to a question which tbe peeple of Hiis country had deeply at heart . Mr . Burnt waa patronised , on this occasion , by the ministerial tide of the House ; bat bow was it that the Government foilowtd his leading , instead of having anticipated him , as they ought to have done , if the vote cf thanks was usual , or deserved ?
Mr . Ckabxks Blllbb regretted differing with friends with whom he usually coincided in opinion ; bat , on the present occasion , he was dUposed to overlook precedent , because he consumed tbe treaty of Washington a great achievement of diplomacy , and highly honourable and advantageous to tbe country . We forgot Ihe succession of irritating incidents occurring os the frontier between Canada acd tbe United States , exciting hot blood , and keeping us on th * rerge of a disastrous war . Lord A » hburton not only removed these dangers , but he bad procured a change in the legislation of the United States , by which such casual that of M'Leod could never occur again . We ought not to argue the question , as if we were exclusively in the right , and were justified in insisting on the full amount of our claims . We had got bettei terms than under the award cf the K . ce of the
Netherlands ; under that line the American frontier was brought inconveniently near Quebec , which was , in fact , a material and main objection to it , and of far more importance than tbe territory which had been conceded under the treaty of Washington , and by which ihe frontier bad been removed to a satisfactory distance . Toil , U might be said , had been purchased by tbe concession of tbe navigation of the St . John . But this was balanced by other advantages ; and even the abandonment of the Madawaska settlement was sot of tbe importance attributed to it For himself , he was not disposed to censure Lord Ashburton for abandoning that style of diplomacy , of which be was not disposed to speak in terms ef very great reverence ; tad he was disposed to estimate at its full valne the settlement of disputes between -two great nations , the effects of which might -be as great as lasting .
SirJoHK Hackee , admitted the importance of the treaty , bot protested against setting a precedent which might be disadvantageous hereafter . Lord Starlet said that the Government would not , in the ordinary course of business , have departed from precedent , in proposing die thanks of the House to a negotiator , however successful . But the ungenerous attack of Lord Paimenton was the moving cause of securing to Lord Ashburton the unprecedented honour of such a vote . Mr . Maeaulay had contended that Lord Ashburton had east a stain on British diplomacy ; yet to-night it was admitted that the treaty was not so bad a one after all , and the only objection taken was to the unprecedented nature of the motion .. There sever had been a treaty concluded in the face of greater difficulties , or which had more effectually removed the chances of a disastrous war between two countries , every blow of which weuld recoil on both . In a few months Lord Ashbnrton had conclnded the settlement
of a dispute which Lord Palmerston for several years bad successfully protracted ; even the Madawaska settlement , about whieh so much was now said , was one of the objects 'which tbe Noble Lord , when in ofice , had vainly offered , in order to induce the United States to accept the award of tbe King of the Netherlands . Lord AsbburUm bad entered on his task , after tha question had been embroiled by the management of Lord Paimenton , and after separate states were committing themselves on the subject by strong resolutions to support tbe claims of Maine and Massachusetts , and in six months he brought it to a conclusion . Nor had the Noble Lord or tbe Government compromised the question of the Bight of Search , though Lord Aberdeen did not imitate the « npercilious style of Lord Palmerston , in addressing a people at once strong and sensitive , and on a subject of peculiar delicacy . Tbe United State * did not
recogmae tbe right of search , but they agreed that it might be exercised under certain conditions of remedy for injuries . The very contention on this subject in the Ashbnrtoa Treaty was simikr to a proposition made by Lord Palmerston in 1839 , yet he now turned reund , and said that it was a step in tbe wrong direction ! The easeof M'Leod , whieh the present Government , on entering office , had found to be so imminent and dangeroni , had bees sueceatfuliv settled , aid iu reenmnee provided against Lord Aahbnrton had , in fact , obtained » better military boundary than under the award of tbe King of the Netherlands , he had procured tbe enactment of a law wbkh would prevent the recurrenee of irritating questions , ani he made no cenceslion dishonourable or disadvantageous to tbe country . He treated , therefore , that tbe House would . mark its sense of his high merits , and of the party attack which cad been made on him , by supporting the mutton of Mr Home .
Lord J 0 H 5 BCSS 2 LL was surprised that tbe Got ^ rnmect never thought of coming to the rescue of L . rd Aihbarbon ' M reputation and honour , until 2 stct ' enian came to their aid , who was so little disposed to npbold the honour 1 f this conn ' . ry , ttat he was the corresponde ; . t of one of the chief rebels in the Canadian insurrection . The precedents adduced fey Mr . Buiue for his motion trcrfc not very apposite ; ard it would appear as if the fetches of Lord Palnserston and Mr . Mecsd ::: ^ ca lit fcraer dUctuacn of thia subject , tad rrccnett' so pow-
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erful an effect that they couM only be met by resolutions passed wlthont precedent by both Houses of Parliament . The right of search , asserted by this country , and denied by America , had not been settled by the Ashburton Treaty—the very convention on the subject of repressing the slave trade , which that treaty contained , had already been the cause of producing an excitement in France which it required all the prudence of M . Guisot to allay . Without going Into all the complicated details of the boundary question , he declared his conviction that the tone adopted in the negotiations wiu not only calculated to lower us in tbe estimation of the world , but had actually done so , and had produced the impression thatl our claims had only to be resisted in erder to compe concessions . An ultimatum , had been proposed and abandoned by Lord Ashbnrten , who had claimed the
Madawaska settlement , and had resigned it , as well as the definite proposition of a river boundary , at the bidding of Mr . Webster , in a manner not calculated to sustain the honour of his country . Lord Ashburton was not unlike Moses in the " Vicar of Wakefleld , " whose successful bargain ended in a case of shagreen spectacles . One of tbe first results in America of the treaty of Washington was the passing of a Bill to seize the Oregan territory—a plain effect of the want of npholding the dignity of Britain . He was not disposed to censure with severity tbe expression of Lord Ashburton , in terming Boston the " cradle of American liberty . * He rather rejoiced that the Americans appreciated the noble struggles of their forefathers ; but while he wished to see the bonds strengthened between the two countries , he did not think the treaty bad done so .
