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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th January 1842, Edition 4 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      C OMMUNICATIONS OMITTED INOUB LAST FOR WANT OF ROOM . CHARTIST HONOURS . TO TBS . BDrfOE OP THE NOBTHBKT STAfi . Sra —H . D . Griffiths does , not approve of the Chartists wearing the O'Connor medal appended to a ribbon . I think him over sensitive on the score of " leadership " md " badge of voluntary slavery . " He has a right to feis opinion ; bat I am not so easily alarmed . In the Star the article -was headed " Chartist Medal and Ribbon , " and as such I still consider it . When any in dividual has done as much for the Charter as O'Connor , then let him be equally reverenced . We cannot aU be O'Connors and O Briens . > stare denies Borne of us , and honesty of inclination interposes a strong bar to prevent the success of many now struggling in the b&me-neM for eminent * . --

      .. „ . . The medal bears the Chartist motto , "Universal BriE&SA 2 To Surr ender f and if the head of Satan Wen one side , and a fac simile of Pandemonium on £ T other , I would wear it on my breast , while the above motto was our war-cry , in pnde and triumph . At any rate there can ba no danger in wearing the Chartist ribbon ; at least tie good people of Bannockbura are of my option , as they have just started the O'Connor tartan . ' Bannocfcbnrn is , by the bye , an awful name in Scotland . .. _

      I fear there is much paltry jealousy respecting Fearimg . It will not aid our cause ; and as the aristocrats and milloerats cannot beat us in fair fight , they seek to divide us , and gold will not be spared for such a worthy purpose . There are some who assume to " go the whole hog , " but I fear it is without bristles , or they are of such a soft and silky texture that a practical workman can do nought with them . The bristles on the hc-g of a thorough Chartist are as stiff as " quills on a porcupine , " and present an " armed front"

      evexywoere . For the love of eur cause drop these petty jealousies , &nd needless and groundless alarms , and go to work on the 2 fational Petition in good earnest . I have seen many noble sentiments in the Star signed " H . D . Griffiths , " and I shall trust to see more ; and depend that , to all who it may concern , I am not at all disposed to become a " voluntary slave" to any class or individual whatevti . A Woolwich Cadet . CMchester , Jan . l"th 3 1 S 42 .

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      » HORTON REFORM ASSOCIATION . TO THE EDIT 6 B OF THE NOBTHKEX STAR . Sia , —Tbe following address has been agTeed to by the Reform Association of Horton , and they request yen to insert it in your next Star . ' Tours , fcc . J . Brook . Address of the Horlon Reform Association to their brother Reformers of Ihe United Kingdom . FElxo-ff-CorsiHTMES , —In addressing yon in the language of brotherhood , we would humblyyJsut earnestly direct your attention to the important signs of the Kmes in which we live .

      It is now nearly ten years since the pissing of the Reform Bill—that measure which the people were then told , and were led to believe , would be the forerunner of greater reforms ; which would tend to secure the rights interests , comforts , and happiness of tbe whole community . We presume , Brethprs , that we need not remind you , that the fair premises and expectations which were then held out to the people , have ended in utter disappointment ; so that now at the end of almost ten years of a so-called . Reform Government , instead of being in a better , we actually find ourselves in a much worse situation than we were in before ita commencement .

      If we look aronnd amongst the labouring classes , what do we behold ? Householders retiring into lodgings—able-bodied labourers , willing , anxious to work , tut totally unable to find employment , thronging the streets day after day in rags , and with coontenaces so pale , and frames so emaciated , that even to behold them is enough to make humanity shudder , whilst thousands who nave only partial employment , are barely able to keep up a wretched union betwixt soul and body . If we look to the middle classes , how do we find them ? The manufacturers on the verge of bankruptcy , and tbe shopkeeper with an empty till , bearing unquestionable evidence of the inability of the working classes to purchase even the common necessaries of life ; an& if we look to the higher classes , how do we find them ? Certainly , in possession of wealth , but unable to enjoy it , in consequence of the everyday increasing insecurity of life and property , bronght on by this unnatural—this horrible state of things .

