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Northern Star (1837-1852), 11th March 1843, Edition 4 of 5, Page 4

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    • THE ITOBTHERIT STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 11, 1843.
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      OjMohdjlt kbxt , the ISA Instant . Mr . Roberto , Solititoriotheefasrtiste , wffl ^ dr ess the people of Maschester . in . the Carpenter's Hall , at eight o ' clock , -when he will give an amount of the proceedings at Lancaster connected wift the Chanisi triab- Admission One Penny , to go to the Defence Fund .

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      THE TRIAL . Wb can but call attention to the continuation of cor report of this most important , proceeding . We hfiwe given ail respecting H —a oould procure ap to the latest moment of going to presg . . It is impossible to particularize remarkable incidents in connection with ibis trial at present The state of our columns alone forbids it . There Sa much , however , to be said upon the -whole matter , both generally and particularly . To say

      fids , occasions must be embraced & 3 they present themselves . A lessos , ketkb-to be-fohgoties , _ cst be TAXB 5 P £ . oa it . It is the last proceeding of the sort that we must have in connection with the Chartist c&use ! Whatever may be the result of ihe Jury ' s finding , we must endeaTour in future so to conduct our exertions for the attainment of right , as to preclude the possibility of the leaders of the people having again to stand at the bar , to answer such charges as circumstances haTe this time enabled ihe ATTOKSEY-GKN-ERAi to frame against them .

      This can be done . This must - be done . It IE truly lamentable to see the exertions , and time , and money , of ihe poor workies employed in aid of such purposes , aa we sometimes have seen them put to . "We must have no more of it ! Tfcsinowledge we hare gained by the past will enable U 3 so to direct cur efforts in the future , as to produce to ub manifest proof of iheir ntfliiy . Tfo more outbreaks 1 No more secret plot-&gs 1 No more sisikes ! No more pntting

      ourselves between the fangs of the Attorney-General I No more indictments 3 But plenty more of peaceful and firm agitation ! Plenty more of operating on public opinion 1 Plenty more ef iiTtilrng tha working people in s strong and inn union to resist the onward progress of oppression , aad introduce the Teign of right . Plenty more of « ffbrt 3 to obtain some portion of ihb lasd , to show the world what we can do with poEiical power when we procure h ! Plenty more of these things ; iut all within the late I

      In the accomplishment of these objects , we can hare the direct PBOTEcnojf op law , if we choose to avail ^ urselTes of it . The time has come when this an be , and must be -done . We liTe in a world of progression ; and the kind that has been eTolved by the previous applications of our energies will guide oar steps to a far advanced position .

      THE VERDICT . PHEDAf MOBSISD , 11 O'CLOCK- — "Weslop ihe Press to announce the RESULT of the Trial . The Reporter has just reached the office , with the news . The Cour t opened yesterday at nine o ' clock in ihe morning ; and the Judge Immediately commenced his £ umming * np , His address to the Jary occupied till four o ' clock in the afternoon ; and we have the authority of Mr . OToxxob for raying that a more able and impartial summing np never fell . from the lips of a Judge . His Lordship then detailed the evidence * as it affected

      * oe of the defendants ; he stating it as his purpose io take the opinion of the Jury respecting the defendants in batches of fire . The Jury hereupon retired j and after being absent an hour they returned into « onri , with a reqnest that bis Lordship " would 4 eiall the evidence as it applied to each and all of the defendants , as they had already taken such notes as would guide them to a decision . "Their request was complied with ; and after again retiring , and being absent ten minutes , they returned into Court , ju 3 t at "ven o ' clock , "with the following Terd : ct i—

      GTJAiiTY OS the Futh COUHI 05 LT . —Feargns 0 * Ct » Dor . William Hill , Cfeorge Julian Barney . John Heyle , John Nonnin , William Beeriey , Samuel Parkas , Thomas BaOtan , Robert Ramsden , John JLttsu , James Skevimrton , "WHUam Aitkin , Sandy Challenger , and Wm . Woodruffs . GTTZXiT ? OK THEFOCilB AITDFlTIH COTSTS — Peter Murray MvDou&ll , Jamas Leach . Christopher Doyle , John Campbell , Jonathan Bairstow , Be—aid ll'Csrtney , James Arthur , Thomas Cooper , Bobert Brooie , Janses Mooney , John Leach , David Morrison , Georse ( hcdelet , Jchn Durham , James Fenton , and Frederick Angostna Taylot

      HOT &UH > 77—Jas . Scholefield , Wm . Scholefield . D ^ ria Boss , James CarUedge , << Jueen'a Evidence ) James Taylor , Joseph Oarke , John Msssey , Jobn Fletcher , "Thomas Brown Smith , Thomas T . aser , Jonn AHinson , James Grasby , James Chippendale . Thomas TAmiyjn , John I ~ iax , Bichard PQHng , William Stepheuwra , John Crosstey , Albert Woolfenden , Robert lees , John I ^ wis , Patrick Murphy Brophy , George Jbh&son , Thomas Sborab , John Wilde , and Thomas Pitt .

      The Fockch Gocsr of the Indictment charges the defendants with aiding , assisting , and abetting , divers evil-disposed persons , who were tumultuously assembling , and by violence , threats , and intimidaioTW , JOBCI 5 G peaceable subjects to leave their employent and occupation- ' " Thb Pitch Cod" charges for that they did ¦ Hnlawfnlly endeavour to B persuade and encourage the said subjects to leave their respective emplqymetds , and to produce a cessation of labour , in order to bring about a change in the laics and constitution of the realm . '

      All the weightier counts of the Indictment are thus given to the winds j the charges upon which a verdiefc of Guilty is retained being very minor ones ndeed . None of the defendants were in Court when the rerdict was returned . Judgment will not be passed till next term ; which commences on the 15 ; h of April next . In relation to this matter we give the following short letter from Mr . O'Cgki ? oa : —

      TO THE IMPERIAL CHAETISTS . Mt Belov _ > Pbtejcds , —I have fought a battle with my gallant band : a battle of eight long days " rYehavBhad fair play in every respect . A Judge who knows the law , and was governed by the law ; making no distinction in its application because the defendants were poor . There never was such a Judge—so patient , so inquisitive , so amiable . A Jury , though chosen by the Crown , resolved upon doing justice , according to the evidence . A prosecutor , mild , compared with those to whom I have been

      accustomed . The onlj patty that I find fault with are those who were engaged by the Crown to procure evidence . The evidence was of the lowest and most profligate description . Our defence was manly * «*» rhicing . OJ what a credit to be associated with suchmen ! They electrified me and every body . We have been honourabl y found GUILTY of nothing ! We will fight this battle yet . I go now to prepare for another fight m the Queen ' s Bench ,-for never will I gjTe up . I gay nothing of mjown poor services : but our friends are Batisfied and bo am I .

