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    LANCASTER ASSIZE.

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    ( Co n&nttedfnm cur eighth page . ) - ^ asiiTe Committee irened an address . It was quite SSfcsl that aSdrea tos in ne way brought heme to ^ jgjjl , it -rasnotproTedtoittTeJweninHshands , ^ . ^ ae -was noTiuns - "whatever to show ,- that he S lad anj &Mg to * ° "" ^^ *^ oenepctioa pf it . Thia * zL ^ sbl tfce 16 'Ji of Ansn ^ -On the 17 & irhat did Sl fi 9 al « client doing ? , He ^« i at the meeting of Sfooufeence . JJot one single syllable was proved to * zZb 8 sairom ' bia lips . : 2 feiawr&rUedge or Griffin * K ^ 3 a sn £ e syHaHa ol evidence etcept ; tbaVLa was ^^ Cofffeience , Ihere -m » TWOlBB 0 n piffled , and Stssjea tae J" 7 to attemi to thj-waibg of it , fgfgte if he nnaeratood the meaning of language , his jSHns there fer the purpose of looking after the

    jj ^ j iistoigsittS « lon » and he defied Ma Learned . Piienda ^^ otbersdeto exaact , anything prejudicial from fas against him . ! Ehe lesolntion -was « Ibat whflrt Ldisitist body did not originate the present cessa-Sja from laboEi , this Conference of Delegates , from ^ jkjas parts of England / express their deep jrympathy S fc tfleir constituents , the "Jrerking men iiow on strike , , 3 , 3 flat » e strongly approve the extension and contl-^ gBCtJtf tier present struggle en tl » Peqple ' a Cflarwleccmefi a legislaHva enactmentjnd decide , forth-^ to issne an addrea to that effect , « nd we pledge -jsslres , on onr return to oar localities , to give a I qier direction to the people ' a -effints .- Had the jwJkreBee of Delegatesno : right to . express their - « wfliy 'with theit xonsfitnehta , the working classes ?

    ^ gaj atained thaVfiiey liad , and heinewao law j ^ pr evented the " people expressing theaense of the ^ jg ^ j , if they had any , and the inoonTenlencea , if ggrevere any , towhich these poor people werescposed wigf jtnke . H » d they no right to approve the ^ s saoa of their present straggle ! . He said they had . jjjglad a right , as independent men , to stand by any gjie , and to approve their conduct in holding out , till g ^ r had got a fair renraneration for their labour , proiged they did not d » that which was charged against jj ^ ent in thia indictment . He did not aay that the jjsrSits Trere right He had his own opinions as to j ^ giberuniv ersal suffrage was a good thing , " or "whe * %£ general extension of 4 he franchise would be a assdial jnessnre for the wrongs ef the working classes .

    jjjflieyJiTcdinafree country ; they had aright to jgaofiatie question « f -wages , and they , had a right to ^ hjs * their opinions upon than , though they might £ i £ s $ hed at by some , and attacked and denounced by ^ h ^ jge maintained that Brooke had a right to do & . : E&iT& . Dnndaa ) was of opinion that some of the ^» s « f &e Cbartist * were-wiia and vMunary , "but | , giid&iiglitlo"haldlhosfe-- « . pliaoDs , provided they B * oin » legd * ud consUtationalmaimfir . ^ Ehen what p ! as n £ it they heard of his client ? They find him ^ xB ££ tJB £ en the 18 th cf August , one day after ** nclaisg of the Conference . There he was spoken - jlj one "witness as hang at a meeting where there n . a good 5 eal « f ditborbance and excitement , where « 3 e - was eo person to keep order , and where

    everytfj -sis trprg to get a word in . Now , they had £ jreLtbat at that meeting Brooke said that the people £ 3 g ene in thousands to Xeeds , and driven the -solfg % torn the l » rracks . If he had said so , it was , faj foolish thing , trat there was no greater danger ¦ jo for a Jary to place implidt reliance npon reports ^ W ore ihcH in transactions of that nature . Wiy , - * £ fiaA had an illustration of this in the evidence of gt 'sitcess , who said that he could not Temember jjgiber l » ord nsed -was " resolntion" or " revolntion , " ^ is snoiher case , "srhetherit was *• Boole " or " fool , " ^ S s&Bgto ilr . Holland Hoo ' . e , a Magistrate of the town i lssekesteT . The witness who appeared against his

    gfEt , had said not a trord abont the three letters 5 wiiieli Brocks Tras s ^ a to have referred at the B ^ tg of fielcsates , as ststiug the taming ont of the J&&M at Leeds , and h& supposed that his Xeamed iaa ^ { the Attorney General ) , thinking that the icienee wss very weak , called a witness to prove S * t a copy of the "Rrecative Committee ' s addresa had "jen found st Todmerden , in order to create a £ nppos 3 > is that h ha ^ been taken there iy Brooke . How stood S « fset ? It was proved , that the address was not j-ried at Toflmorden till the 17 th , at which time Brooke re st MancfcEster , and had nothing more to do with it address than the constable himself . Brooke -was

    tkliable for lie acts xiothers . A ttikti had enough to i » iP-w-3-aajs , to look after himself , and he hoped ftsi the jcrj Tsoald -not in consequence of any such ssslairre evidence aa that the defendant had been at * seeing at Manchester , and at another at Basinem , as to return against him a verdict of gnilty . Bnt lslim look for a momert at the Executive address , rl « ee -whether it wcnld hear fiie terrible constrncBon lixh had beer ; put Tipon it ~ b % - the Attorney- G-tneraX > B = | ttbe a very fooluh piodnc&m . Why , Ikey livea iSxiW of fc > or « ll prodsmations j hnt if the party -trho i ^ e this addrea did so with a good intention , and inte&d it to have a proper effect , it onght to he viewed

    t £ a liberal aUotrance . He snbmitted te them that Iim an ai ? urH € nt in favour of the -ChsrteR . There x £ i be a card word here , and a hard word there , bnt fl he maintained that it "was not seditions , as tras ntotded on the other side . : f his address which had been isach commented npen jan thns^—^ "Brother Chartists , . & great political mtths -nrbJch iave been agitated 23 ? the last half century , have at length aroused Is ^ graded and insulted -white slaves of England to ier of their cuty to themselres , their children , d fceir eountry . " TFhite slaves ! said his " learned bs 3 , tbe Attorney-Oecciaj . y «» , in , ( Mt . Dundsa ) iefTsd that there were many of the sorting classes b 2 z condilicn of -white Elsves . Their condition-was EaenHe and -wretched , lhat which constituted the