      Brethren , there is no natural cause why things should be as they are . Providence has not withheld its bounties , eur labourers are proverbial throughout the civilised world for their willingness to toil—our soil is goodtiie bowels of our earUa yield every thing that is necessary for trade and manufactures ; and our geographical position is such as to command the commerce of tb # worid . Being thus situated we can conceive of no cause sufficiently blighting to produce the sad state of things we see around us , except one , and that one is class legislation .

      The next question that naturally arises is , how can this cause be the most speedily -and effectnally removed ? Our answer is this—by at once granting the people a full a measure of justice . Without thi 3 we feel assured that nothing which is worth a struggle can be accomplished . Even , for instance , if we ceuld compel the Government to re peal the Corn Laws to-Borrow , they might , in twelve month's time , so rise their legislative powers bo as to make our condition as bad as It is at present . But we feel certain that the great mass of the work , ing classes can never again be induced to join in any agitation except that which demands for them a fair share of political power . These , then , fellow countrymen , are some of the convictions which have prompted us to take the important step we have taken ; that is , to make the following the fundamental principles of pur Association .

      1 st Universal Suffrage—that is , that every male inhabitant ef these realms , of twenty-one years of age , of sound mind , and unconvicted of felony , and who has resided within any given electoral district for six months previous to the list of voters being revised , shall be entitled to vote for ths election of a member of Parliament 2 nd . Tote by Ballot 3 rd . Annual Parliaments . iib . Equal Voting Districts—that is , that each voting district shall contain , as nearly as possibly , an equal number of inhabitants . oia . So Property Qualification for Members of Parliament , and Cih- Payment of Members . _ Brother Reformers , be not startled at those principles ; thtse are the principles which Whigs of by-gone days have advocated .

      In 1780 , Charles James Fox , the leader of the Whigs , "VZ 3 chairman of a committee for the carrying out of those principles . In the Earn * year , the Duke of Richmond introduced a bill into the House of Lords , tor the purpose of establishing Annnal Parliaments , and giving the right of voting to every man not contaminated by crime , nor incapacitated for want of reason . Abeut the years 1795 , and 1796 , Charles Grey , Esq . now Bsil Grey . ' advocated similar principles . Then be net needlessly alarmed , but wme ovi at once like men , Sid like patriots , for the above mentioned principles , and we shall soon be able to fora such an union of principle and of action , that no Government will think it prudent to turn a deaf ear to our prayers .

      sincerely hoping that you will at once consider and adopt the above principles , We remain , Brother Reformers , In the bonds ol fellowship , Yours truly , Tee Members of the Horton Reform AiSOClATWS . [ We need not , of course , say that we are anxious to fee these principles universally adapted by the people , snd to see all their followers aciiv * in their diisemiaai-jffi . "W e thick , however , that much valuaWe concentaUd energy -will be lost to the people by this mode of feablithiag isolated local associations , instead of sup-P rtLng the great national body . Why cannot the iitJTt-jn Jte ' onuers at once call npon their friends to Jan ths ymional Charter Association ?—Es . l

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      ID THE READERS OF THE NORTHERN STAR ill _ \ of the KORTH , —We of London have ' been ** J acccitomed Ui hear o your distresses , but we have £ j * heeded tttm . We have read that hundreds npon ttEditds of yeni artisans and labourers are compelled * j stave in the midst of the abundance ths » t aiocks t-tir suffering . We have known that ycur wives and felSren have been destitute of food and raiment—that jMtt homes have be ^ n desolate , and your very existence * cursed AU tils , I say , we Lave known , acd we have » 1 k > known tfeat sack , a state of things could not , ought

      Dot to continue . That society so constituted must ooner or later prey upon its own elements . Yet what kave we of Locdon done towarcs obtaining a change for Jou ? Why , in the enjoyment of our superflnitita we tave slept over the remembrance of your privations . > v e have not equally £ ufi * cred tie pangs of hunger or » ce ravages of despair , and we have treated th « descripb'JD ut your reaiiuts as " class" fictions . Yes , " we , " of the nixdd ' e class , have laughed at your miseries and locked & % your distresses , little dreaming that the day ^ juli arrive whtn the svengsr would direct the shaft of retribution into tLe very heart of the empire !