      We never were so Btrong . I never was in better spirite . I promlse : jou that the Terdict shall not be % triumph J Hurrah for the Charter J I am , your ever-faithful Friend , Lancaster , Fiascos O'Coictob . Thursday Night .

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      FACTORY LABOUR . In the Northern Star of last weefc was givea an tpltpmeofa delate m the H « nse / ' consequent on the introduction of a motion by Lord Ashlet for a an humble address to her Majesty praying that her Majesty wi be graciously pleased to take into instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the benefits and blessings of a moral and

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      religions education amongst the working olasses of her people ; " which motion was passed unanimously , it being acquiesced in by Sir Jakes Graham and Sir Robbilt Peel on the , part of the Government , and supported by Lord John Rcsskll and other member ' s of " her Majesty ' s Oppositjoh . '' This motion was mainly founded on the Stand Report of the " Children ' s Employment Cohhissios" just presented to Parliament ; which is a

      valuable andimperishable record of the injustice done to the working classes , and the fearful state of physical and moral destitution prevailing amongst the children of the poor . The revelations made in this Report , as to their condition in both these respects , are horribly appalling , and almost incredible . Thske , however , the record standB ; and it seals the fate of the present system ! It is impossible that it can much longer be snstained .

      From time to time we shall give copious . extracts from this Report , accompanied by such observations as we may deem needful to make the matter of it familiar to the minds of the class for whom we care . It is a powerful lever placed within their reach ; and it can and must be used to the overthrowing , the toppling over , of that course of selfish oppression and wicked misrule which has produced the awful state of sin and suffering so truly and so fully described .

      During the course of the debate on Lord Ashley ' s motion , Sir James Graham detailed , at some length , a scheme which the Government have matured , for educating the children of the poor ; and , amongst other things , he announced thai A New Bill for the Regulation of the Employment of Children and Young Persons in Factories , " would shortly be introduced . On Tuesday night last , the Home Secretary moved for leave to bring in such Bill ; and as he then detailed the main of the alterations Government intend to make in the present Act , we give , in this place , what occurred on the occasion , feeling that the subject is ene which intimately concerns the

      working people in the manufacturing districts . It will be seen that several of the protested alteration are vastly important to the workers in factories ; and that they will tend to the preservation of life and limb . The contemplated power , to cause the dangerous portions of the machinery to be boxed off , and to prohibit the cleaning of machinery while it is running , will be a valuable protection to the sentient beings required to watch the operations of the ** master ' s" machinery , should it be obtained ; while the regulations respecting meal-times and making up of lost time , will , if only made efficient , prevent the practising of much imposition and much oppression .

      It is also contemplated , as will be seen , to farther redace the hours of labour for the children in mills , from eight hours to six-and-a-half . This is a great step ; especially when coupled with the proviso that such children must attend a ¦ properly conducted school daring the Other pbrtion of the day , to Qualify them to enter the factory at all . The children will thus have some chance of obtaining , the rudiments of common knowledge at least , ; and not be subjected , as they have hitherto been , to the eternal din , and noise , and stench of the factory , without intermission or respite .

      It is true that the present Factory Act protects " children" from being worked more than eig \ t hours a-day ; and that it directs that they shall attend school : but its provisions have not been efficient for the purpose . They have been continually broken or evaded . The " school" has , in many instances , been the " fire-hole , " and the schoolmaster" the " firerup" ! This has been found to be the case , and reported to be so by the Factory Inspectors themselves . In the very last Report mad © by Mr . SaMDEBS , bearing d-te January 25 th , 1843 , we find the following description of the sort of" education" provided by the * Fosty Thieves of Pudsey" for the children

      employed in creating wealth . And this is a sample of what has occurred in by far too many places . Let the fact be made known for the benefit of the Pudsey " partners" in guilt , who could not M taoil" ten shillings for school books for the use of those who were making them hundreds of pounds ! Here is the account as reported by Dr . Bakbr , the Superintendent of Factories , to his Inspector , Mr . S . H 7 NDEHS ; and by Mr . Sacxdebs reported to Sir Jakes Gkahah , the Homb Sechetaky ; and by us reported to ihe working people , for the benefit of the poor in general , and for the benefit of the " Fobtt Thieves of Pudsey" in particular . Here it is : —

      u In Padsey , which is a woollen district , great numbers of 7 ery joung children are employed ; the inhabitants are poor , and education is at a very low ebb . I ma ? give you an instance of this . At the Priestley noiil . where there are about forty partners , forty-five children are employed who come under the edncation clauses . On one of my recent visits , 1 found the book-keeper was the schoolmaster , * nd the books , pieces of an old newspaper torn ad libitum into sections of about three inches in diameter . On remonstrating with this man on this improper and falsely called education , he said , 'that he had no power to amend what his mastera ordered f and my offer to procure for this company a set of elementary books for the Bmall sum of 103 . has been as completely disregarded . "