    1 st viics pi Engllfbgien , and which might be said FiBLUmske life itself desirable—domestic comfort , tr tit tay moss cf proesriag it , "was wanting to & £ H . Ibtj- -B-fcre poer , they -were iB clad , and tfiey hi little e ; so edccaticB . He did not put the kae Ef-e-n asy ore—perhaps - they might all take a Iskilthe bbtte upon themsdveB , bnt however that lii be , the fact vras ucgiuztionable , that a large fajgyrf the ¦ wctiin g ci ^ sses vrere fteeped in the tspft poverty , and that their education -was at the sy Ibvest He should not have iaid a word on Spirt of ihe placard , if the Atterney-Seneral had s ^ pezred to hrre expressed so nnels astonishment J& txpresEon cf tfee term " white Blaves . * Th « i&SB Trent on- ^ "Tens of thousanda have fiung

    ivj tbar Smplemeiitj of labour . Yonr _ taskates tremble at your outcry , and expeet-!} -hikes eagerly watch this great crisis of our bis . * Thi » was a sptdmen of grandiloqneEce—the fe * stjle , or tLat of Buonaparte , —a flourish -with ¦ Rail "M | h fccsdiog prcc ' amstJons were sometimes kx&d in . «» L abour must no longer be the common ] sj a mastem cud rnleis . intelligence has beamed ? a It * Bund of the bondsman , and be has been CODJssdOat all -wealth , conifcrt , snd produce , erery-Ea ^ TsIfiabk , useful , snd slEgant , have sprung Irom ! e jalm cf tia hasd ; he feeia that his cottage is * gsj , his fetk is ihirly cl 3 d , his children breadless , «^ f tcpeieEs , hia mind harassed , and his body ic&ed ; that nDfine ricbes , luxury , and gorgeous

    feSy , mlcht be heaped in the palaces of the taskfctes , Sufi fl- > ed 6 d into the granaiiea of the oppres-*¦ 2 » stare , Gad , asd reason , have condemned this « 5 a 2 hy , aid in the thunder of a people ' s voice it ** ; Jieiih Tor trex . " He illr . X > nndas } conld easily ^ cse that s poor iwn looking at Hie condition of % 6 srefcBi . t— Lis property—on Eblps , in houses , if it ^ Cl * , —is aatfcinery , and he could imagine liini * fci thst tttse ihines "were protected much more * Ite asrcbint , Than was the sweat of his brow *_ tm . Be might be wronr , lut if he *^ fcd it stcErrij , he had wrongs which *| s to be recTtssed by tie Gcvemment under which * &cd . "He knows ihat labour , —the real property *^ ctij , tte Kce origin cf-ac * nEcnlated property , th * «* eaas cf aa ratioBal wealth , ard Uie only rep-Ka , < i £ fe = cfcT . ana contributor to ibe rreatneEB of

    « tariry . —is not possessed of the eaiae legal protec-^* ildris pren to thoBe lifeless effects , —tte houses , *? , isd iE 2 . ^ iii > fciy , ^ which labour has alone created . •* -bows ihst if lsbonr has no protection , wages candle -ojtfcH ; uor in the lightest degree regulated *^ Jtrsry min of twenty-one years of age and sane ??* » « a tte sans political level as the employer . He g *» that the Chiater would remoye , by universal J * > exprestd in UniveiEal Suffrage , the heavy load * « 3 wMch now ameh the existence of thelabourer , 7 * B 53 >! e tte tSbrts cf commerce , that it would give ^ J Sffrernmeiit as weSl ^ s cbeap fo » d , high wages , * J 3 as Io-vr tjoes 4 bring , happiness to the hearthg plenty to the table , protection ior the old , edn-P * te the young , permanent prosperity to the coun-^ j csj-ccttJEued -Diotecfive power to labour ; and t ;* —Messsd psaci—^ to exhausted humanity and

    Tp * ?? nstiors . " Ifow he i 3 dr- Dondas ) was ^ isre psred to esj that the Charter and Uni-^ S * 2 ia ge would be a remedy for all l ^ sates uccer which the working classes laboured . 2 ® ^ t ffiiik so , bnt he remeinbered bow the rr ^ s fr sn ^ ase lad been extended throughout the ^^ T . si . d feffoecaJly in thwoira corratij ; te thought ^ 53 ie riihe ? too bad t » j » y that hewwsbsa ^» ' * ho soughi for a fnriher extension « f it . Dif-^ Uieu hud difffcrent views as to vrhat wauld 'briDg ^ to the eciaitry . Some parfies thought that a ^ rf the Corn Laws would bring about a better ^ o ? Hangs , and others langhed at them for avowing 2 fadoa . But a man tad a right to his opinions , 7 * tt w oala uot be worth while living in England one ^ fk cter , if ^ v tr tbey put the law intoae hands of v ? Sa to anite the opinions of ^ notbex . " Therefore > *« at we ha ™ sniproniv nran . and &oe and aH

    ^^ » 2 attbe-go 3 den opportanity now within em . "S * sllnot pass away fyHitleas , and that tie chance paries afforded to na , hya wise and all seeing S / kn ^ ot be lost j but that we do now nniveraally J ^ serer to » sume labour until labour * grievances ^ fe ^ yed , and protection eecareS . tot oondTW , . ^ Nm * Wiv es , and idplessajfliea , hy the en * ci-^« ihe People ' s Charter ; - "What to * the fur S ^ kfioa of the meaning of this language . ] tfi- 'k » was * strike for wage * . What C * epeople ? They said , " We think thia is a very ^^ Hs opportnniry for carrying the Charter . The jTi * * tia » tt universal ; w&never had such an opporjrjj « & > re , and we think that hy Sim and legitimate ^* einay accomplish our object . " This was the ^^ setse coEstruction which he put upon the ^^ isd he thought ihat all the acts of tiose ^^ atb ^ stake , aaply 6 onflnnedhimintii » tiew " **« iiga ct it « iutel ^ OT 69 baa reached , us of

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    the wide-spreading of the strike , and now within fifty miles of Manchester , every engine is at rest , and all is still , save the millers ' nsefol wheels and the friendly acklein the fields . " This was very poetical , and it was -very ntanrtiat was the tase . There was nothing at alllllegal ia saying that within fifty miles of Man-Chester every engine was at rest The ? were at rest ; hat who put them In that po « tion ? Not the meeting of delegates , notJiiB client , nor the Executive Committee . It was the result of a proceeding which he did not appear-there to tefend , tint which had no connection whatever with the Individual whom he represented . "Englishman 1 ihe blood of your brothers redden the streets of Preston and Blackbum . " This was a passage which had been

    commented upon inth much severity bj the Attorney-General . No man conld regret more than he did the unfortunate events that had happened at Preston , and which had led to a loss of human life , bnt was it not a most extraordinary fact that in connection with that lamentable transaction , a small civil force amounting to not more than eighty persons , and a few soldiers , had been able to drive away a body of men composed of some thousands ? They would find that instead of offering any resistance to the authorities , or seeking to place them in collision with the soldiery , by which blood might have been spilled , they peaceably retired—a fact which he thought afforded the strongest possible evidence that the people had no intention of employing physical force for the