      We haTe laughed ! nay , We still laugh ! Our pateces & ^ o again -spitt the strains of revelry , and the wail of * teerj h unheard . The arrow of destruction is over » as-w alls of Belaliazzar—let the hand-vmting on the * all is nab . eded ! In the streets of London , this day , ire thoaaxds < A Us population perishing with cold and j ^ Ser , ¦ vrhiie the Ru ! er ef the S : ats a-id her " King Consort , " that : 3 to be , are enshrined like divinities j& their super-human elevation sud outrageous luxury ; ~ -is day , -white the streets < . i the metropolis are longed wiili idie fuels , wlio follow couit pageant *

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      as ctowb follow carrion—fools who pander to the contemptible assumption of superiority which some of tbe worms of creation claim over their fellow ?; fools , who in safety can mimic thunder , and in danger are but squeaking mice 2 Such things , I say , are crowding the streets of London , this day , to offer by their presence % show of adulation to the husband of the Queen , and _ the contemptible poltroons of Englishmen , who for the aake of Court favour have got np a mountebank affair at the New Exchange for his gratification .. We shall read tomorrow , in the wretched press of London , of " His Royal HignessV gracious this and condescending that , and the Lord Mayor of London will have bended and bowed , and cringed , and kissed His Royal Highness ' s anything for the tremendous , " honour conferred upon her Majesty ' s good City ef London , by " his gracious presence . " Faugh ! £ 30 . 000 a year is tolerable hire tor his highness-ship without the further indulgence of such mummery for his amusement

      But the beauty of ths thing is , that amidst all the preparations for this day ' 8 foolery for the gratification of the high class revellers , the work of justice has been silently and slowly , but surely , progressing among the low-class spectators . The work of retribution has commenced' in "the stronghold of despotism , selfishness , and clasi extravagance . Parties oi weary , hungry , and destitute men , having been refused relief by the UnlonB and redress by the magistrates , have visited eur bakers ' shops , and helped themselves and their famishing companions to the food they are not allowed to earn by their honest labour , that they might not absolutely starve in the face of day ; and some sixt « th in one case , and ten in another , have been committed fer trial for violating the laws I

      But what laws have these men violated ? Not the laws of God ; for He , -who gave life , gave also the means by which life is to be sustained : not the laws of nature , for nature has amply provided for all her children ; but- the laws of man—the class laws of the stronger imposed upon the weaker .- laws made by a class for the protection and enrichment of a class , and by the unnatural and anti-social operations of which , every other class of society is ground to tbe earth , and trampled xtpen by a parcel of dawg who have assumed the feathers of domination scattered in their way by a careless and now justly . punisbed people , and affect to be grievously ill-used when they complain of tbe wrone .

      Well , then , the game of starvation is beginning to be played out in London ; but there are not enough of ns at the " table to do so with any effect We have not , except in Bome two or three districts of the metropolis , anything like the congregated inaES of wretchedness that is to be found in the northern districts . We have certainly a few Ipitalfields weavers who now and tnen precisely die of hunger and cold , and occasionally a poor wretch is found exhausted in ths streets , and the bench of the Station-house becomes the bed of death :

      but these cases are of too isolated a character to be of importance in the eyes of the dashing , tricking , thriving Londoner , who is so accustomed to deception , that he believes nothing to be real until his own nose is brought to the grindstone , and will bear insult like a very spaniel ! In fact , we of London have never believed in your distress , or cared for your patient endurance ; and now that tae stern reality is rushing towards our bakers' shops and provision stores , the question is , how our newly-awakened faith can be turned to a useful purpose .