      The shortening of the honr 3 of labour by the present act , added to the wages of the children employed , The shortening of the hour 3 of labour by the contemplated act will nave another similar effecti Another alteration announced we cannot commend . We mean the proposal to lower the age at which children may enter the factory from nine to eight . This is to be regretted . It would have been much better to have entirely prohibited the employment of children and females altogether ; not allowing even a male to enter a factory until he was fourteen . This would have necessarily called into play a great

      amount of snemployed idle male labour , which has been superseded by the cheaper labour of children and females , if society was , what it ought to be , it would take care that none of its members should be put to work , until their physical capabilities were fully developed ; for society is deeply interested in preventing the deterioration of the species , which must b 9 the consequence if unformed beings are set to perform operations for which they are not physically fitted . All the work that a child or yonth should perform before the age of fourteen , should be only such &s is needful for educational purposes ; the males taught the arts of

      agriculture and horticulture , by easy exercises daring school hours ; and the females the use of the needle and the scissors , with proper instruction , under the mother's eye , in all the domestic cares and duties of a household . This is what every child born amongst us has a right to expect at the hands of society possessing snch means of producing wealth as we possess ; and when we have learned how to devise common sense arrangements toeqnitablydw / ribute the wealth we can so profusely create , this , and much more , will be the portion of every child . Is it not monstrous , that one of the effects of an increase in oux means to prodnce the good things of life , should have been the infliction of additions

      toil and labour upon mere children , while the father is forced to walk the streets idle , for want of employment !! What follows is the Report of the proceedings in *• the House , " when Sir Jakes Ghaham moved for leave to bring in Mb New Factory Bill . It will be seen that several other important alterations , beside those we have enumerated } are in contemplation j particularly the extending of the provisions of the new measure to the children and young persons employed in the manufacture of lace , and in print works , as well as in silk factories . This » f itself is highly important , Here is the report : —

      M Sir J . Graham said , that after what had taken place the other evening , he thought it WOuld be best that he should introduce the Bill of which he had # ¦ ? e ? notice , for regulating the employment of children and young persons in factories , and for the better education of children in factory districts . The measure he proposed reated mainlj on the report of the eomnutee which sat in 1840 , fox the investigation of this subject . The report stated ihe defects and omissions of the existi n g law , and his object was to supply the defects and omissions in the law which the report detailed . The age of children employed in factories was , at present , limited from nine to

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      thirteen , and the hours of labour were limited to eight per day . He proposed to reduce the number of hours from eight to six and a half ; and he also proposed that the six and a half hours' labour must take place either in the forenoon or in the afternoon , and not partly in the one and partly in the other . He was disposed to believe that the lowest age of children might be safely reduced from nine to eight , so that a child from eight to thirteen might work from six and a half to eight hours either iu the forenoon or in the afternoon wholly , and not in both . The committee had recommended that the maximum age for females should be altered from eighteen to twenty-one . Young persons were not now permitted to work more than twelve hours

      a day . He proposed to alter the age of females : IB the oase of males coining under the denomination of *• young persons" he did not propose to make any alteration . There were several nmmte provisions with respect to mealtimes . The regulations for dinner contemplated at the least a space of one hour . With respect to Satarday . he proposed that the hours of work should be limited to nine , so that young persons would be worked twelve hours on other days and nine hours on Saturdays . From the report of the committee it appeared that objections were made to the mode in whiob lost time was made up . He proposed to limit those modes of making up lost time to those factories where water labour is used . He proposed to give the inspectors nower

      to select qualified surgeons to attend the several mills in each district , and to report upon their condition at stated times . Then as to accidents arising from machinery , he intended to provide against them by making it compulsory on the owners to guard every dangerous portion of the machinery in their possession from the possibility of doing injury to any of the persons in their employment ; and he also intended to prohibit the cleaning of machinery while it was in motion ; for these various purposes clauses would be contained in the Bill making it oumpulsory upon millowners to aot in conformity with Hb regulations . Such a Bill must , of course , contain several penalties ; besides , it was intended to introduce as many as possible of the

      alterations recommended by the Committee . He should not now enter at large into the education clauses , for it would be unneoesBary for him to restate what he had said upon former occasions , but he hoped that on the whole the measure would give general satisfaction Thus , much , however , he should say with respect ; to the education clauses , that he trusted the effect of the measure would greatly increase the number of children receiving the benefits of education . The Bill would include within the scope of its operation all children employed in silk factories , and he hoped still further by a separate bill brought in with the sanction of her Majrsty ' s Government to include the lace factories and the children engaged in printing , thus

      comprehending all the children employed in all the great branches of our manufactures . There was one omission in his statement which he begged to supply f it was that in all the manufacturing districts the children of any parents , whether those children were employed in factories or not should have the benefits of education at an expence not exceeding 3 d . per week . The education being to some extent compulsory ; it would go far to establish a national scheme of instruction upon a large scale . It was not necessary for him to detain the House with any further observations . He hoped they would allow him to bring in the bill , and he assured rlon . Members that he should not prematurely press for the second reading .

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      THE LAW OF STARVATION . Assaults upon the " Starvation Aot" continue to be made with increased vigour . Not much rest is given to the Starvers . Blow after blow is beibg struck ; and hitherto they have been right well planted , and have produced a telling effect . It is now announced that a " Bill to AMEND the Poor Law Amendment Act , '" will shortly be introduced to the notice of Parliament by the present Government . So ! the opposition to the

      starving-todeath law has not been without its use ! The nature and extent of the Government" Amendments" have not yet transpired : but the fact that the Starvers are driven to the acknowledgement that " Amendments" are needed is a proof that the storm of indignation raised by the recent exposure of the deliberate plan laid to starve the poor , &s evidenced in the SECRET RECOMMENDATIONS of the Poor Law Commission , is too strong to be successfully withstood .

      The death-blow to the whole system has been struck ! The reveal men ts made before the people , as to the object of the concocters and upholders of the " Malthusian code , " has sealed its fate . Government will find themselves compelled not only to admit the necessity of " amendments , " but the abrogation of the starvation law altogether , and a return to that simple embodiment of justice and charity , the Poor Law of Elizabeth , which directed the employment of the unemployed poor in their own occupations , at their own homes , and at right and proper wages .