    attainment of their object " And the murderers thirst for more . " He wo » ld admit that th | a was » very improper word , 'but whem they took Into consideration the circumstances tmderwhich the address was written , and the station in life of the parties , it might be looked upon with some degree of excuse . " Be firm , beeonrageous , be men . Peacflj law , and otdevhase prevailed on our side—let them be revered until oar brethren in Scotland , yftbes , and Ireland , are informed of yonr resolution j and when a universal holiday prevails , which will be the case in eight days , of what use will bayonets be against public opinion ?' No , of what-use wonld they be . If there was a universal holiday , and people were of one mind , there would be nothing at all to fight for . What , then , was

    the construciion he put upon this passage ? Why this — " If yon will enly do this for eight days , you will carry the Charter , —not by bayonets , but by peace , law , and order , we will carry out the work . " This he conceived to be-the true meaning of what the writer of this address intended to convey byauniversalholiday . "What tyrant can then live above the terrible tide of thongbt and energy , which is now flowing fast , under the guidance of man ' s intellect , which is now destined by a Creator to elevate bis people above the reach of want , the rancour of despotism , and the penalties of bondage ? Tbe trades , a noble , patriotic band , have taken the lead in declaring for the Charter , and drawing their geld from the keeping of tyrants . Follow their example , lend no whip to tuIbtb wherewith to scourge

    you . Countrymen and brothers , centuries may roll on , as they have fleeted past , before such universal action may again bedisplayed . Wehavemadsthe castfor ^ iberty and we must stand like men the hazard of tbe die Let none despond , let all be cool and watchful , and like the bridesmaids in the parable , keep your lamps burning , and let your continued resolution be a beacon to gaide those who are now hastening far and wide to follow your memorable example . Brethren , we rely on yonr firmness ; cowardice , treachery , and womanly fear , would cast bur cause back for half a century let no man or child break down the solemn pledge , and if they do , nay the curse of the poer and the

    starving pursue them—tbey deserve slavery who would madly court it . " This was Ossian again—a flourishing proclamation , very poetical ai ^ d veTy pretty , bnt rarely not sedition ? . Our machinery is all arranged , and yonr cause will in three days be impelled onward by all the intellect we can summon to its aid ; therefore , -wljILst jroo tre peaceful , be firm , « Tid whilst Jon look to the la-sr , remember that you bad BO VOlte is msiing it , and are , therefore , the slaves to the wiD , the law , and the caprice of yonr masters . " He believed it was the opinion of many high authorities that taxation and representation ought to go hand in hand , and they often heard that

    * ' Laws grind the poor , and rich men make the laws . " The working classes of this country thought that they had a right to make laws for themselves . Tbey might be wrong , but if that was their opinion , they had an undoubted right to act upon it , and to impress the opinion upon others . The last passage in this address Traa <• AH officers of the Association are called upon to aid and assist in the peaceful extension of the movement , asd to fcoward all monies fer tbe use of delegates , who may be expressed over the eountry . Strengthen our hands at this crisis . Support your leaders . Bally reund oar sacred cause , and leave the decision to the God of Justice , and ef Battle . " The Attorney-General had laid much stress on the last word of this passage , and had put a meaning upon it which be ( Mt Bundas )

    contended it did not beat , — that it was calling upon the people to take arms and do battle against those who might oppose them . He believed that this word was applied exactly in the same sense as tbe address of tbe Conference—tbB battle of justice against injustice , —the battle of right against might , —the battle of the poor against the rich , —if it might be , and no other . This was the construction which he put upon tbe passage , and he did not think it could be made out to have that meaning which was attached to it by the otberside , namely , that it was a physical force battle , and not a moral battle . " He had read throngh thisaddress only because it was proved to have been posted at Todmorden , at which place his client resided , and bnt for that fact , he should not have troubled the jury with any observations ¦ upon it He was afraid he had detained their attention too long , especially as he only appeared for one of the

    defendant * . He felt a strong sympathy for the true happiness of the working classes of this country . Whatever greatness England bad achieved as a commenial satjoa , —whatever advances she had made In all that constituted the characteristics of a great people , — to whatever point of refinement the means of national and individual comfort had risen , she owed it all to the skin ; the industry , and the perseverance of her artisans . It was because be felt this that he should be delighted in any opportunity of bettering their condition , eJtber by educating them , by giving them better lawB , or by removing the grievances of which they complained , and enabling them to live happily and contentedly under , tbe institutions of the conntry . The Learned Gentleman concluded by asking at thehands of the Jury , a favsurable consideration for his client , against whom , in his conscience , he believed that no charof conspiracy existed .

    ge Mr . Bajses , for Mr . Scholefield , said that he had ocenpied very little of the time of the Court in cross-ExaminaUbn . The ease of his elknt was so plain and simple . If the jury would simply apply the rule laid down by tbe Attorney-General , not to convict any one on mere suspicion , be could have little doubt as to their verdict- He could not help expressing his disapprobation of the course adopted by tbe Crown . The present indictment was a monster indictment . One of a kind unheard of before , and which he trusted would never be seen again . What a hardship it imposes upon each of the fifty-nine defendants , many ef whom are not defended by counsel , and who are still expected each to examine and analyse the mass of evidence ¦ which it had occupied the Crown five days in laying tbe

    before tbem , and to be able to select , and to answer various facts nattered through the heap which might apply to his individual case . But the prosecution sought also to apply each of the nine counts in this indictment to each of these defendants , so that but for the manner in which the record had been shortened , on the sueeestion of the Learned Jndge , there wo uld have been nofevra than 531 questions to be submitted to them . He would now proeeed to consider the case of his cl ent . Mr ScholeSeld wis a dissenting clergyman , who bad succeeded a Mr . Coward , the founder of the sect to which be now preached , and he also acted as an apothecary ill . Scholefield -sras , no donbt , a supporter of tbe Ckarter . He thonght that the working classes in this conntry were deeply obliged to Mr . Feugni for his

    O'Connor . He claims simply that indulgence opinions which ilr- Dundas had already bo eloquently claimed for bis client . Por every sect of polttical opinions in this country there should be the most unlimited toleration—however mistaken—if argued peaceably and legally submitted to the choice of the people . He would call their attention to a position laid down by the Attorney-GeneraL Theie never were , he must , in the first place , say , a set of men who had to struggle with greater prfjadices than tbe defendants at tbe bar . He would bnt refer to the circumstances of the Hagistzates of a whole county , that of Stafford , having set asidea man as bail simply because he was a Chartist . It could be no offence to a Jury to caution them against such prejudices . He was not there ao advocate the Charter . It might be right or it might be wrong ; but maintaininIt he

    a , jo the character of those g must a » T , in common justice , that among tbem was to be found some of the best husbands and the beak father * , a * d that their moral eonduct might be in ^ amplfl to many who despised Uiem . He » o » ld proeeed to the position laid down by the Attomey-QeaeraLas to the law of conspiracy , by which besought ^ fiTev ^ ry one of a body acting for a , common purnose with tbe acts of erery one of the othera , H « totally dissented from this position when 3 fd down Jo that extent It was only tme when the object SuS was in iteelf Illegal , But the object fcvthia casfwas a legal one . Suppose people vmUA j togp-{ fair for Befonn of tbe Bepnsentation , woald it not S monstrous to render each of these persons liable fof tte ^ wicked act of any one of the others who nught