      As I hav « before observed , the misery of London is not sufficiently en masse to be thought important by the Semi-divinities who govern us , and even if it was so , we are in London so disunited and selfish , that we should quarrel amongst ourselves for the right of being starved rather than not quarrel at all , if the Court required it ; and yet what with bad food , insufficient food , and no food at all , a tolerable proportion of the poor of London ore in the direct road to the pauper holes of the Establishment But do some of your men of the north help us to speak the truth for once ? come to our aid in their own forced march "srith death ? The law compels both you and us to starve : we , like yourselves , can

      neither obtain labour for our skill or food for our industry , but we have one advantage over you . We can stand shivering witk cold and hunger in the stretts and get occasional peeps at raree shows , and watch the birds of fine-feather as they flit backward aad forward after the Queen ' s husband , and the full fed , fat , and haughty minions of his train . Come and share our felicity some thousands of you . At least , come and help us to die with decency at the palace gates—let the stench of our carcases ascend to the perfumed chambers of royalty . Let the Queen inhale the fragrance of our putridity , and then see if she will read the hand-writing upon the walL

      Men of the North 1—Factory slaves of Englandmiserable victims to infernal laws—you are without friends , except among your own class!—you are without hope , except from your own prndence , and your own energy . ' The court heeds you not , except as creatures for its use . The aristacracy , in the plenitude of its enjoyments , does not dream of your actual sufferings—the middle classes know your sufferings , and add weights to your burdens , while they despise you for enduring them , and contrive to grow rich upon your ruin . Help yourselves . ' The time approaches for action—Parliament , such as it is , will shortly assemble . How stands your petition ? Of this be convinced , the Charter is your only barrier against wide spreading , universal destruction . Aak for it!—insist upon having it—cease not until you have secured it , that if peace and good government be denied to you , it may at least become the inheritance of your children .

      And which of the London press will you take to your bosoms as a friend ? 1 shall not advertise papers by naming them here , but which amongst them can you look to for support ? Is it amongst the w ^ ther-cocS Whig-Radical babblers about tbe Corn Laws , and sham patriot defenders of unlimited and untaxed steam pow « r production , that the hungry millions thrown out of work by its giant progress are to look with confidence for the advocacy of their interests ? Is it among the ¦ wholesale canters for one religion , or the pot-house br&wlere against all religions that you are to seek assistance and advice . ' No ; I say trust only to yourselves , and your own or ., an . Think , act , work , triumph for yourselves ! and Jet tha Charter be the grand reward , of your exertions . You are starving now ; you can but starve if you fail ; and the chances are that ¦ when you take the game of legislation into your own hands ; you-will , not starve at all . Fact . London , Jan . 17 th , 1 & 42 .

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      Power a > d I > fixe : < ce of Friendship . — The cuUivatioH of well-placed friendship ib attended with most beneficial effects ; for , if the feeling be mutually strong , and alike sincere , no fault will pfcs ¦ without correction—no weakness will escape a generous censoTship ; while the aavaitage of a comforter in our afflictions and a participator in ourenjojmentp 3 cannoi be dimtUd . —Par ley ' s Fenny Library .

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      WAYS AND MEANS . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sib , —J am very sorry , and much amazed , that Mr . Pinder " s blacking has not met with that prompt attention and adoption it deserves . I did expect , by this time , that every Chartist in Great Britain would have it in his possession ; instead of which , I dare say there is scarcely a Chartist in London who has yet seen it Where are those who are generally so forward in voting money out of the funds of the Associations for various purposes connected with Chartism ? Why dont they bring forward the above plan , to serve a good man , and our good cause ? Where are those who lament the apathy of those working men who do not understand politics ? Did Sir John say Chartism was dead ? In this instance it shews little life .

      It must be-a source of gratification to our opponents to see us almost neglect one of our own body , and a brilliant opportunity of realising funds for carrying on the agitation . There are many who are acquainted with small shopkeepers who might be induced to vend it Members and others could supply their friends and neighbours . Workiug men could sell it among shopmates . Many a poor fellow might earn a Sunday ' s dinner for himself and family , by hawking it in publichouses , &c . on Saturday nights ; but all must have a place near at hand to buy it . I reside in Bethnal Green , and tbe nearest place to get itia Lambeth or Knightsbridge , a distance of several miles ; instead of which , it ought to be sold in every Association Room at least , and by every one who coald make it convenient