Sir Robert Peel censured the conduct of Lords Palmerston and Russell , and their friends , in endeavouring to ruin tbe character of Lord Ashburton , who , actuated by the purest motives , had undertaken this difficult negotiation . Mr . Hume ' s support had not always been so indifferent to the late Government Was it creditable to public men to pursue the course which had been followed by the Noble Lords . ' The Government was taunted with violating precedent by adopting the motion ; but when Mr . Canning ' s policy with respect to Spain was questioned , he refused , contrary to his original intention , to permit the motion to be withdrawn without a definite expression of the opinion of the House . The question was aot , on the present occasion , about the giving up of a Madawaska settlement , or of a particular boundary ; it was one involving peace and war , on an irritating dispute
which , in spite of negotiation , bad lasted for half a century . As to tbe right of search , Lord Palmerston bad authorised the capture of American vessels , which bad produced so mncb excitement in the United States , and had rendered the question a difficult one ; and the convention in tbe treaty secured for five years the cooperation of a joint squadron on tbe coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave trade , He believed that the Oregon dispute would be settled ere long , as well as that of the right of search ; and , notwithstanding the efforts of individuals to excite animosities , be was satisfied that the Treaty of Washington would lead to relations of amity and good will between tbe two conntries . He called en the House , therefore , viewing the difficulties which Lord Ashburton had successfully overcome , to depart from erdinary precedent in passing tbe vote of thanks to the Noble Lord .
Lord Palmerston said that the argument used by Sir Robert Pee ] , on the occasion of tbe former debate on this subject , was that if a v » te of censure were moved , he would meet it with one of approbation . No vote of censure bad been moved ; yet the unprecedented course was adopted of proposing a vote of thanks . He had shewn that the treaty involved a surrender of onr rights , and was not advantageous to this country , but he would not now repeat his arguments . Tbe present Government were rather partial to following tbe exam pis of the late one , but In doing so they frequently did not see the principle on which they had proceeded , and therefore imitated them wrongly . The late Government had proposed a convential line for the settlement of the disputed boundary , and it would have been well
if it had bees adopted as tbe baiis of the treaty . He disclaimed all intention of insulting the American flag by using the phrase " a bit of bunting , " which had reference not to the flag of the Union , but to piratical and fraudulent attempts to sail under it ; and he explained the circumstance * under which inspected American vessels had been captured on the coast of Africa by our cruisers . It bad been effected through a voluntary arrangement between the naval officers of botH countries , but being disallowed by the American Government , was immediately ( topped by his orders . But the Convention in the treaty of Washington , for joint co-operation between tbe squadrons of
tbe two countries , would not prove effectual for checking the slave trade . The Government had not stood up very manfully for their negotiator , in leaving him to the attentions of Mr . Hume : the principle on which be had proceeded , of concession for the sake of peace , had been repudiated by so great a lover of peace as Mr . Fox . Even admitting that the treaty of Washington was advantageous to the country , it remained to be shown that the merit was due to the negociator , and then was no precedent for a vote of thanks to a diplomatist , which would lower the character of the House by dragging a majority through tbe dirt , in approbation of an unwise and disadvantageous treaty .
Mr . BrME said a few words in reply . He did not think that any proceeding ! of his would have so stirred op the Noble Lords ; and the spirit now evinced convinced him that , bad they been in office , we should have been embroiled with America . On a division , tbe motion was carried by S 38 against 96 .
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THE FACTORY BILL . THE GOVERNMENT CONCESSIONS . Os Monday evening , Sir James Graham detaile to " the House" the alterations in the educatoni portion of the Factory Bill , which have , during it recess , been determined on by the MiniBtry . As tl subject is one of absorbing interest , no apology wi be needed for making the readers of the Norther Star acquainted with tbe main of the alteratioi proposed .