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    ing the common cause ? The learned Counsel then went on to analyse the particular evidence applicable to the case of Mr . Scholefield . He was not at all affdoted by the evidence of the three first days . It was Saturday before his name was even mentioned . The Learned Counsel then went on to detail the history of the Hunt procession and Monument , and the original objects of the meeting of delegates , as already given' in the evidence . These purposes were strictly legal . The plan was - first suggested in the middle of June , long before these outbreaks . , On the 1 st of August , a / placard regulating the course of the procession appeared . The outbreak took place on the 9 th or 10 th . The Magistrates' proclamation did not appear till tbe 14 th , and the Hunt ' b Monument Committee actually

    anticipated them , and issued a placard putting a stop to the procession as early as the 10 th . pa the 11 th a cfrcalai was published , stating that the Committee thought it most advisable , in consequence of the disturbed state of tbe conntry , not to have the procession , less it might lead to a collision with ( he authorities ; but that a private meeting would be held ' at Mr . Scholefleld ' s . On the 14 th tbe Magistrates issued a proclamation , and on the 15 th her Majesty ' s proclamation appeared . Mr ^ Scbolefitld received those late on tbel 5 tb , and-early on the 16 th & placard appearei , patting off both procession and meeting , and exhortiug the people to peace and order . On ilr . Scholefield coming back , afto * getting these placards printed , he found Hi . O Connor had arrived from London . Some of the delegates from a

    distance , who were not aware of the state of ^ . things , arrived in the course of the day , and , of ooars 4 T went to Mr . Scholefield ' s . They went in open" day , from about eleven o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon . In the evening of that day there was a teaparty at Carpenters ' -hall . The witness who spolre to wfcat Mr . Schoiefiew said came in in the middle of & sentence , part of which might have any meaning that any person mightassign to it . On the 17 th , some of the delegates met in Mr . Scholefleld ' s chapel . He was requested to permit them the use of it , for the purpose originally referred to in the notice by which the delegates wsre convened . He was asked to do so by Mr . O'Connor , as being a convenient place where tbey would be least likely to run any risk of attracting a

    crowd , and breaking the public peace . Even if that meeting had been perverted to an illegal purpose , Mr . Scholefield . at all events , took no part in it Ho passed once or twice through tbe chapel on his usual business , bnt no word , so far as the evidence went , was spoken in his presence . Could tbey , upon this evidence , find him guilty of Being a party to a conspiracy , supposing such a conspiracy existed at all t He confidently left his case with the Jury . Mr . Sergeant aHjR * HT , for Dr ; M'Donall and others —He said he thought be might almost leave the case of his clients upon the observations of his Learned Friends . He would confine himself to the evidence which applied particularly to those whom he defended . He must remark , however , that there was no charge

    known to the English law which extended so widely ^ or which was so difficult to guard against , as that of conspiracy . By it men were rendered liable , In many cases , for the rash , or wicked , or illegal acts ef others . As to the particular defendants , he begged them to remember that , in the case of Durham , in many instances where he was spoken of as appearing at these publio vneettngB he repudiated the Charier as an object of the strike , and recommended peace and order to the multitude . His object as to the strike was legal-4 nat was not denied—and he had , in tbe advocacy of that object , recommended none but legal means . It was said he bad sat on a Committee lor granting these licenses . Did it appear he had written any license , that he had had any conversations on the snbject , or that there was

    anything more against him than his having at one time been seen in the room where those meetings were occasionally held ? Against Railton there was no evidence on which he conld lay his finger , except that he waa present at the meeting of the Conference . Of that , 1 b Itself , as an evidence of guilt , his learned friends had already disposed . Tbe original objects , at all events , of that Conference were legal , and there was no evidence whatever of the share he took in any of its proceedings . The Learned Counsel went on to show the progress and objects of the strike . Vp to the time , at least , of the crowd entering Manchester , tbe Chartist body had no connection with this movement The trades unions had issued a placard , but tbe Chartists had mode no motion in that direction . The first act of theirs , by

    which it is sought to mix them up with the strike , is tbe Executive placard . That emanated originally from tbe Sxecntive without , as far as appeared , any communication frnnf $ he Chartist body . He would not go over the ground occupied by his Learned Friend with regard to the legality of that placard . He would , however , join with him in earnestly begging tbem not necessarily to infer that the placard is seditious inertly because its laugaage is strong . He would quota on thia sabject the observations of Chitf Justice Tindal , at Stafford . The language of that placard , as to the misery of the people , was in no degree tu > exaggeration . It was recognised as true by everyone who knew anything of the state of the working classes . Tke defendants , it appeared , supposed a remedy for this would b « the passing of the Charter , and tbey recommended a display of peaceful resolution until they

    could obtain this desirable remedy from Parliament It might be the Charter would not be the panacea tbey supposed , but there was no illegality in entertaining or advocating the opinion that it would . As to the termination of that placard , could they look upon it as more than a mere flourish , using a sonoroui * epithet without any indention whatever of stimulating tbe people to outbreak or violence ? Tbe placard was tbe sole evidence against Dr . M'Donall . The only other circumstances deposed to related to the meeting with Mr . O'Connor at the public-house— a meeting held in open day , Without concealment , as men might meet on any ordinary business , and which it was ridiculous to suppose was a meeting of conspirators . The learned Concsel submitted that as to the three parties whom he defended there was no evidence which could justify verdicts of guilty .

    The Court then adjourned ; it being nealy half-past six o ' clock .

    TUESDAY—SIXTH DAY . Mr . Baron Rolfe took his seat this morning at nine o ' clock . As ilr . O'Connor was expeeted to make his speech in defence to-day , the Court was crowded , and there were many ladies pre .-ent . Mr . Atherton said he would take thi 3 opportunity of asking the Attorney-General whether he bad determined on which counts he would proceed . The Atiorney-GeneraL—My Lord , I do not mean to proceed upon the tvro last counts ; but 1 think as to the sixth and seventh , upon looking at them , it appears to me necessary to retain tbem . In reality , tbey have nothing whatever to do with the riot . It appears to me that they are extremely important with reference to some of the convictions that took

    place elsewhere . Mr . Athertojt then addressed the CoHrt and Jury on behalf of the defendants , James Fentbn and William Stephenson ; and he said , though there ifas much ground common to all the defendants , which had been ably gone over and preoccupied by his learned friends , sii ] l there were distinctions between his clients and the other defendants , which ¦ would impose upon him the ntceseity of occupying some fresh ground . He referred to the importance of thiB case , which , he said had been acknowledged in the able and temperate address of the Attorney-General . He commented on the circumstance of fifty-nine people of different pursuits , living in different places , acting apart , aud unknown to each other , vet included in one indictment . The nature of the

    charge was such , that a man even in slumber m his bed might be made responsible for the acts of a man whom , in all probality , h © never Haw ; and the natnre of the evidence was regulated by the charge in this " monster indictment , " and therefore it required the utmost care and caution of the Jury . Jso expense had been spared or thonght too great in Setting up the prosecution of the Government ; but le defendants had not the means to bring togethor a number of witnesses from a distance . The defendants needed the shield of tbe Jury ; because they were individuals , and tbe prosecutor was the Crown and Government of the country . The first fiet established beyond dispute was , that the unfortunate strike did not originate with the Chartists .