      I beg to suggest the propriety of the Councils calling meetings of members to empower the various Secretaries to send for a certain quantity of blacking , and to have two memorandum-books , one to insert the receipts by retail , and the other by wholesale ; always allowing any person to have sixpenny-worth by wholesale , if required ( the profit being , I think , one half ) , to enable as many as possible to sell it . I hope the members of the National Charter Association will see to it It boasts of 300 localities . We should then see a list of buyers as long aa my arm , instead of , as at present , a paltry half dozen or so . A Working Man . Friar ' s Mount

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      ?^ TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sir ., —In a letter reeeived by me , inclosing an ordei for five shillings , and which I have remitted to you foi the O'Brien Press Fund , from the Charter Association , meeting in Ramsay-buildings , Hamilton , Scotland , there is a paragraph which runs thus"Sir , you have probably heard that the Scottish Patriot is dead . What a field is now open for that noble of natine , James Bronterre O'Brien ; he would be enthusiastically received , and well supported in Glasgow . " Through you , Sir , I would suggest to the O'Brien

      Committee and to Mr . O'Brien , and to my brother democrats generally , the propriety of taking up this suggestion , and act upon it Thus might a Scottish Star be established , and co-operate heart and hand with our Northern luminary—give an impetus to the good canse in which we arc engaged—and bring as to the goal of our ambition , the Charter , at a railroad pace . And I am Bure all true democrats will agree with me that nothing is more essential thaa the establishing honest Chartist newspapers in England , Ireland , Scotland , and Wales .

      Ytmrs , truly , In the good cause , Edmund Stallwood . [ We know not how this letter came to be omitted last week ; it was fully intended for insertion ; and we supposed that we had given it into the printer ' s hands . He , however , says that he has no recollection of it We find on reference to the paper , that the five shillings named in this letter for the O'Brien Press Fund , and remitted by Mr-Stallwood , was erroneously stated in our last to have been received from Glasgow , instead of from Rimsey ' s-buildings , Hamilton . —Ed . N . S . T

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      ?— TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD MAYOR OF DUBLIN . My Lord , —In my first letter to your Lordship , I presumed to point out the fact of your Lordship ' s possessing ( as chief Magistrate of the City of Dublin , ) " the opportunity to examine , and the power to punish , should you find any illegal or physical-force Chartists within your jurisdiction . " ' Now , as your Lordahip has n » t , since your instalment into office , had any such parties brought before your tribunal , it must follow that either there are no such illegal parties in Dublin , or that yaur Lordship has been negligent in performing your magisterial duties . That there are numbers of Chartists in the city your

      Lordship cannot deny , and that you have attached a violent and illegal character to their proceedings , is equally aa true ; therefore , let me ask , if your assertions are facts , ( and it is to be hoped your Lordship would not voluntarily be guilty of falsehood , ) why do you not arraign them before the "jury" yon are bo anxious to sit amongst , and have them dealt with as wicked and seditious characters ? or with open , honest candour , acknowledge that they are not to be found , or that you have been deceived by false reports ? This would be a more honourable way ot proceeding than that which your Lordship is pursuing .

      You wish to ke « p the people of Ireland from joining the Chartists , and , for that purpose , you assail with unblushing recklessness , thy character of a man whom you have already , by your influence , robbed of fsrerj thing he possessed . Why not ( if it is the people ' s interest to stand aloof from the Chartists ) explain to them the reasons why they should do so , and show , if you can , that they would be injured by the connectron ? If liberty , if "Justice to Ireland , " be your motto , 1

      ttll you , my Lord , it is not by throwing dust in tbe eyes of your countrymen , or frightening them by ycur overgrown influence , that you are to ebtaia it The people have waited on yeur " ulterior measure" long enough . Yen ku « w they are impatient for justice , and tired of your Whig truckling system , which they now see is not likely to produce the advantages which they were led to hope for ; the spirit of inquiry is amongst them , and your political vision is so acute that you know you will be likely ti lose your adherents , unless you terrify them inte submission .

      IS uw , I fearlessly challenge your Lordship , or any of your " young blood of Ireland , " to prove that illegal oaths are admini&iered atnougst the Chartlfcts , or any act which could constitute an illegal assembly . Oh , no , my Lord , we " register no -vows . " 1 also tell your Lordship that unless you do prove your assertion , your veracity will in future be looked upon with suspicion , and that if you do prove that such oaths have been , or are administered , you deserve to be disrobed of your tinsel trappiugs , for neglecting to bring the offenders to justice .