In the first place the Home Secrktaby referred i the gross means of delusion that have been resorte to by tbe political dissenters to " get up the steam against tbe original measure ; the palpable fraud and lyiDg misrepresentations of which thej have bee guilty . The measure has bees almost regularly an systematically argued upon , as though it was a firs attempt to introduce the principle of * Compuker Education ; " and this , too , by the very parties wh bailed and supported , and even carried , Lord Al thobp ' s Factory Regulation Act , which made it lav
that ko child should be permitted to work in a Fac lory , unless the matter taw to it that it regularl attended school ! How well do we remember th glorifications ia which the Whig press indulged respecting this portion of Lord Althosp ' s mea Eure , wh « nit was first introduced ! At that pericx the Ten Hours Agitation was at its height . A de mand , almost unprecedented for its urgenc and unanimity , had been made upon . th
Government , for the means of protecting the infant factory slave from a thraldom more oppressive , and niora destructive to moral good and physical well-being , than the most direct and uncloaked system 0 / slavery ever seen . The simple protection asked for , was a forbidding of any owner of a factory to work hiB u hands" more than ten hours a-day , it having been testified to , ca oath , by the highest medical authorities in the world , that Jto attempt Jo work yonog per-
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sons uader twenty-oae years of age , more than ten hours a day , under the circumstances attendant upon factory labour , was to sacrifice health and sport with life ; and which testimony' is to this day nncontradicted and uninvalidated ! The answer to this plain and simple demand , on the part of the Whig Government , was the Factory Act of Lord Althorp ' s , introducing the miseryengendering system of helats ; the obnoxious , and harassing , and expensive spy-system of Inspectorships ; a " Compulsory Education" for all children , as a qualification for work ; and the new fact ,
established by law , that young persons , thirteen years of age , are "free agents ? and out of the custody or care of the Lord Chancellor ! And 0 ! what credit was taken to the Whigs for the preparation of this measure . It was declared that the " Ultra-Philanthropists , " as Oastler and Sadler were sneeringly called , were beaten hollow : that these parties , with their ntmoBt stretch of compassion , had asked for the employment of children ten hours a day ; while the Whifc Act prohibited their being employed more than eight : that the " philanthropists" had not even contemplated
the education of the objects of their commisseration and tender regard ; while the Whig Act provided that they should have an education , before any master should be allowed to employ them . O how vauntingly this portion of the Althobpkam scheme was but set forth 1 The regard jt displayed for the intellectual culture and moral welfare of the factory child , was pointed out , and sung in paeans loud and long . A comprehensiveness of scheme , and enlightened views to meet the requirements of the case , were discovered in tbe plan ; and praise was thickly bespattered upon its " statesman-like authors . "
From the moment of tbe passing of Althorp ' s Factory Act , in 1834 , to the present moment , has the principle of " Compulsory Education" been recognised and enforced by law ; and yet , notwithstanding this notorious feet , the Dissenters have chosen to represent the New Factory Bill as endeavouring to introduce that principle ; and they have deluded their dupes into strong protestations and indignant denunciations against suoh an attempt The introduction and legislative enforcement of the " principle , " when proposed by Lord Althobp , is statesman-like and praiseworthy ; and the principle itself is legitimate and right : but an attempt to make that principle operative ; an attempt to secure an education , somewhat worthy of the name ; an
attempt to put an end to " fire-hoile" schools , and " firing-up" masters , with scraps of the Leeds Mercury for books ; an attempt to provide day schools " efficiently conducted , " ( or the destitute populations of Abhton , Staley bridge , and Oldham , where scarcely a single public day school exiBts , amongst their tens of thousands of wealth-producers : an attempt to accomplish these things is yelled down as an attempt to introduce a " tyrannical principle ; " a ' principle violating the sacred relationship of parent and child ;" " a principle destroying all freedom , and interfering with natural rights ? ' and yelled down , too , by those who hare themselves established the very " principle" denounced , and taken honour and glory to themselves for having done so !
Having replied to the objection cunningly enough , bat roguishly , started , that the New Bill had Bought to introduce the principle of " compulsory education , " Sir James Graham detailed the nature and scope of the alterations he and his colleagues were prepared to make in the Gorernment scheme . He first applied himself to the question of Sunday schools . He said : — " The first objection generally urged , and it is one with which the sympathy of a great part of the public , arises not so much from the intention of the clause relating to Sunday schools as from the t fleet * likely , as
is supposed , to result from its wording . It has been described as a clause violating tbe right « f conscience , and compelling parents whose children are employed in factories to use tbe Sunday schools established under this Act to the exclusion of all other Sunday schools . Now , I beg to state that it is ay intention to exclude from tbe 57 th and 58 th clauses all tbe words relating to Sunday schools , snd I shall also propose that the 66 th clause shall be altogether omitted . In lieu of clause 60 , I shall propose to insert a clause providing that the master , or such other person as the clerical trustee may appoint , shall , at
such time as the said clerical master may direct , openly atte d at such school to afford instruction according to the doctrines of the church of England , and shall give such instruction to all the children in attendance at such school whose parents may desire their attendance for the purpose of religious instruction of this character ; and further , this clause will enact that tbe said master shall , at least once on every Sunday , enforce the attendance of the children on divine worship in a church or chapel of the establishment , or at t > . e performance of divine worship in the school-house , if no chnrch or chapel is convenient The House will at once perceive , that the effect of this alteration will be tbat the schools wilt be open on tbe Sabbaththat the master will attend—and that , to the children