      We revert to this question again , in order to place before the reader a report of a slashing onslaught by Mr . Walter , on Sir James Graham , the Ministerial defender of the Starving-law . The recent exposure by Mr . Walteb of tho SECRET RECOMMEND ATIONJ ^ by the Poor Law Commission , will be fresh in the recollection of all : and the manner in which Mr . Walter ' s successive efforts were met by Sir Jakes Graham will not be soon forgotten . First , Mr . Walter asked the question : " Did the Homk Secretary know ef the existence of a certain Report , containing certain words ; on which document the New Poor Law had been founded . " The answer was : " He did not know whether such a document existed . " Then he acknowledged that

      " he had a faint recollection that some such ' Report'had been confidentially made to Earl Grey ' s Government by the Poor Law Commission . " And when this evasion and equivocation was promptly answered by Mr . Walter declaring that he had a copy of the " Secret Document" in his possession , the wily turn-coat tried to fix upon him a charge of "breach of confidence" in making the public acquainted with its infamous contents . This charge Mr . Walter repelled at the time ; and on Monday night last he returned to the question , dealing out blows to the whole crew of starvers in general , and to the Whig-Tory Home Secretary in particular . The following is a report of his speech on the occasion .

      11 Mr . Walter said , he rose to msve for the production of a return of which he had given notice . Ho observed , that having on a recent occasion come dowD to the House in order to discharge a duty and engagement , when , from the state of indisposition under which he laboured , and was , indeed , still labouring , he almost sank under the task , be felt , nevertheless , bound to take ene more opportnnity of pressing upon the attention of the House some rematks in corroboration of what was tho undoubted fact , —that the dark document Which he first laid before it was the foundation of the robseqnent Poor Law , and of all the miseries with whisb the population of England fead been since

      afflicted . ( Hear . ) He said , there were various degrees of certainty in the human mind—one kind being called moral certainty—another , mathematical certainty , —and so on . He did not know , however , that he ever read of a variable certainty ; yet , it was possible , and an instance might be adduced , in -which he , for example , might be told by an Hon . Member , that he did not know whether a certain document , for which he asked , now existed . Then , that Hon . Member might have a faint recollection of it . Then , this faint recollection might expand into certainty . At last , he might know all about it—that it had been given in a confidential way to a gentleman with whom he ( Mr . Walter ) once

      was connected , bnt who was now dead ; and that , therefore , he was guilty of a breach o { confidence in bringing , it before the House . He would , however , take this statement , only giving a cautien against the Introduction of other people ' s names , lest he should be forced to follow the example . Once more , he declared , that he did not know whence he had it , and that it must have lain by him several years ; nor was he , indeed , aware that he had it till just before the session commenced . So far from any blame being impotable to him for exposing it he should but cave participated in the guilt of those who planned and penned it if he had concealed it-Hhear ) . « Why , sk

      ( said Mr . Walter , ) what do men mean by confidence in an affair ef this kind ? Confidence is an honourable feeling both In him whs entertains it , and in him towards whom it is entertained ; bnt If the object of the confidence be , liks this report , infamous , miEchleveus , cruel , who but dishonourable men can be bound by it ? Detection and exposure are every raau ' a duty . 1 say this , oh the supposition that the detestable production in question was ever confided to me , but to that insinuation 1 have before replied . 1 neither know , nor remember , nor believe any such confidence . The

      report lay hy me for years , and was only discovered , tjken up , and perused , all accidentally '—( cheers ) . Then it had been said that the law was not founded upon this secret report of the commission of eight . The respective contents proved this to be false . They were as like as the instructions for a malignant will , by which the rightful heirs of an estate are to be dispossessed , are to the will itself . To prove this fact a few examples would suffice : — After this has been accomplished ( says the secret report , ) orders may be sent forth directing that after sueh a date all out-door relief J hoJd be given partly in kind ; after another period it

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      should be wholly in kind ; after another such period it should be gradually diminished in tuantily . until that mode of relief was extinguished . From the first the relief should : be altered in quality , coarse brown bread being substituted for fine white ; and concurrently with these measures as to the out-door poor , a gradual reduction should be made in the diet of the in-doot poor . ' And again— ' The power of the Commissioners should be to reduce allowances , and not to enlarge them . ' And now he weald show the cautious manner in which these base suggestions were carried out in the avowed report : — The Commissioners should be empowered to fix a maximum of the consumption per head within the workhouses , leaving to the local officers the liberty of

      reducing it below the maximum it they can safely do so . ' Whence , again he asked , sprang the cruel injunction that 00 relief should be given to the unemployed , ablebodied labourers out of the workhouse ? ' All new applicants for relief ( says the secret report ) ' should be at once taken into the vorkhouse . And again— ' The Board of Controul shall have power , by an order , with such exceptions as shall be thought necessary , to disallow the continuance of relief to the indigent , the aged , and the impotent , in any other mode than in a workhouse . The avowed report was fall of passages to the same effect This was the very essence of the existing law . Could this be tbe work of two independent powers of evil 7 No . Here was its origin in that dark code of instruction on which , in defiance of fact

      and common sense , it was asserted that tbe present law was not founded . It . occurred again and attain in the dark report , that ne relief was to be given out of tbe workhouses , and with equal frequency was the same atrocious practice enjoined in the derivative law . But , further , could anything equal the harsh and unfeeling manner in which the English poor were spoken of in the avowed report ? They were described as inferior to B&vages , and to be amended only by fines , distress warrants , and imprisonment . Was he not justified , then , In stating , that all these Commissioners came with their minds as fully bent against the poor as St . Paul was in his unconverted days , whan he was described as breathing out threatening and slaughter against the slandered and humble concerts to