    It was clear that the Chartists were seeking some political change . The Btrike originated in dissatisfaction of the workmen with the wages they received . Some of the witnesses of the class of masters did not seem willing to admit , that wages had been at a low ebb ; bat it was clear they were bo low as to give general dissatisfaction to the workmen . They had a legal right to strike ; and it was satisfactory to know , that this strike did not originate in any political question by the Chartists ; but was the act of the workmen themselves . The " change in the laws , " referred to in the indictment , it was clear , consisted of the six points , which , being embodied

    constituted what was called tbe "People ' s Charier . Trier © was nothing monstrous , or alarming , in the doctrines of the Charter , to any man of property } possessing a stake in the country . There was not a proposition which had not defenders among men in the highest rank , the most stable in property , and most high in intellectual education and refinement . Take the three cardinal points of the Charter , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , and Vote by Ballot , were they not the propositions which for years had been presented to one of the largest city constituencies in the empire , the constituency of Westmiwter ! Sir Francis Burdett and Sir John Hothouse , from year to year , and from election to

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    election , came before that constituenoy having those propositions continually in their mouths . Was the ballot al > eggarl y Jack Cade doctrine , only taken up by men having ho property ! Who had most distia * iraished himself by the advocacy ? of this Uiooipne No son * cu / o « e , but one of the- ?* prime-merchants" of Lombard-street , a man as distinguished forhia talent , as for bis wealth and infiuenoe . He might refer also to a Noble Lord at theihead of Ma own profession , Lord ^ Brougham , who was not a man whom any one would flnspeot of taking up a crude * untenable * and preposterous doptrine itself in politics , yet he advocated the doctrine of the ballot . He might also refer to the name of agreat jurist and philosopher ; a man TvhospentarlotigJifeininvestigatina politicalauesof

    tiona , tct wbwn / bje ^ ^ aveyast research the most labOTiouskindr-Jeremy Benthamrand from afcndwledge of his works h ^ could say , that" there was not a single point in this mueh-maligaed charter , which he had not defended and enforced in the works which he had left behind himJ ; The " Learned Counsel dwelt on the remarkable absence of iojqry to life , and the very little injury inflicted ty the ^ urn-outs over a large extent of oountry . and quoted the ^ words of the Attorney-General , in hia opening : speech on thia point , w expresBions to the etrengtb ^ M which he boutd add nothing ; . He then adverted . ' : - ( b the seven remaining counts of the indictment . The four first were those on which alone it waa sought to fix the Conference delegates ; they were the only political counts in the indictment , and consisted of so many charges levied against ' the Chartists , The third count , oh whioh the prosecution , he supposed , would

    mainly rely , charged the existence of tumults and violent stopping of wo fcs , and that the defendants conspired to abet those tumults . The fourth count charged them p imply with abetting the tumults , without conspiring to do so . In each of the four counts , force , direct or indirect , was charged upon the defendants . He contended , that before the jury could give a verdict against any of the Conference delegates , they must be satisfied that the act they did was performed by them , with a knowledge that the strike had been in many instances occasioned by force and violence , and that they must , when they published the Conference addresB , have knowingly aided and abetted in that force and violence . He proposed to read from a particular number of the Nortliern Star , to shew that there was a very different tendency from that imputed to the addresa and publications in the case .

    The Attohney-Geneh | al would not object to any general evidence as to ( he charaoter of a defendant , in the event of a jary finding it necessary to look at his character ; but Le must object to putting in particular publications at a particular time . He had , in his opening address , said he would suppress nothing favourable to any defendant ; and he bad adverted to the fact , that up to a ceriain period , the general tendency of Mr . O'Connor's writings in the Northern Star were opposed to the course with which he was charged in the indictment ; and he had permitted a witness ( Griffin ) to give in evidence from hia

    knowledge of the Northern Star as a reporter for that paper , a general statement that tbe object and apparent scope of the writings in it were strongly opposed to any violation of the peace . He would willingly give avery indulgence ; but must oljvct to any particular publication . Mr . A thbkton said , he sought to read from , the Northern Star of the date which had been put in . The Attorney-General said , his Learned Friend should have said so at once ; though some doubt had lately been entertained as to whether that could be done , but he would not raise that doubt at all .

    The Judge said , h ^ must guard himself ; this was doubtless a concession by the Attorney-General . The Learned Gentleman had a right only to read what weut to explain and give a d'fforent character to the passage gireii in evidence for the prosecution . Mr . Atherton then read a passage from an article which appeared in a third edition of the Northern Star of the 13 ih August , and a first edition ot tbe 20 th August . In this an opinion was expressed that a cessation from labour to effect any political object must be national and simultaneous . It could not but be successful , because indicating the nation's will , against which no power could succeed . But a mere sectional display of this , most decisive of all the forms of moral force , like a mere sectional display of

    physical resistance , was sure to be overpowered by the strength of faction . If the strike were made a Chartist Btrike it must become universal . Such a declaration would be to those concerned , the flat of omnipotence . But if Manchester , or even Lancashire , sustained the struggle singly , it would be unsuccessful ; and in all probability , would retard ( he movement which it was meant to hasten . The men had a right to strike , but no right to riot ; they had a right to work or not to work * but no right to break windows , destroy property , or stop factories . Above all things , they had no right to insult the constables , authorities , or soldiers , &o . The Learned Gentleman having read this , then addressed himself to the evidence , as against Fenton and Stephenson , neither

    of whom he said , had been shown to be in the Conference at Manchester , or near Manchester at all , during any part of the tumultuous proceedings . He noticed the various meetings in Stalybridge , on the Haigh , &o . beginning with that of July 29 , and dwelling on the fact that Fenton was a zealous advocate of the wage question , and opponent of its being mixed up with the Charter question ; and that on one occasion he had nearly become a martyr to his ¦ zeal ; for , according to the evidence , " they had like to have thrown Fenton out of the cart ; " because he opposed its being made a Charter question . So far from the Chartists being a violent body , according to the whole of the evidence , they appeared to be an eminently pacific body . " Peace , law . and order "

    were the watchwords at all their meetings ; and the Attorney-General had admitted , that up to the period of the strike , the organ of the Chartists , the Northern Star , had been Opposed to violence . The Jury would be running counter to the evidence if they deemed that the Chartists had been other than eminently pacific . The defendants , during the whole of the proceedings , though the crowo had elicited tho secrets of the IChartists—( and undoubtedly if there had been any illegal practice in their most secret conclaves , those men , Cartledge and Griffin , would have given them in evidence)—and though tho defendants must have felt utrongly indignant against these witnesses , if they had been the

    violent men they had been represented , would ; they have respected the sacred precincts of this court of justice , and remained silent . Amongst the Chartists , as amongst other bodies , there would be firebrands , and those men had told them there was one law for the rich and another for the poor . In conclusion , he left the case of the defendants with great confidence in the hands of the jury . The Learned Gentleman resumed his seat at twenty-five minutes to eleven o ' clock , having spoken aa hour and a half . Mr . M'Oubrey next addressed the jury . He said he appeared for tho defendants Mooney , Th » rnton , and , Aitkin , but the Attorney-General had withdrawn the prosecution as against Thornton .