of all such parents as may desire it , instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the established church will be imparted . But , as I stated on a former occasion that we recognised as a leading principle that until a child should be emancipated by age , the parent or guardian slull exercise bis discretion as to that child's religious creed , we shall , acting in strict conformity with that principle , introduce a claUBe by which tbe child will be allowed to attend any Sunday-school such parent or guardian shall prefer , and by which the parent will be left perfectly at liberty to choose any other in case he objects to the schools ander this act I hope , therefore , that by these provisions any objections that may have been urged with respect to instruction at Snnday-scboola will be entirely removed . "
A tremendous hubbub has been raised about the intention of the promoters of the New Bill , to "break up the Sunday Schools , " and get the children into the hands of the Church clergy and their teachers on the day set apart for kist , and not for instruction . From the above statement of the Home Secretary , it is evident , that if ever such an intention existed , it is now given up . Surely , after the above " concession , " we shall hear no more about " the attempt to put dowa * our' Sunday Schools . "
For our own part , we think it would be a great good wbbk they put down : i . e ., were the necessity for their existence superseded . It is of itself an evidence of the most weighty and telling character against the accursed THING , itself , that the only means of school education for the children of the poor should be the Sunday Sohoola , with all their narrow-minded , exclusive , and woefully imperfect arrangements . Were the parents of the children in the position they ought to occupy , * had they their share of the manifold blessings arising from the abundant means we possess to produce an illimitable
amount of wealth ; they would not need to be dependent upon ostentatious fanatio " charity" for the education of their offspring in sectarianism and illibcrality ! The necessity that exists for Sunday Schools at all , is * strong . condemnation of all our fiscal , political , and social arrangements . The Sabbath should bb a day of REST . But there is no rest for the children of the poor . T © il all the week is their portion ; and a sacrifice of the only time for recruiting exhausted worn-out nature , is demanded as tbe price for merely learning it to read
and to think , and judge , and act illiberally towards all who do not belong to the " sect . " Whatever , therefore , will remove the necessity for the existence of Sunday Schools , will accomplish a great good , by removing a great evil . The working-day is the time for the schoolmaster to pursue his " avocation . " The Sabbath commandment , commands to "keep holy ( wholly ) the Sabbath day . " In it we are to " do no manner of work ; but "to REST from our labours . " There is not much kxxt in a Sunday School .
Let us not be mistaken . We do not decry Sunday Schools , a * things are . They have been , and are , of immense use , notwithstanding all their imperfections , and all their sectarianism . They have taught hundreds of thousands to read , who otherwise would not have learned . When thus taught , they have been cast abroad into tbe wide world , to battle with the stern realities of life . The power to read has placed within their reach " materials for thinking . " Thought has been awakened and evolved ; and a conviction that man ' s injustice has " established" a system of selfishness and fraud , to which
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the ignorant and unreflecting have been subjected , has taken firm hold of the mind , and given birth to a holy determination to supersede the wrong by the establishment of right . Sunday Schools , poor , wretched things as they are , have had their usea ; and good has resulted from them . It would be but a sorrowful reflection , however , to have to think that by their means alone are the masses of our population always to be instructed in the little they can alone teach ! The introduction of right principles into practice would soon supersede the necessity for Sunday Schools , and give every youthful member of society a scholastio oourse of education , physically , mentally , morally , and practically , such as the most favoured of our race do not even now enjoy !
The next concession" of the Government relates to the Certificates for school attendance . It is the law now , that no child shall be permitted to work in a factory , unless it attends some school ; but it leaves the master at liberty to let the school be of what nature or sort he pleases . It is from the latter cause that we have had the children sent into the M fire-hoile , " to say their " lessons" to the " firerup" of the engine boiler , thoir " lessons" being scraps of the Leeds Mercury newspaper , cut up for the purpose ; it is from that cause , that we have had these things practised , and dignified with the the name of " schooling" and * education . " The
new bill sought to put an end to such wicked mockeries . It provided that a certificate of attendance , either at a New District School , or at a School of the National Society . oi \ a Sohool of the British and Foreign School Society , or a Catholic Sohool , or a School attached to any factory provided by the master himself ; it provided that a certificate of weekly attendance at one or other of these schools ( stipulating that the four last should be " efficiently conducted " J should be obtained by the factory master from the schoolmaster , before he was at liberty to employ any ohild . An alteration in this particular is proposed . The Home Secretary said : —
"On this point , I propose to introduce an alteration into clauses 16 , 17 , and 18 , and also propose entirely to omit clauses 71 , 72 , 73 , and 74 . In lieu of these I propose to introduce a clause that will enable the masters of all schools in the district to grant certificates of ihe attendance of the children , subject only to this condition , that all snob schools shall be under the superintendence of an inspector appointed by the Committee ef the Privy Council , without any other sanction or control , and with regard to the character of the instruction , only insisting that in the coune of such instruction the authorised
version of the Scriptures shall be used . With respect to Wealeyan schools or to those of Protestant Dissenters generally , this clause will be unnecessary ; but it is desirable , in order to provide for the cases of certain Roman Catholic schools at which Protestant children may attend , and also it is necessary to provide against a Roman Catholic master compelling the attendance of Protestant children at any private school within bis factory , and there instructing those children in religious knowledge , in the absence of the authorized version of tbe Scriptures . "
The power to grant certificates of school attendance is to be extended to all schoolmasters iu the factory districts , who submit to place their schools under ( he superintendence of an Inspector appointed by the Committee of Privy Council , and who use tbe authorised version of the Scriptures in the course of instruction . This " concession" meets many difficulties , and many objections , that have been started . The charge that it was intended to get all the children to the New Distriot Schools , to be taught Puseyism by the Church parson , is now no longer tenable , even in appearance .