      Christianity r But sjbill they ware told that Lord Grey ' s Government did not adopt this document , though its spirit , as he had shown , was infused into every aucceeding one . Why , people who could believe this denial must be Nature ' s fools , and not the dopes of the Poor Law—( cheers . ) He had three proofs exhibiting the character of similar fraud and deception ; each succeeding document indicating its parentage and descent from the first , and yet endeavouring to mitigate st cloak its knavery , First , he had a garbled general order with respect to pauper funerals . Next , he bad a diet table , which , though it was signed by all the Commissioners , was now disavowed , when they found the cruelty it disclosed bad awakened public attention ; but their preparation of it , and their Intent

      to carry it into execution , were as notorious as any fact could be . Then he had the evidence taken before the Committee on which ho himself sai , which evidence was suppressed for no other reason than that , if duly investigated , it would be found to make against the Committee itself , to falsify its report , and to disprove tbe assertions of tbe Poor Law functionaries . And , after all these proofs , both fr < m fact and analogy , they were told to believe that the secret report was rejected by Lord Grey ' s Government ? Really the amateurs of the New Poor Law arrogated to themselves the privilege of publishing or suppressing—of leaving untouched of changing—whatever they presented to the Parliament of the country . And these were tho people who were now taking on them

      tbe fabricating a plan of edncation which was to instil into the rising race tbe principles of integrity , honesty , fair dealing , and troth I—( hear . bear ) . With respect to the charge brought against him of traducing tbe immortal Duke , every one knew bow respectfully he ( Mr . Walter ) had spoken of that illustrious man . But , with all bis admiration of him , it would ba the excess of sycophancy in him er any one to assert that hiB Grace came too near to omniscience to be liable to imposition . If , indeed , lie had used expressions like the following , as applied not only to the Duke of Wellington , but also to the Right Hon . Baronet who was now at the head cf the Government—that ' he had no confidence in them ; that it Wis impossible to compose a Ministry of worse materials ; that their whole lives had been devoted to oppose Rood government and to uphold

      bad ; ' —if , he said , he had used these expressions , and had afterwards taken office under those persons whom he bad bo severely stigmatized , then he Bhould indeed have rendered himself justly liable to the reproach and derision , not only of that House , but of all the country , and every honest ( nan in it But that any one who had really used those expressions should venture to reproach another with txadacing the Duke , did appear to him to transcend the usual bounds of human confidence , er r » t least to indicate such a want of memory and consistency as must disqualify the man himself from the discharge of any public functions —( hear , hear ) . He concluded with moving for an account of the sums expended in out-door relief to tho poor during the years 1841 and 1842 , and of the work performed for such expenditure . "

      Sir Jambs did not venture to reply to , or repel the heavy home thrusts here made . ' He barely contented himself with acceding to the motion , as far as materials existed to enable the returns required to be made out . On Tuesday night the Lords were engaged iu a debate respecting the iniquity of the Starvation Law . It was began by Lord Teynhau , who moved" 1 st . That it is the opinion of this House , that the separation of man and wife , of parents and children , which tukes place ; in the Union Workhouses , is an exceeding evil and the Ciiuse of evils . " 2 nd . That its abolition ought therefore to ba forthwith sought . " 8 rd . That by a judicious administration of outdoor relief , the . use of the workhouse for married paupers , except for casual poor aud cases of exigency , might and ought to be abolished . "

      These resolutions were enfored upon the attention of the House by a speech full of correct feeling , and characterised by considerable ability . From it we give the following . It will best speak for itself : — " The first resolution declared that the separation of man and wife was an exceeding evil , and the cause of evils . A large and helpless portion of the community found themselves treated contrary to those principles which they saw guided every day life . On that head he would lay before their Lordships several thoughts upon the matter . In the first place , every one acknowledged that the principles which regulated the law and practice of divorce were wise and just ; the result was , that the number of divorces was very few .

      Perhaps they ought to be more numerous , as was shown by their proceedings last night in the case of the son of a Noble Marquis . In that cose the question of divorce did not turn , as it ougbt to have done , upon the conduct of the husband to the wife or the wife to the husband , but simply and improperly upou the State of feeling , between a son and his father . The law of England recogn ' zad only two kinds of divorces , the divorce a viensa et ihoro , and the divorce a vinculo matrimonii . To the former of these the poor were subjected . On entering the workhouse they were ipso facto divorced . There was no shame attaching to that divorce , but there was more pain attendant on it than if the divorce had been consequent upon the conduct of either party . The pain which they endured

      was & thousandfold augmented by the fact , that there existed ne cause for their being divorced , if their LorclBuips only looked at the number who entered the workhouse never to return , —if they looked to the number who actually died in the workhouse in a state of actual divorce , they could but feel that tbe law was most cruel and unjust in its operation . The law said , that there should be only two kinds of divorces , but the authority of those who had the care of the poor decreed that there should be many different kinds of divorces . If the one portion of our law were just and equitable , the modern legislation , which gave authority to the Commissioners at Somerset House , must clearly be most cruel , unjust , and oppressive . In granting divorces it was most wise that their Lorships should ,

      in every possible case , see that there was no connivance between the parties , no pretance , but clear mauifeat adultery , before they would say ' content' to any divorce bill , if any man came into the workhouse and aaid , 'l am poor ; 1 ' have no means of subsistence ; 1 wish to be admitted V then the answer to the man most be , ' You cannot be admitted unless you submit to be practically divorced from your wife . ' The system of practical divorce went on day by day , and every day ; and when a poor man was thus debarred from the society of his wife , how could it be expected that he should regard that as a paternal Government which so treated him ? Again ; the House well knew that there should be no divorce granted to a man who bad himself been guilty ef cruelty or adultery , la such

      oases the Courts would not interfere ; but the workhouse authorities attended to no such nice distinctions ; men and their wives might live together upon the beat possible terras ; there might he endearment , there might be purity ; but Instead of their being kept together by a kind law , they were torn from each other ' s bosoms ; what was the character of that law which separated man and wife for other crime than poverty ? Cases from time to time came before the courts of law in which persons were found acting net according to nature ; children suffered from cruelty or from neglect , « ihd courts always treated the unnatural act , as a crime ;

      bat here the Legislature interfered to produce the commission of unnatural acts—they not only divorced husband and wife , but they separated parents from children . It was no uncommon thing fer women to be imprisoned for neglecting their children ; but here people were imprisoned , because they wished to take care of their offspring—how could those two laws stand together ? A bill was a few days ago laid on the table of their Lordships' House , which was objected to on tbe ground that it went to introduce a new crime ; but the Poor Law never seemed to have been objected to on that ground , although unquestionably it treated as crimes acts which in all previous time had been regarded as