      Here , my Lord , is a dilemma in which you have placed yourself , you must either make your case out , or htneefoith suffer the penalty of being suspected of falsehood ; or , what is worse , if you make it out , you will deserve to be censured by the authorities , and mayhap be deprived of your office . It would be wiser if your Lordship would candidly own that the Charter contains nothing that is illegal , and at the same limb tell the people you were one of -the leading parties to draw up ita principles . Act honourably , my Lord , with the people , who have ever acted honourably with

      jou . Da not give them cause to suspect you of tardiness , for the Irish are capable of resenting an insult Permit them to inquire for themselves , and you will * oon find that they fctave p ^ ce ^ tion sufficitnt to guide them in their choice of political principles . But why do I aEk you to permit them ? Are they who have struggled amii ! st the "battle and tbe bmze , " and grappled wi'Ji adversity and persecution—they whose consistency has placed your Lordship in your present political position to be denied the right of exercising their judgment on matters of such interest to their country ?

      No , my Lord . I am an Irishman , and I claim as aright that I should think for myself , and not payblindobedience to the dictates of any man whatever , or be terrified by the lowering frowns of coercive influence , which rules with despotic sway the opinions of your party . Let my countrymen look to my last letter to the " People of Ireland , " and they will there see who are their friends . I have there proved that neither the Tories , or the Whigs , or the abettors of either party deserve that title ; and I now repeat that he who would advocate the right of either party to govern the paople is an enemy to his country , and a traitor to the cause of liberty . Governments were framed for and by the people , and not for any particular class ; and the people , as being the majority , should be also the law makers .

      l our Lordship does not deny this , but you quibble about trifles , because , forsooth , to use your Lordship ' s own words , " every body knows Paddy O'Hrggins . " Yes ! and poor Paddy O'Higgins knows your Lordship ; and it is because he knows you so well that he is denounced as a seditious character , and branded in perspective with the name of an informer M Such language would be an insult to the hateful memory of an O'Brien ; but to such a man as Mr . O'Higguis it is too base for comment The name of O'Higgins does not sound weU as a leader of a party in a city in which O'Connell is the chief magistrate ; and which may be called the head quarters of his icflaenee . Oh ! no , there must be no "O" but the one great and mighty " O" in Ireland , nor must the people be

      permitted to come within the circle of their acquaintance . How unfortunate it is , my Lord . Who ever heard of such a thing ? such a number of , as the quack says , spurious imitations ? There is O'Connor , 0 'Higgins , O ' Toole , O'Connell ( not Dan ) intruding themselves into notice , as if everybody , my Lord , was not aware that you were the greatest " O" in the kingdom ! 1 but how long your Lordship will continue to be so I leave you to suppose , for the people of Ireland have on old regard for the family of the "O's" in particular . And now that so many of them are banded together in the cause of liberty , ten chances to one if one or other of them ( perhaps O'Higgins , or very likely O'Connor ) may not soon beeeme the Star of the West , as well as the "Star of toe North . " I hive only to hope that your Lordship will take a Lint Iicni the spirit of the tiroes ; and feelieve that I

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      would rather see you in your proper place , namely , at the head of the people , leading theja oo to victory , instead of lingering by the way , or causing division in the camp where unity should reign . Remember , my 10 , 4 , the people have certain rights to obtain j and that until those rights are obtained , you * country will be involved in misery , therefore do not despise the efforts of any man who aims to obtain those rights , if he doea not bear the same political name as your Lordship , or does not possess so mighty an influence , he may still be a sincere friend to hia country . And auch I believe to be the man whom your Lordship has maligned , injured , and insulted . I confess I would be sorry that any man calling himself a Chartist , should possess your