The ohild may be sent to any school so superinteaded , and so conducted ; and certainly , if Inspection ia neeesiary ^ md if the use of the Scriptures as a class book is not to be dispensed with , we cannot see what objection can be urged against the provisions of the Bill , as now proposed . The world knows something of the utter inefficiency of much of what is now dignified by the name of " school education . " They know that the keeping : of a school is a ** walk" of life in not very high estimation ; and that it is generally resorted to by tbe unfortunate and the disabled , with no other qualification for the task than that they are
unable to obtain a miserable livelihood by any other means . " Do you teach morals to the young people under y < ur charge V was the question put by some inquirers into the statistics of " school education" to the coaductorof an " establishment" for the teaching and training of youth . " La , Sir , " was the answer , who could afford to teach them for twopence a-week" If benefit is to be secured to the attenders upon " all schools , " in the major portion of them a far different system from that hitherto pursued will have to obtain : for it is a fact that the major portion of the " masters" are as deficient of all mental and moral qualifications for tbe task they have assumed , as the poor children are of
that which they go to school , but go in vain , to learn . Should , therefore , improved methods of tuition , and a natural course of treatment to the children ' placed in the hands of the " educator , " follow from giving " all schools" the power to grant 'certificates of 6 chool attendance , by being placed under the superintendence of tbe Inspector , it will be ooe benefit resulting from the system of " Inspection" which we have hardly any right to expect from such an obnoxious mode of proceeding . The system , however , is one of Whig origin : and , therefore , the Dissenters cannot with any show of justice complain , seeing that they were the strenuous supporters of the " principle" when it was first sought to be introduced in connection with factory children .
The next alteration was announced in these terms : — " T ^ e House will observe that I have now removed the difficulty with regard to Sunday schools , and that with respect to day-schools I have provided for tbe free granting of certificates , subject only to the inspection of the Bchoolu by the Inspector authorised and appointed by the Committee of the Privy Council . I will now go en to notice tbe third class of objections , for which I shall also endeavour to provide a remedy . I propose to alter clauses 57 , £ 8 , and 69 . It is objected , that as instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the E'tablished Chnrch may be given at any period
of tbe school hours , tbe imparting of such instruction may interrupt the eduoation of the children of those Dissenters who attend ; aud that it must consequently ensue either that those children will lose the benefit * ef tbe education afforded , or that attempts will be made to instil the particular doctrines and catechism of the Established Cburob into tbe minds of those who dissent from its principles . We shall provide , in order to meet these objections , that instruction in the catechism and doctrines of the church shall be afforded daring one hour out of tbe three of each of tbe five days on which tbe children are to attend tbe schools ; but we shall also provide that that boar shall be appointed by the
masters , and that it shall be either tbe first or the last of the three hours . ( Hear , bear . ) Further , we shall provide that instruction in this branch shall be given to the children of churchmen in a . class held in a room apart from tbe school-room , and separate from that in which tbe children of those DissentiDg parents who may object to the edueatlon of their children in the cburah doctrines receive instruction . Then we shall take a precaution with regard to a matter on which the Right Hon . Gentleman , the Member for Devonport , urged some objections tbe other night , —I mean with respect to the character of the books to be used . As
the bill stands it Is in the power of the clerical trustee to make tbe selection , and of course it is to be expected that every such trustee will select according to his own peculiar tenets . To obviate tbe difficulty we shall provide that the selections shall be made by the two archbishops . We shall also provide that no Inspector shall inquire into the character of the religions instruction imparted , unless be shall receive express authority to do »» from one of the archbishops , or from the bishop of the diocese . This , the House will observe , will prevent all inquiry into the special religious Instruction afforded . "
On this we have not , at present , any thing to say . It will be better to teai / , and see how it is met and received by the religious portions of the community who object to mere secular education , and insist on the priest interfering with the functions of the schoolmatter , to impart religious instruction ; but who cannot agree at to what it religious instruction , and who , in their bitter quarrels and disgraceful contests on the point , evince that they are possessed of no religion at all ! but that its place is occupied by furious fanaticism and intolerant bigotry . Sir Jamk 3 Graham proceeded : —
" I now come to another point . In clause 69 it ia provided , ' that if tbe parent of any scholar sball certify to tl o master or trustees thai be desires that such scholar , on the ground of religious objectiona , may not be present ai . the periods when such cateciiiara or por-
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tions of the liturgy are taught , It shall not be lamul for any person tu compel such child to be present at such periods . ' An objection has been taken to this clause , because of the introduction of the words ' on the ground of religious objection , ' It being thought invidious to compel a parent to state what may be the grounds of the objection he entertains . I shall propose , therefore , to omit these words , and it will consequently be competent for a parent , without assigning any reason , simply to state that ha objects . Besides this , I propose specifically to enact , that during the hour in which religions instruction is afforded , which , as I said before , may be either the first or the last hour of the three , provision shali be made by the trustees that the children of