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      praiseworthy . There were acts which imposed as penalties three months' imprisonment , or ' three years , or transportation for life ; and the wisdom of the Judge was often shown by tbe manner in which be apportioned tl ? e punishment , and the result ; of that wisdom was , that there often appeared a wide interval between tlw actual sentence and the mamimum of punishment ; but in the workhouse there was nothing of that aort —no limit to the punishment inflicted on the poor . A man and ] his wife presented themselves at the door ef the workhouse and requested relief ; be was immediately taken in and subjected to a puniahment-Hkere was no { descending scale—nothing left to the wisdom

      and clemency of a judge . How contrary was all that to the received maxims of English law I In the ordinary courts of justice a man or woman was brought up and sentlnced according to the nature of the offence , and according to the character which they might have previously borne . If that character were good , the witnesses recommended them to mercy , the jury recommended them to mercy , and the judge listened to that recommendation , and tbe amount of punishment was awarded Accordingly ; bnt in the workhouse the honest man and ! the thief met upon terms of equality . The poor man , for no crime ef his own bnt poverty , was imprisoned like a ruffiin , and kept in confinement all

      his life I In an ordinary prison , if an offender were sentenced to any given duration of confinement , or a convict were sent to the hulks , some attention was paid to his conduct . If he complied with the rules of the house and evinced submission to authority , a report in his favour was made , and some portion of his punishment remitted : but not so With the inmates of the workhouse . The convict sentenced to ten years might get five off , but men who had committed no crime must go into a workhouse and expect ; no mercy . In a well-regulated community tke state of the law ought to be such as to meet every emergency that could come wtthlu the scope of legislative enactments j but

      there existed no power whereby the evils of which he bad been complaining could be remedied . Suppose a man , bis wife , a d their children presented themselves at the door of tbe workhouse . They said they had no food , no money , no employment , and they asked the master of tbe house to give them food and employment . His reply would be , ' Ton shall have it if you will come into tbe house . ' What would they rejoin ? They would naturally say , ' We are lawfully married ; our children have been bom in wedlock ; we love each other , and we love our children ; will you give us employment ! and bread without separating us ? " He answers No . ' Then they reply , We . cannot accept

      relief on j your terms . ' They retire ; bat hard necessity seon ' compels them to return , and again they are repulsed , j Then one dies of want —( hear , bear ) . Surely the officer—the leo ^ l officer—the man acting under the law , wbc > has refused them relief , —baa not that man committed a crime , and ougbt he not to be punished 1 Time would soon show that the Poor Law was not a piece of legislation which could be acted up to . He questioned very much whether it was wise that any law should so assume the form of a tempter as this

      Poor Law ; did . Was it right that any portion of the law of the land should be so framed aa that it should offer a temptation for the destruction of all domestic ties , and that tbe bribe which it gave should be a loaf of bread ? A single man might bear the brunt of bad times ; he might accept the remedy offered to him or he might reject it ; but the case was [ different with a man and his wife . What a painful case of conscience it would be for them to consider , after they bad gone into tbe workhouse , what amount of torture they ought to have endured before they accepted relief !

      The Ikon Duke opposed the resolution . He did so on the ground that the Government were about fco introduce a Bill to amend the ** Amendment Aot , " and that if their Lordships were not satisfied with the new mea&nre , they could suggest and move other amendments . He also attempted to get rid of the effoofc produced by the forcible reasoning of the Mover of the resolutions on the subject cf Separation in the Bastiles . Here is the Duke's answer ; and right worthy of him it is !

      " For instance , that what has been called a 'divorce , " and argued upon as in fact a divorce , is , in tntth , no separation ^ at all , except so far as regards sexes ; the parties reside under the same roof ; they see each other at all hours of the day ; it is only as semes they are separated . \ The Noble Lord bad appealed to their Lordships , and asked what would be their Lordships' conrae of conduct , supposing such a proposition were made to one of their Lordships . Why , my Lords , I apprehend that your Lordships are—1 know some are—liable to have that proposition made to you —( hear , hear ); such of you as are members of the naval and military professions—( hear , hear )^—are liable to suffer that very privation . '

      A " separation" is no separation at all ! Putting the husband in one place , sometimes in one workhouse , and the wife in another , and the children in a third , and studiously preventing all communication , even the ordinary one of seeing each other ; all this " is in truth , no . separation at all "! What wonder is there that ] we should have such laws as the Starvation Law , and such practices as every day ' s experience makes us acquainted with , when our leading legislators phut their eyes to the common and well-known facts of a j notorious case , and lie with such a bold and unblushing grace" ? The Earl of Stanhope replied to ihe fanciful analogy set up by the Iron Duke to justify the ** " no separation ! at all . " He said : —

      " The forcible separation of man and wife was a direct violation of the holy Scriptures , and could not be justified , as ' bis NoMe Friend ( the Duke of Wellington ) supposed , by . any supposed analogy with tbe military and naval services . Officers in those services were not obliged to enter them . " The Duke of Wellington—What do you say to impressed seamen ? Come , there 1 have you ! " The Earl of Stanhope—Impressment was an evil justified by state necessity ; but no person was legally liibleto impressment unless be was a seafaring man , and , being so , he was as much separated from his family on board a merchant vessel as in the Royal Navy . " ; Lord SrANHOPE also spoke of tbe SECRET DOCUMENT . He avered that : —