      Lordship ' s political character , for I do assure your Lordahip , that congiatency ia the most essential requisite in a public man . And benca I will be so free as to tell you , if you had been as consistent to the people as the people have been to you , yea might indeed be prbudof your leadership ; but no ; the magic spell which binds your adherents together is nothing more ' than the blind enthusiasm of the people , and your uncharitable attacks on all who have tbe moral courage to oppose your worse than useless measures . What would your Lordship say to the man who , if he saw his friend in a drowning condition Jn the Liffey , would content himself by pulling him by little and little by the heels ; put of the river , and at the same time tell him " not to be alarmed , he would have him out by and bye ? " orif your L « rdship

      should ever have the misfortune ( which , heaven avert ) to swing from the place where Paddy O'Higgins is ( according to . your Lordship ' s prophetic aoul ) ' to send his dupes , what would you think of your "dear Ray , " should he say , " Easy , Dan , don't kick so hard ; 1 ' il cut you down by and bye ?" Would your Lordship not call him a knave , if you had breath ? And do you not think this is a true picture of Ireland ? She is in a drowning , sinking condition , and you tell her . you ¦ will pull her out by and bye . Oh , yes , good Samaritan ; but why not pull her out at once 2 The reason ia evident , my Lord ; although she is sinking under ^ oppression , you are skimming lightly on the surface , and although the torrent rolls in its might over the devoted heads of the people , your sails are filled with sjaphyrsi and your lockers stored with the luxuries of life : but did you feel the pressure as the poor feel it , you would

      boas load in your appeals for relief as they are ^ Did you feel yourself sinking , like the many thousands of your countrymen , you would be thankful for a helping hand to draw you out of the flood ; and so should the Irish be grateful for the exertions of the gallant band of "O's" in Dublin , for they are ( no mattar what your Lordship may think or say to the contrary , ) determined to save their country from ruin , and raise her to her proper position in the scale of nations . Yes , this my Lord , is their object ; and , I say to them , in the name of the Chartists of Great Britain , Proceed ; " more power to you , O'Higgins , " and may ybq never cease to agitate for the Charter until every "O" from ¦»« Iyeragh " to Doneghadee" become a convert to your principles . And that your ; Lordship may have an opportunity : of witnessing so essential a change ia the sincere and fervent hope of , My Lord , Your Lordship ' s most obedient humble servant , W , H . Clifton *

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      TO THE WORKING MEN OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Countrymen , —I have addressed to yon two letters on the subject of the National Petition , and my object baa been to meet the objections urged against it , therefore it cannot matter little whether I am right or wrong as to the fact of the rejection of the Petition as the subsequent adoption of it ; there are still objections urged and still we have objectors . The Corn Law question has excited opposition to onr line of policy , and the most frequent question which will be putis— -Why do you not petition for the removal of the Corn Laws ? I shall endeavour to answer the question , at tbe same time premising my remarks with the observation that I cannot be expected In a letter to do more than merely sketch over such an extensive subject , and promising at the same time , that on a future occasion , 1 shall address a small pamphlet to you on the broad merits of the question .

      In touching the question at all , yon must bear in mind first , that we have mentioned the provision laws in the National Petition , and In their proper place as grievances ; secondly , that I would not argue the questiou , if I was an advocate of the middle class or the capitalists . I will approach the question only aa an advocate of the rights of labour , who puts to himself the following questions : —vVill the abolition of the Corn Laws benefit the working men so considerably as to authorise them to renounce the . agitation for the suffrages ; or ought the Corn Laws to receive the precedence in our agitation , and be made the most prominent grievance ?

      If I was a middle-class advocate , I would answer thus . Tbe agitation for the abolition of the Corn Laws is so important to the people , that the question of the suffrage should not have the precedence , but be made a secondary question . Why ? Because the middle class have the suffrage already they have a vote ; and tbe Charter will not give them two : consequently , they would say , in reply to my second eelf-applied question , that the Corn Law question should have tbe preference , and , as a grievance , the tax on food should be held high above other questions which do affect only the unwashed and unshorn rabble . . ; ' The interest of the middle class , as well as their sufferings , urge men to strike at the provision laws as the most prominent evil to them . Let us see whether We can make the question of tbe suffrage one equally interesting to the working class , and still more deserving of confidence with them .