Dissenters BhaV . receive instruction in some bnnch of knowledge taught in tbe schools . But although we make all these provisions , we do not think them sufficient to meet all the objections urged . Tbe precautions I have stated I believe to be arape against any attempt to introduce a proselyting spirit ; but although we have taken these precautions—although we have provided that education iu the catechism and liturgy of the church should be afforded in a separate room and at a fixed hour—still we think that these precautions fall short of all that tbe necessities of the case require . Excepting on Sundays , no provision is made for tbe education of Dissentersin the peculiar religious creeds they may profess . This is an Important point . I propose to
introduce a clause to provide for it . I propose that children of Dissenters fehall have instruction in the creed of their parents for a time exactly equal te those of children brought up in the doctrines ef the establishment . This instruction will , of course , be at the discretion of the parent As the case now stands the Sunday is provided for—that day is at the disposal of every parent to provide as he pleases for tbe education of bis child . During tbe afternoon of Saturday it is also competent for him to provide for tbe special religious instruction his cbi'd is to receive ; but something more is wanting , and we therefore propose to enact that the trustees shall appoint a day in each week in which any scholar whose parent desires that bis child should not be present when the Catechism and Liturgy of the
Established Church are taught may receive religious instruction from a licensed minister of any congregation at which such parent attends divine worship , and that such scholar shall attend to receive such instruction at euch time as the parent may notify to the trustee that tbe minister will attend to impart it , and at any convenient place other than the sohool-house itself . ( Hear . ) Now then , Sir , I think I may say that everything has been done that I and tny colleagues could devise to meet the several objections which have been taken to the religious instruction of tbe scholars . I hope and believe that we have met the difficulties of the case with that candour and firmness which was required , and I am quite sure that tbe object of oar regard has been to secure tbe instruction of Dissenters , as well as of other classes of her Majesty ' s subjects . "
This , too , is a matter wbioh does not call for observation at the present . It concerns the " unco guid" more than any one else . Upon the provisions as they originally 6 tood the " fighting sects" have been meat condemnatory and most severe . Let us see how they receive the * ' concession" here offered to them . We next come to the proposed alteration in The Tiiusiyfor the governance of tbe new District Schools . This is the whole question . If the Trust be a popular one , and unobjectionable in its nature , the government of the schools , and the nature of the instruction imparted will be all that they require to be . But if the Trust be viciously constituted , it must follow that their arrangements will be vicious also . Here are the alterations proposed : —
• ' I will now offer to the House an explanation of the course which I propose to take with regard to the constitution of the trust . The clauses in the Bill which relate te the appointment and powers of the trustees of the school are to be omitted entirely . I allude to clauses 52 , 53 , and 55 of tbe Bill as it now stands , and we introduce new clauses , which will giW an entirely new character to that part of the Bill . Jtt is the intention to adhere to that part of tbe Bill which enacts , that when the schoel shall be intended for a place for which there shall be only one officiating minister , suoh minister and the other trustees shall be the . trustees of the school , the minister being termed the clerical trustee . When there shall be more than two er more ministers officiating in any such place , or when tht school shall be intended for two or more districts .
the biahop of the diocese within that district from time to time sball appoint from such ministers , or from the ministers officiating in such districts , one to be a clerical trustee of the school , and the clerical trustee will have the power , in writing , of appointing some person , being a churchwarden in the place where the school ia erected , or being a person qualified to act as a trustee , to be one of the trustee of the school . I propose also , that a portion of the trustees shall be elected trustees . I will now state to the House what alteration * the Government intend to introduce on this point . I propose to enact , that when there shall be any number of persons , not less than twenty , who shall each have voluntarily subscribed a donation of £ 10 at
the least , in one sura , towards tbe expenditure in tbe maintenance of the school in any one of three years immediately preceding any election , or the sum of £ 1 for tbe two successive years immediately preceding any election , or one of whom shall have given a site for tbe school , the returning officer shall have the power to summon a meeting of such subscribers , and such subscribers and donors preaeut are to elect one er more qualified persons to be a trustees of the said school . It will be expected tbat I should now state to tbe House the qualification of the trustee : — ' That any person being assessed to the current poor rate of any place wholly or partly within the district of the said school , in respect of property situated within such
district , and ¦ whose assessment is among the first third of the assessments arranged according to the amounts of rental from the highest to the lowest , any petson being usually resident within five miles of the school who shall have given the site thereof , or one-tenth part of the entire original cost of tbe school buildings , or shall have given a sum of £ 20 at tbe least towards the expenditure in the maintenance of tbe school during any one of the three immediately preceding years , or shall have subscribed the sum of £ 2 at the least thereto for two successive years immediately preceding the pubiication of the notice of the said election , shall be qualified to be a trustee . provided that where any firm or partnership shall be assessed , the amount of the
assessment shall be divided fcy the number of persons whose names shall be expressed ia tbe rate , and each of such persons shall be deemed to be assessed at the amount assigned to him by such division , and no person shall be deemed to be qualified in respect of ' the assessment whose name is not set forth on tbe said rate . ' These are the qualifications which I intend to propose with reference to the trustees . The House will observe that I have now mentioned three out of tbe seven trustees . It is my intention to aibere to tbe originally proposed number of trustees , viz . seven . One is to be the clerical trustee , one is to be selected by the officiating minister , and one to be elected by tbe donors . After this the remaining four more trustees are to be