      « The object of the present Poor Daw was to pre » pare the country for having no Poor Law at alL This was the ulterior object of the law , as described in a document which bad happened now to see the light , though studiously and carefully concealed from public observation , for the non-production of which shuffling excuses were made , and which , when dragged from its obscurity , did appear the most flagitious and execrable paper that bad ever been exhibited before a public assembly he would not even except the Natioal Convention of the French Republio It was proved by this paper , and avowed by the authors and supporters of tbe law , that their object was to do away with Poor Laws altogether . "

      This allusion to the " Execrable Paper" brought " The Duke" upon his legs again ; and he made the following extraordinary statement : — " The Noble Earl has referred to a document which has been represented as having formed the basis of the Poor Law Bill . Knowing , as 1 do , my Lords , that no such paper ever existed . 1 will venture , in this House , to den ; the assertion altogether . 1 again repeat that no SUCH DOCUMENT EVER EXISTED . " Verily , the " sayings and doings" of our senators are most contradictory ! Sir James Graham had some "faint reoollection of such a document having been made confidentially to the members of Earl

      Grey ' s Government , when Mr . Walter stood before him in "the House , " with a copy of the " execrable paper" in his hand ; and when hard pushed , he could tell how many copies had been printed , and where they had been distributed . * The Duke , " a colleague of this same Sir James Graham , avers in spite of the " faint reoollection " of the Home Secretary , and in the teeth of bis circumstantial account of the existence and . disposal of the number of copies printed ; " the Duke" in the teeth of all this , boldly asserts that the document never was in 'existence at all !!! Which of them

      are we to believe ? We cannot imagine that both have told the ! truth . This is impossible . One , or other , must have fibbed ! Whiob is it the most likely to be 1 Sir James Graham , who , with every inducement to deny the existence of the ** Eseerable Paper f , reluctantly admits that he has "a faint recollection '* of it ; or " the Duke , " who boldly denies its existence altogether ! Which of these members of the same Government are we to believe ! The one gives the his to the ] other most fully and flatly . Whieh is most worthy of credence ! And which of their respective statements is in accordance with fact !

      We fancy that it will be the business of Mr . Walter to spur tip Sir Jambs Graham to set these queries at res ^ . Mr . Wa lter has a copy of ike " Execrable Document" in his own keeping ; how came he to be . in possession of it , t / " it never existed at all t" Sir i James Graham says it was sent to the Times Editor by Earl Gret ' s Government : " the Duke" says it never was in existence . A bold assertion will sometimes get folks out of a difficulty : it sometimes , nay oftimes , happens that a bold assertion will involve them more completely . Perhaps his Iron-ship will learn , that -a still-tongue this time , would have been a friend .

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      LANCASTER ASSIZEsT" ^^ ( Continued from our first page . ) of the yeomanry—no swearing in of special W stables—no reading of the riot act , hi short iT preserved peace throughout the whole period of i ^ disturbances elsewhere , and yet I am charged \ ri «! having conspired to effect , by force and tuinult * change in the constitution . And upon whose evirfciL * gentlemen ! First , Griffin , who has been forrt ^ years a professing Chartist ; he has filled reapoS * and popular situations in the Chartist movement- v has long been known as a reporter for Charts * newspapers ; be was the first person who snttroaJSi thecalluurof the Confewnee , yet he has aS ^ in th « witness-box against those who he w ^ ttT principal instrument of bringing together ¦ he W appeared before you in the character of a betrav of hifl former associates . The evidence of sn ^ ' ,

      man snouia do reoeiyea witn caution ; he has dianJ garded all the obligations of friendship , and treaeW ously violated the trust and confidence reposed t him—may not such a man deceive yoa ? In theaii dress which I have quoted , this Griffin talks of Sa virtue and glory of a public man consisting in remah ? ing faithful to his principles till death ; andlib . see him doing bis utmost to destroy the men who r ^ main faithful fco the principles he has betrayed h the conclusion of his address , he hypocriticallV s ^ peals to the Ruler of the Creation j to stamp with t £ seal of his divine approbation the exertions of mf self and brother defendants for the dbtainmenuf the Charter . What a base hypocrite must this man be . He calls upon us to do our duty as he dIbSS himself to do his . Behold the fulfilm ent of I& pledge ! He has appeared in the witness-box aeaW him upon whose funds he 80 long subsisted ita

      against meu who relieved him m his need , andsa ^ d him from tbe pang 3 and horrors of starvation , —tim snake-like stinging the hand that fed , and fixing fe envenomed fangs into those who nourished him Upon the evidence of this man I was arrested dragged from home , and insulted by the grossly j ^ gal annoyance to which 1 was subjected ; when not content with arresting my person , the officer wJm arrested me searched my home , and took away let . ters , books , &o . j and all this in violation of the law The other witness , Cartledge Was a delegate , gars his support to the resolution passed by the Conference , ( I believe seconded the address ado pted by % delegates ) , and was a violent supporter of the strito . Surely , Gentlemen , you will not convict me'Q « i' {^

      p evidence of men so oase as these . But if the verdict should be "Guilty , " though the cold prison cellthough my consignment to the living tomb of crime and misery should be the consequence , ret believe me , Gentlemen , 1 speak not the hnsam a idle rant or bombastic folly , when 1 declaretaW that 1 would not change my present situation for that of my accusers to escape all that torture could inflict upon me , Thoagh my march from thiscburt was to the scaffold , there to exchange the embraces of love for the cold grasp of the executioner ' s redreeking hand , thereto yield up life with its heart . correcting sorrows , its hopes and joys alas , too fetr for that unfathomable futurity beyond the grato-i would not—1 speak the language of calm

      reflecomiexohange my lot for that of my accusers . Let ttea shrink from the light of day , Jet them fly from the haunts of their species , and alone—cat offfromthes ™ . pathies of their fellow-creatures and the love of theiz kind , feast on the reward of their treachery and not on the gains of their fiendish falsehood ; let ftau not forget their broken pledges and violated wwi vows of adherence to a cause they have bo infamous . ly betrayed—the remembrance of these will add * relish to their enjoyments and a zast to their pleasures . But , gentlemen , there will cornea day when they will have their reward , when reflections ' sting shall poison all , when the worn of memorj shall gnaw at their hearts , and like the Promethean vulture feast upon their vitals , until the