    Tne Attorney-General—My Lord , it appears to mo that he has beea only imperfectly identified , and the representations as to his character were such as to induce me to withdraw tho prosecution . By the direction of the Judge , the jury acquitted Thornton . Mr . M'Obbre y then addressed the jury on behalf of Aitkin and Mooney . He adverted to the expression attributed to Aitkin , that " the reckoning day is nigh , " recited the verse of the hymn given in

    evidence , and argued that it was impossible to believe that men thus engaged in devotion , could rush from the worship of God to defy him by plunging into scenes of violence . As to Mooney , the evidence depended on the testimony of Cartledge , who merely swore that he was present at tho Conference at Mr . Scholefield ' s . He ridiculed the evidence of Whittam aa to Mooney ' s declaration of war against the British Government , with " four double-barrelled guns and two single-barrelled guns . " The learned gentleman spoke about twenty minutes .

    Mr . O'Connor said that some of the other defendants wished to address themselves to the jury , and had arranged amongst themselves in what order they should speak . The Judge—I have no objeofcion . [ The great length of ; the observations of the Learned Counsel employed , and of some of the Defendants , has debarred our own Reporter from transcribing the whole of his notes ; we have , therefore , taken the speeches of Mr . Baines and Sergeant Murphy from the Morning Chronicle , as being the best report we could find ; and the commencement of Tuesday ' s proceedings to this point , we have extracted from the Manchester Guard \ an . ~\ ]

    Mr . GsoRQB Julian Harnkt—May it please your Lordship , Gentlemen of the Jury ;—In rising to defend myself from the charges preferred against me , Z must crave the indulgence of the Court for aoj imperfections in my defence—imperfections which are extremely likely to be made , caused by the novel situation in which I find myself placed , and my total ignorance of all the forms of law . Had I consulted the views of maDy of my friends I would probably have , instead of defending myself , employed one of the many learned and talented gentlemen around me to advocate my cause , bat conscious of my innocence and disdaining the arts of

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    policy—believing that " thrice he is armed who hath his quarrel just , " I appear before you to defend my own cause , believing in spite of , th ^ array of legal talent opposed to me , that I can convince you of my innocence and the injustice of the charges against me in the indictment . Gentlemen , I i < ass over the barbarous phraseology of the indictment upon which as a civilian , not understanding the terms employed therein , I might have very fairly commented , I pass by that and many other topics upon | which I would have commented but for two reasons , —first , I feel that 1 have no right to occupy the time of this Court to the hindrance of the other defendants who have to follow me ; and second , because I feel that I ought to detain you aa short as notsible . in

    consideration of the labour you J have already had to perform , and hence , gentlemen ; I will come at once to the questioa . Allow me here Jto remark that to me it appears passing strange , that while I occupy a prominent place in this indictment , I fiad no mention made of my naiue in the opening jaddress of the Attorney-General , nor any evidonce offered against me until the morning of Saturday last , when Cartledge gave evidence that 1 was at the Conference . Strange , gentlemen , that there should be so little evidence against one of the chief j conspirators ! Well , gentlemen , I find myself charged with having conspired with a number * of persons to the uumber of fifty-eight ; of ttose fifty-eight E am only well acquainted with one , viz ., Samuel Parkes of Sheffield ,

    with about fifteen or twenty of the defendants I am partially acquainted , but those I know mostly only byname , wbile with from twenty-five to forty of the defendants , I am totally unacquainted ; I never heard tell Of them before my arrest ; when I was taken to Kirkdale gaol I for the first fcirae met ! some of these persons—but still so httle do I know ; of them that were they placed before me now , ! and my life depended on the issue , I asmre you , gentlemen , that I could not distinguish even twelve of them by their names . Some reside in Ashton , some id Manchester , some in other parts of Lancashire j I reside iu Sheffield ; what connection could there have been between them and me I Letters and papers were taken from me when I was arrested , the prosecution has no

    doubt looked through them , is there aiiy letter from any one of these defendants to ma T A considerable number of the defendants have been treated in the manner that I was , lt-tters were taken if ' rom them , — is there any one of these letters from tne ? Can the prosecutor show that there was any connection between me and them ? He cannot ; ivhat then becomes of the charge that I conspired with those noeu —men I never knew—men whom , previous to mv arrest , I never saw ? I find I am charged with conspiring on the 1 st of August and following days . Now , Gentlemen , no evidence ba = i boea offered to shew that there was any strike , tum-out , or di-turbance on the 1 st of August , —what tujen oecomes of the charge that I oonspired on eh «; l-t of that mouth ?

    The strike commenced on the 8 , h of August , but aa has been shewn over and over againj the strike at the outset was for wages , and not , for the Charter . In fact , the Charter was never mentioned until the 10 th of August , when at a meeting of ! trades' delegates held in the Carpenter'H Hall ; Manchester , certain resolufciens were parsed approbatory of the principles of the Charter and declaratory of the necessity of the legal enactment of those principles to secure , to the working classes tbeif rights—this was the first time we find the Charter even namedthis Was the 10 th of August , yet wo ; are charged with conspiring to bring about a great change in the Constitution , and tha ; on tho 1 st of August Gentlemen , you have had laid before you agreat deal

    of evidence touching these tradet » ' delegate meetings . I protest against that evidence ; we have nothing to do with what the trades' delegates did ; tlieir names are not in this indictment , and henc-1 .-uppose that they did nothing illegal ; if they had , 1 -unposo that tho Government would have prosecuted them ; well , if th ^ y did nothing illegal , why ia evidence of their doings brought against us who had nothing to do with them ! Gentlemen , I have shewa you that the strike did not commence until the 8 : li »; f Augustthat the Charter was nBVor even mentioned until the 10 th of August ; and now I will shew you that I knew nothing of the strike until ! tho 13 th of August . Gentlemen , the strike commenced on tho 8 th , the march to Manchester was on the 9 J < : on