elected . In the bill as it stands it is enacted that tbe means of erecting tbe school , and other expences connected with its efficiency and maintenance , are to be provided out of the poor rate . Tbe Government thought it but fair and just tbat the ratepayers should have a considerable voice In the selection of the trustees—( loud cheers ) . It is intended to propose tbat the four remaining trustees , to which I have previously alluded , shall be elected by the rate payers assembled—( cheers ) The clause is as follows : — " That four persons , qualified as hereinafter provided , shall be elected by tbe persons who shall have been assessed to the poor-rates in any part of tbe place to which the said school ahall be assigned for a period of not less than twelve months previous to the day of publication of the notice of tbe
election , on lands , tenements , or hereditaments , of the net annual value of £ 10 and upwards , to act as trustees jointly with the trustees hereinbefore provided ; and any rate-payer qualified to vote in the election of such trustees may put in nomination at such election all or any of tbe requisite number ef persons qualified as herein provided . ' Whatever may be the predominating influence in tbe district , whether tbat influence be in accordance with the Established Church or with Dissenting principles—whether it fall on the right hand or an tbe left , it was resolved tbat tbe minority ( as we understood the Right Hon . Baronet ) should be represented . No ratepayer shall vote for more than two trustees , and the minority in oyery case will elect two . "
This " concession" is net sufficient . The Trcst so constituted will not operate for good . It is not popular . How easy this thing could have been managed had the Government dared to have applied correct principles . They come to the ratepayers for money to support the schools : they should have given the ratepayers the controul over the expenditure of the money . Had they done so , the way would have been clear of difficulties . But classinterests interfere . There is the Church , with all her pretensions and assumptions , compelled to seek the strong arm of the law to uphold them , having lost her hold of the affections and judgment of the
people ; and who , therefore , must be propitiated by making her Parsons em officio heads of The Tbust : aud there are , on the other band , the hungry and aspiring hordes of Dissenters yelling and clamouring against Mothes Chcbch , denouncing her for her intolerance and unjust assumption of power and position , while they are merely seeking to occupy her place ! Were this not so , they would seek to enforce the principles of religious liberty and universal toleration , about which they so glibly prattle . Were this not so , they would seek to place the " dominant sect" on an equality with the rest , and leave each to the good sense and activo support of their re ? pective £ adherent ? . Were this not so , they
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would not content themselves with annual exh * V tiona of virtuous indignation against Church Rates " and seek to set tbe mark of public odium upon part ' ' cular Ministers of the Church , while they resist vritk all their might , the only measure that would r ender Church Ratea unnecessary , or which could , by ^ possibility , get rid of compulsory payments for th « offices of objected-to-religion . Were the Dissenters honed ; were not each " Beot" seeking by onwortj , means to take the place of the now " dominant sect » and thu 3 enjoy and wield the power they now »
much decry ; were not thi 3 the case , we should hw them pursuing a far more open and strai ght-foriv ajd course from that they do pursue . We should hav them avowedly and energetically seeking for . abrogation of the " incestuous union" between Church and State ! As long as there is an Esttk . liahed Church , it is right that compulsory payment should be enforced . And as long as we have " dominant sect" recognised by law , it cannot but be expected but tbat the " lawful" claims of such " sect" will be maintained . The only way to set aside the one , and abrogate the other , is to " cut ti e connection altogether" 1
The Trust will not do ! There is in its constitj . tion a union of suoh opposite principles , as muat of necessity , lead to inharmonious action . The Parson , an ex-officio head , with a power in himself to choose another to act as hiB echo . Another trustee to be chosen by the donors to the school ; and the remain , ing four elected by those rate-payers who areas seswt to the Poor Rate at Ten Pounds and upwards ' What a monstrosity ! A union of all tbe woast por . tiona of bad principles ! Even in the attempt to
" popularize" The Trust , by a pretended election bj the Rate-payers , the very parties who are mainly interested in the question are shut out from all con troul ! Whose children are they who need the eda > cation sought for ? The children of Ten Pound Rate-payers 1 or the children of the poor ? Then why are the poor rate-payers to be denied the priyj lege of voting for the four elected trustees 1 View it in whatever light we may , tbe professed constitution of The Trust is vicious and bad .
See how simply the object might be accomplished without injury or ^ favour to any . Let the rate payers in Vestry assembled return annually a lirt say of twenty-one names , from which the Magistrates in Sessions assembled , shall select the seven required , What more would be needed ? What more simple ( What more satisfactory ? The beard so constituted could appoint the instructor , aud make all ti » arrangements for the school . If these were imperfect or bad , the remedy would be in the hands of those whose money was wasted , and in the hands of those whose children were deprived of the instruction purchased . Abuses would soon be rectified .
Had those who have raised the loud cl&moui against the education clauses of the Factory Bill been sincere in their expressed desire to secure for the children of the poor an " education" at all , they would have sought to have accomplished a change in The Trust of the nature here indicated , instead of seeking to defeat the measure altogether . Tk fact that they have so sought to overturn the only approximation to a measure of National Education ever propobed , instead of seeking to reconcile existing differences , and to make it acceptable to all , is at once a self-evident proof that each religious M sect" dreads education , unless it can exercise over it undisputed and absolute control ! Proselytism is what each seeks !