      eon-Bcience-stricken wretches shall wither beneath the tortures of coascious guilt , and , dying shall go down to the grave without ibo love of wife or child , countryman or friend , to shed a tear to their memories— -remembered only to be execrated , and thought of only with feelings of the utmost loathing and disgust . Geutlemen , I fed that it is as a Chartist , not as a Conspirator , ifoi I am arraigned here . I am a Chartist , and I glory in the name . I not only believe Chartism to fe founded in truth , but that the legal establishment of Chartist principles is absolutely indispensible to raise the working classes from their present wretched and degraded state . Witnesses hare appeared before you who have gravely assured

      this Court that they were not cognizant of any distress in their localities . I know , gentlemen , that , at any rate , there is deep distress in Sheffield . [ Mr . Harney here drew a striking picture of the distressed state of that town , which we are com * polled to omit , j And in Sheffield things hare not been so bad as in many other towns , lie distress 13 not confined to one part of the country , it extends throughout England , Scotland , and Ireland . I will not dwell upon the distress endured at the present moment by the proud-hearted and independent people of Scotland , and as to Ireland , the name is sufficient to remind you of its two millions aud a half of mendicants and its lumper-fed peasants nor will 1 take up your time in commenting upon tha

      general State of England—enough that 1 remind you of things in this very county . ( of Lancaster ) calculated to make us blush for tamely allowing such a Elale of things to be ;— it is enough that I remind yoa , gentlemen , of tales , alas , too true , told of the sufferings of the people in this very county . That Englishmen , aye , free-born Britons , gentlemen , their wives and little ones—soliciting , yes , actually begging tho carrion flesh ofjdisease , destroyed animals , that they might stifle the gnawingB of hunger with food which the wolf might refuse to tear and the vulture disdain to gorge . And why is this state of things ? Because , as a Chartist , I believe that the people are not represented , and their interests are not cared for in the Legislature . Because , to quote the : language of Sir

      George Sinclair , one of the best men who everBat in the Rouse of Commons , because , as he told the House in his speech , delivered in May , 1840 , because the members of that House are " admirable representatives of the opulent and the prosperous , but very sorry legislators for the industrious and the distressed , eager to make ample provision for tho luxury and extravagance of the Court—unwilling to take the slightest notice of the interests or necessities of the poor . " There , gentlemen , such is tha description of the House of Commons , not by a Chartist demagogue , bnt by a Conservative Legislator , Chartism has been denounced on all sides , but could even the Chartistg haye brought the country into a worse state than it is ! Does not

      the present state ' of things proclaim , trumpet-tongued j that the privileged classes of society have abused the powers they have exercised ; that they are neither fit to govern the nation at large , nor themselves as a class ; for in working the misery of the millions , they are moat certainly conspiring their own ruin . The downward progress of England must be arrested , or all that has been predicted by Lord Howick and others as tha natural consequences of the present state of png ^ wiil certainty come to pass . I have laboniea throughout my public . life to prevent such a conclusion , and for so labouring daring the late strike ! an dragged before this tribunal . The remedy ior tne present evils 1 believe will be found in investing » n «

      people with their rights . I presume to be a Chartist iB not to be a criminal . The Attorney-General has said , on the trial of Frost , that the Chartists had as clear a right to agitate for the Charter as tbe Wiuga of 1832 had to agitate for the Reform Bill , adding that if ever the day shall come , that on the Bideoi the Charter shall be arrayed the strength and smews , the numbers and intelligence of the country , that undoubtedly it will become law , and mere wealtn will struggle against it in vain . This is all we ask ; leave us to enlist public opinion on our side , if we can , and we will awae the issue . But loose not the bloodhounds of persecution upon us , nor seek by gaols and scaffolds w stem the onward of mindfor I warn thos «

      progress , who would have recourse to such m eans to P down Chartism that they will miserably fail . lp » dominant sects and privileged classes of all countries in all ages have tried by persecution to preserw their power , and they have ever failed . So eare as the despised , trampled upon , persecuted Christisi s triumphed over their enemies and oppressors , beating down by the force of opinion the power of tw pagan hierarchy until tbe imperial purple was wora by a convert , and the followers of the cross becama the acknowledged masters of the Roman worldjso sure will the now persecuted Chartists , having truth for their guide , and justice for their enflj triumph over present and future opposition , and pj the force of reason and the march of mind oolig 8

      monarchsto acknowledge the justice ef their principles , and compel the privileged classes to y ield to the rights of man—righta based upon the prin « P » " Bo unto thy brother as thou wouldst thy brother should do unto thee . " Gentlemen , that principle . : " altogether violated under the present system of legislation . A state of slavery exists in this country , as real as that which exists in Carolina or Constanti nople ; the difference between the slavery in TuifceJ aud America and that which exists here , is that in those countries the , slave * s body is sold in . the marses E lace , and in this country you sell his labour in tw ouse of legislature . Against suoh a state of thiDJP I protest , against it I will contend . If to hol «

      the principles I conscientiously entertain w » v be a seditionist , I am content to be panisheu as such ; and , assured aa I am that in tie ™ principles alone will be found the political saltation of nations , and the rescuing of themiiliona from their present etate of physical suffering ana social degradation , 1 am content to be regarde d through life as a seditionist , and go down to tno grave with the title of seditionist inscribed upon tnj tomb . Gentlemen , if the plain and honest exposition of facts 1 have laid before you has been suffioisnt w convince you of my innocence , you will acquit me ; but 1 will not seek to purchase suoh a verdict » y any abandonment of my principles . You may incarcerate my body and torture me in y <^ prisons , but you cannot enchain ^ thought nor prevent with your laws and jails t »

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      4 THE NORTHERN STAR . !

      The Itobtherit Star. Saturday, March 11, 1843.

      THE ITOBTHERIT STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 11 , 1843 .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 11, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct793/page/4/