    Wednesday the 10 th , early in tha day , 1 left Sheffield , my business as a bookseller and news-agent compelling me to occasionally leave home ; I was absent until the Saturday , when on my return home on the railway I for the first time heard of the strike , but it was not until I reached my home , and had put into mv hands tho local papers , that I became fuliy acquainted with the firs ' , movements of the turnouts ; and it was not until 'ho next ; day , August 14-. h , that I became aware that , a portion of the tutn-outa bad declared in favour oti tlio Charter . Yet , in spite of these well known facts , we are charged with conspiracy on the 1 st of August ! 1

    now come to the 16 th of August , the day on which I left Sheffield for Manchester to atteud a certain Conference . Gentlemen , I believe the sum total of the evidence against me is that I attended this Conference . I will not deny tho ! charge , but , Gentlemen , how came I to attend that Conference ; I will brhfiy answer the question , \ t bas been already shown that the calhn-g of this Conference was originally suggested by the Hunt Monument Committee ; how it was suggested I will show . On or about tho 8 th of June , 1842 , sn address from the Committee was published ; in that address is tho following paragraph : — I

    " The Committee held a lona ana proper discussion as to whether we have the power , without being considered to have outstepped tha power delegated to us , by offering a suggestion to the members of the Now Executive , which ended in a resolve" That , in order to make the gath « rini < of good men from various parts of the country ito be doubly useful to the movement , and answer two purposes , we most respectfully suggest that , thoy , jthe members of the Executive , discuss the propriety of calling a National Conference of delegates to bei held on ihe following day , August 17 th , in the Carpeuter ' s Hall , Manchester , when perhaps a friendly uhderstandiug oould be established , all ill-feeling and bickering

    amongst leaders , put an end to , the plan of organization read , discussed , and , if necessary , revibed , and all jeilousy for ever banished Irom oar ranks . Differences arise frequently through niisunder ^ Unding—men who have done wrong unintentionally are denounced and looked Bhy upon—who , if remonstrated with , could be made acquainted witf i their error , and have some chance of reform , and for the want of which , the cause sometimes losses both cheir talents and influence . It' this desirable end could bo achieved , it would give an opportunity for the delegates when assembled , to adopt other measures which they in their wisdom migiit deem necessary and prudent for the advancement of the cause . "

    Gentlemen , Griffin ., tho secretary to this committee , haa avowed thtt he it was who first pug ^ ested to the committee this proposition of calling the Conference " , —allow me % o read tho conctusion of this address , it will serve to illustrate the character of the writer , Mr . Griffin : — ' " In conclusion , we intend to do our duty , and believe that you to whom this humbleapp al is made , will do yours ; and may you and we work harmoniously together , until every man possess his righta and liberties , and may the Ruler of jtho Creation stamp your and our exertions with the seal of his divine approbation . Until then . " We remain , - " In the bonds of Friendship aad Brotherhood , ** Your humble Servants , " Signed , on behalf of the MonnmentiCoaunUtee , " William Gbiffi . t , Secretary . "

    On or about the 4 : h of July , an address wa , s published by the Chartist Executive i Committee , officially calling this Conference—iu that address the intended business and o ^ jfets of the proposed Conference , were sot forth as the hllowiag paragraph will Bhew . — l % Organization . The aspect oi ' the movement , and the atrength and position of the Association , were taken into mature coDsideratioa , and it was resolved to draw up a district plan for the whole nation , to prepare a plan for securing commodious meeting houses to recommend ways and means of defraying the attendant expenses of the movement , and for the ! purpose of practically working these measures , and discussing others of equal importance , and j of devising effectual means of preventing divisions and all squabbles for the future in the National Charter Association . " I

    All ideas of violence were emphatically opposed and denounced , witness the following paragraphs"The Executive have seriously deliberated upon the distress of tbe people , and deplore the absence of the Suffrage , which could so speedily exchange comfort for poverty , plenty foe starvation , and j freedom for submission . They do not see any just or ! wise remedy in violence or insurrection , neither do they see wibdein in uncomplaining obedience and servile silence . Therefore they are prepared to recommend peaceful and constitutional ultkeiok measures aa soon as they have gained the legal opinion of ] an eminent barrister , at the head of the movement , whose judgment will not be biassed by thejfear of the government , but whose © pinion will be tempered by anxiety for the success of th « cause , and care for the safety of the people . \ ** The Executive will , therefore , be I prepared to recommend measures of peaceful resistance to the

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    assembled Conferences of the Association , wlreW they will nave the benefit of the opinions of the leading councillors of the National Charter Association . " Is there any thing illegal in a Conference so called J It must be remembered that Chartist conferences are not the only conferences that have been held ;» > well known , talented , and iitthft sister country if hot in this , ! believe a popular gentleman , Bamdy , M * . Daniel O'Connell , ia iu the habit of holding weekly , large meetings of bis friends and admirers , toa object of which meetings , we are assured by conservative writers , is the dismemberment of the Empire . Gentlemen . I don't believe this , but this I will say , that if Mr * O'Connell's meetings are legal ,

    surely a Conference called , as I have shewn is at least as legal . Conferences have been called together by a gentleman well known to the public , vii . Mr . Joseph S : nrge the avowed object of which Conferences was the carrying through the Legislature of tbe Six Points of the Charter . There can have been nothing illegal in . such Conferences , for the Government has not prosecuted the parties attending them . Surely the Chartist Conference in question was equally legal * Huge Conferences havs been held in Manchej&eJry called together by the Corn Law Repealers . Great capitalists and dissenting clergymen have in large numbers attended these Conferences . Far be « from me to impute to those parties anvthina illegal

    m their acts ; on the contrary , I feel bound to believe that their acts have been strictly legal , otherwise the Government would have subjected them to prosecution ; but I dare challenge comparison of their speeches and acts with those of tbe Chartist Conference . If the former were legali the latter has been a thousand times more so . Gentlemen , something has been said of the meeting held on the Good Fridayof 1842 , at which was laid the foundation stone of the Hunt Monument . I was present at that meeting , and if there was no harm , no illegality in attending the meeting at which the foundation stone of thia Monument was laid , surely there was no more barm , no more illegality in attending the meeting intended to be held in celebration of

    the completion of that Monument . Gentlemen , withoat further preface , I -will now come to tho Conference , and the acts of that body . Gentlemen , —It was on the loih of July that 1 was elected to the Conference at a publio and legal Meeting of the working classes , and others , of Sheffield . Tills was nearly a month before the commencement Of the strike , and when by no possibility could 1 have foreknown the events that were about to transpire . I hare shewn you that I knew nothing of the strike until the 13 th of August . Well , on the 16 ih I left Sheffield for Manchester , and , arrived there , I found that not only the procession but also the intended meeting had been postponed by the Monument Committee , rather than risk a collision with the

    authorities . Permit me here to remark , that had the Chariis : s wished to promote tumult and insurrection they would have pursued a very different cosrso to thai which they did . Had they wished to promote revolution , would they not have appealed to the immense masses of men at that time on Btrike , to come to Manchester on the 16 th , at : d then aud ihere avenge the wrongs of a more memorable lo ' ia of August ? Did they do e& ? No ; on the contrary they forbade the meeting , and gave up the procession , that there might be no chance of disorder or bloodshed . Gentlemen , I think you \ rill admit th ; tt I did not go to Manchester for the purpose of engaging in a physical-force struggle with the authouties , when I tell you that I took my wife with mo to sea