These , then , are the main of the alterations proposed . Whether they will be satisfactory or not to the Dissenters remains to be seen . We deem Tee Trust to be far from satisfactory , for the reasons just adduced . And yet , so anxious are we io hare the children of the poor " educated , " and that , too , in other than Sunday Schools , that we would gladly prefer the Bill passed , in its present altered state , to no Bill at all . With those who wish to defeat tbe attempt to compel the rich to provide education for the poor , we bold no sympathy . With an ignorant population society cannot be safe . Nor are we justified in subjecting the poor to
incessant toil to procure for others the means of luxurious enjoyment , and doom the offspring of their loins to mental blindness and intellectual destitution . Ererj child has a claim to be taught . Society has an interest in teeing that it is taught , —aud taught aright too , as far as all known knowledge goes , and as far as moral and social obligations are concerned . Any attempt to embody this principle will find support from us . Nay , we shall be disposed to put op with many imperfections and short-comings , in its first application , for the sake ef the " principle" itself Once introduced , ii will make its own way ; and the errors in practice will be removed .
Should the present measure be overturned , we shall have another blessikg to thank religious bigotry for ! The children of the poor are enveloped in gross ignorance , and mental darkness . Every attempt to enlighten their minds , and cultivate their understandings , is opposed by religion sectarianism and intolerant fauaticism ! The Minister proposed to set apart from the £ 60 , 000 , 000 a-jear wrung at the point of the bayonet from the toil of the producing classes , a paltry £ 30 , 000 in aid of tha
education of those who are uneducated , because wieir means have been absorbed in the way just pointed out ; and the proposal was met with a yell of execration from the " dominant sect" aad the Wes * leyan body . The Minister proposes an approximation to a national system of education ; and a clamour is raised by the discordant sects against the scheme itself , under the false pretence that they are opposing an unjust bestowment of power upon their al'eady too formidable rival . And thus because of sectarian
quarrelling and bitter religious differences , the people te to " perish for lack of knowledge" !! Sir James Graham , in concluding his announcement w the alterations , aptly said : — " Tbe great Anther of religion and of faith has left on record a test by which wo are able to know ni » true followers . It ia said , By this shall all men know whether you are my disciples , if you love one « nother . ' In the early periods cf tbe history ol U » Christian world the bond of union was cemented « 7 martyrdom , and by every kind of suffering to W ^ ~ those men were exposed . The remark was , ' See now these Christiana love one another ; but in our own day the sceptic , the scoffer , and the infldel , are ready w exclaim , See how these Christians hate one another .
The saying is not confined to the sceptic or the scoffer ! It ia troly no scoff to say H - ' The " Christians" do hate one another : and because of bucb hatred , the children are to be deprived of the prta " lege of having the door of understanding unlock J and knowledge and wisdom are to be a sealed bo ° * to them ! Out upon ye ! ye vile hypocrites , that stand in the way of mental light !
Imperial ^Arltam?M 4 The Northern Star. _
imperial ^ arltam ? m 4 THE NORTHERN STAR . _
Untitled Article
Shocking Accidbst . —Last Friday morning , about seTea o ' clock , a frightful and fatal accident occurred at the Lancaster railway station , to James Witham , a porter in the employ of Messrs . Hargreaves and Co . general carriers . It appears that he was assisting in the removal of some luggage waggons , slowly propelled by one of the engines , and , whilst in the act of stepping between two of them for the purpose of unhooking them in order to divide the train , was caught between their "buffers , " and so dreadfully crushed , that , after lingering in great agony for about three hours , death terminated his sufferings , —Lancaster Guardian .
U > 'just "Weighing Machine . —At tbe borough Court , Bolton , on . Monday last , Agnes Ratbbone , keeper of a public weighing machine , in Black Horsestreet , was fined 53 and expenses , on the information of Mr . Fogg , inspector . The machine , at ten hundred-weight , was deficient a quarter of a hundred-weight , and at thirty hundred-weight , one hundred-weight . Pabdon of Wilson Rocket . —A free psrdon was received on Friday week on behalf of Wilson Rocket , who was confined at the Castle under a sentence of transportation for life , for a burglary at Huntington . The intelligence as conveyed in a letter to R . H . Anderson , Esq ., the attorney for tbe prosecution , —and the pardon appears to have been granted solely from the report which the Secretary 01 State has received from Mr . Justice Coltmsn .
Sheep at Waretield . —On Wednesday week , at Wakefield cattle market , there were the extraordinary number of between eight and nine thousand sheep for sale . There were a thousand more than the pens wonld hold . A large quantity remained unsold . The prices fetched were from 3 | d to 4 d per pound for mutten . Lambs sold at 18 j to 21 s per head .
The Northern Star Saturday, May 6, 1843.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , MAY 6 , 1843 .
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WORKINGS OF THE SYSTEM . THE NOTTINGHAM LACE TRADE . The Report of the Commission « rs appointed to enquire into the condition of the-yoathful manufacturing population of these kingdoms is a nw * frightful document ! It has brought out > feTelai " ! ° ? of the infernal money-grubbing system under ww <» we live , that make the flesh creep and u » blood curdle , and tbe whole man blush to own n » race . With some of the horrors of ehM" * employed ia coal min « s and in factories , our r **^ but tw
have become to some extent acquaiated ; half is not yet told them . The treatment of tn « Midland Counties equals if not exceeds all tiai } been said of these pandemonia . We give elsewhere an article from the Times , in reference to tna matter , to which we refer our readers , and soli «* their attention for it . It is exceedingly mo derate u > its tone ; and yet holds up a picture which humamV may well blush to contemplate . The article , we see , is to be continued . We shall most probably « iw the continuation : or , if not , revert to the su bject , and have something of our own to say upoa it-
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 6, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct801/page/4/
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