    the Hunt Monument and attend the festive meeiings iu celebration of its completion . Had I intended ta have gone to war , it is not likely I would ha \ o had my wife with me . I have been sworn to as having been seen in Leach ' s shop . Well , Gentlemen , 1 I suppose there is no illegality in being seen in a public shop ; that evening Cthe 16 th ) I , with my wife , attended the tea-meeting in the Carpeater ^ Hill , where the only signs of conspiracy 1 saw was the apparent universal determination to get nd of the tea and toast as soon as possible . On the i 7 ch , tho delegates met ; it has been insinuated thm it waf ; - a son of setiret meeting , and ihat there wa 3 ant'i understanding that the proceedings of the meating were not to be published ; there is no truth in this , gentlemen ; the meeting was open to all Manchester , if they could have been accommodated wit ^ i seats ; indeed , I wished my wife to ba preseas , bat she refused on the very natural ground that there

    were no females present . Now , gentlemen , I think , had-the delegates be ^ n conspiring , I would not iiaTQ wished to have brought my wife into their meetingfor , with feelings of the most profound respect for the ladies present in this Court , I must say , that wnen men do conspire , they are not in the habit of lettitg the ladies share their secrets . That the proceedings of the Conference were not intended to be secret is proved by the fact of reporters being present . Griffiu was there aa a reporter ; and , if the whole staff of reporters attached to the Manchester press were not there , the fault was theirs , not the delegates . Griffin look notes as a reporter , and if he did not use them in the u ? ual way it only shews thai he was there as a spy * Something has been said of the violence of ontf or more of the delegates ; the prosecutor has i £ ot brought , and caunot bring , any such charge , r What says the notes taken from Brooke , of Todriiorden , respecting mvsein — -

    The Judge—The notes found on Brooke aro not produced against you as evidence , they are not brought against you at all . Tha Defendant—1 am aware of that my Lord , but your Lordship will 1 know permit me to remark upon them . Of me , these notes say simply this : — ' * Julian Harney , —No connexion with the middleclass . "—Which can mean no more than this , either that 1 was opposed to any union with the middleolass , or else that I had no hope of the middleclass uniting with the Chartist body for Cnartisfc purposes , —not much violence there . I now come to the resolution adopted by a majority of the Conferenco . The witnesses Cartledge and Griffin have both given evidence , that ia the Conference 1 opposed

    the resolution , upon which is founded this prosecution ; I did not extract these admissions from the witnet-ses by oroas-esamining them , I have not said a word to any one of the immense number of witnesses produced here on the part of the Crown . You have then the evidence of these witnesses that I opposed this resolution . I don ' t thank these persons for their admissions , nor will I take adrama ^ e of them , to endeavour to clear myself at the expense of others . Gentlemen , if 1 did not support this resolution in the Conference , I will defend it here . What says the resolution ? It denies that the Chartists originated the strike ; that is a truth ; it has never been pretended by the prosecution , that the Chartists did originate the strike ; who were the originators is

    what has never yet been made publio ; though the government have instituted an enquiry into theorigia of tho ytriko ; why has not the Government made their report of the result of that inquiry ? The resolution expresses sympathy with the men on strike Is tnere any harm , any illegality in expressing sympathy with qur suffering fellow-men J Tho resolution next expresses approbation of tbe present struggle until the Gharter becomes a legislative enactment ; great stress has been laid upon the word struggle , as though by it was meant a physical force combat with the authorities . Nothing of the sort is meant . There has never been a resolution pledging tho people to continue the agitation for the Charter but in which this word struggle has been

    found . I have spoken at public meetings in support of such resolutions , nay , 1 haye drawn up many suck resolutions , and I maintain I have done nothing illegal . It "is the moral struggle of right against wrong , justice agaiues privilege , that is meant by the authors and supporters of this resolution . The resolution concludes by pledging the delegates te give on thsir return home a proper direction to the people ' a effort- * . Well , Gentlemen , what was my conduct on my return to Sheffield ? What was the direction 1 gave to the people's efforts Why , 1 opposed the extension of the strike to that town , and prevented auy strike or turn-out taking place . That , I conceived was giving a proper direction to the people ' s efforts ; aad I rejoice that by the uifiaonce I possess with the working classes ol that town , 1 ' was able to give such a direction to the people ' s efforts . An address was adopted by the

    Conference . I was not present when that address was adopted , but . I approve of it , and would defend it if it were necessary . Muah has been said respecting a certain extraordinary document , as it has been oilled , abcriocdr to tne Chartist Ex : oui , ive . Not one mile of evidence has be < n produced to show that I had any connexion with this address , that 1 knew anything of its authorship or publication . Had any evidence been offered against me , I would have drff . udi-d myself from tht ) charge . None has been offered , and 1 disdain to take up the question ; it is beneath my notice . I have done With the Conference . Oa the 18 oh of August I returned home , and on the ) 9 ; h , 1 reported to a large public meeting tbe proceedings of the Conference , so little idea had 1 that I had done anything illegal . On Monday , the 22 J of August , a meeting was held in Piiradise-square , to consider the propriety of commencing the strike in Sheffield . I attended that

    meeting ; a resolution was proposed , the intent and meaning of which I understood to be , that the strike should be forthwith commenced . I opposed the proposition ; I moved aa amendment' against the Btrike ; I carried my amendment by a large majority . With yonr permission I will read my speech upon that occasion , as reported iu the Shfffield Independent . [ Mr . Harney commenced reading the speech , but was interrupted by Sir Gregory Lemn , who objected to the Defendant reading the speech . The Judge overruled the objection , and Mr . Harney read the speech through , which was strongly oouohed in opposition to a strike taking place in Sheffield . Gentlemen , continued Mr . Haruey , my opposition to the projected strike was successful * and though for my conduct I have had the abuse and calumny of some of my own partv , I have never regretted rthe

    part I played that day . In Sht ffi ^ dtfher < J ^* Wfl ?| V no disturbances—no collisions of 3 jgpaOTJ ^ nfl jhg ^ - ^ . military—no marshalling of poiyi ^^ gSSS ^^ ms ^ ( Continued in onr / o ^/ MS ^ WPWS xmmb ^ MSHilS' *'

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    AND LEEDS GEMJRiL iBYEETISER . j

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    YQL- YI- NO . 278 . SATURDAY , MAItCH 11 , M ~ " ~ ""¦ « ™ 2 ™ ™ HJ " ^ ENJ < r <¦' , . * ¦•¦/ - ¦ .. j - » . v ^^ p ^» Five ShimagB per Quarter .

    Lancaster Assize.

    LANCASTER ASSIZE .

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    ^ ^ ^ 6 ^^^ ^ :

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 11, 1843, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct793/page/1/