      We all admit that class legislation as a monster cause has given rise to the Corn Laws . We proclaim it in the Petition ; and we promise , having the suffrage , to rescind them from the statute book . We do not , however , conceive the Corn Laws to be the monster result of the system , and that the National Debt , the army and n&vy , an overgrown Church establishment , the Poor Law , tbe excise and custom duties , and a variety of other effects , are to be pointed out as not arising from that prolific yet deadly root—class legislation . W orking men feel all these 0 vils , and are

      conscions they cannot mitigate or remove the pressure of one of them ; nevertheless , they are fully sensible that the lopping off of one , branch would signify nothing if the vitality of the root could throw out in its place a hucdred small and hungry offshoots . Tbe Corn Laws once gone , tbe cause remains behind , and the wise men who offer this sacred plaster to the wounded sid e ^ quite forget to take but of the remedy the thorns eu . closed , or , in other w ords , with the Corn Laws thrown overboard , the laws of primogeniture and entail , which uphold the monopoly of land , and which preceded the Corn Laws . ¦ ¦

      What quackery would it be to abolish the Corn Laws , and hold sacred the very monopoly which originated them , which is the twin monopoly of our present class legislation , and which living must exist , and existing nmst dive into the vitals of the poor and lay the foundation of its fallacies on the ruined cottages and the miseries of its wretched inmates . What do the middle class mean by their class legislation ?—the presence of a majority of Tories in the House of Commons . They had a hand in that as a class aid ; if all the House of Commons consisted of Whigs , would that lessen the load of elass legislation to the labourer ? No , no ; no ! It was class legislation when the landlords had sole power . It would ' still be class legislation if the capitalists joined them . It is

      class legislation even now , when the middle class have the fancbise ; and it will be class legislation until every man has a Vote , who is of a sane mind , and twenty one years of age . Leave that plaguo-spot behind ; and although you , ray oppressed countrymen , may toil for a thousand years , ye would . still , labour to begin anew ; sttike at the root : and nlind , strike for yourselves , without heeding who may say , striked higher , that hurts me . Aye , but you . say , a cheap loaf ia a cheap loaf still . ... So it is , if you have sufficient wages ; bat will the CornLaws brl :: g you a cheap loaf with tfce same wages ? If , I answer it may ; still , it will be like cheap Itttura under the New Postage Act You will have a shifting of the burden from one shoulder to the other , but the load

      will not be one jot the less . Had you not a Whig boon in penny letters ? That was a benefit . Did not dear tea , coffc © , sugar , and spirits follow ? Most certainly . Then your burden was shifted , and mark my word it will be shifted again , must ba , or the finances of the country are exactly the same as those of France , previous to her great revolution . How would cheap bread , dear tea , sugar , coffee , and no suffrage look ? Howwould Universal Suffrage , low ; taxes , and no monopoly look ? The middle class say you cannot get the latter . I answer by a question can they abolish the Corn Laws ? No , but they have the suffrage and if they eannot abolish one evil , having the power whieh we have not ,

      I maintain that it is an unanswerable argument in favour of the extension of the Suffrage ^ at once and * for ever to every man of twenty-one years of age ^ and of a sane mind . Their power , is too weak they say ; then why not make it greater by giving you the same power , because , the question is not whether you are to be benefited , but how they are to profit by your aid . If your public opinion is solicited , surely , if you are capable of giving an opinion as to tbe injurious nature of the Corn Laws , you are also equally capable of giving a vote for their removal , and the man who would ask the former and deny the latter , is either a senselesa simpleton , or a cunning rogue . :

      Remember the weakness of the anti-Corn La *^ advocates is admitted , whea they solicit the support of tbe non-electors , and their knavery most be apparent as well is their folly , in cour ting the Suffrages of working men in public meetings , on one question , whilst they refuse the same liberty on \ all questions . ; ¦ . - "• Who are the tyrantB then , we who legitimately insist upon our right of reason on all public questions , or they who will only tolerate it on one ? - ' ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦ . - . ¦¦; V '; ¦ ¦ ' ; . ' ; .. •¦• .. ¦ . ¦/ . ' ¦ - . '¦' : ¦ . ' ¦ ' ¦ ¦¦ Fellow countrymen , I wish you saw the cloven foot as plainly as I do ; you would then , revertiug to the struggles of the hand-lcom weavers , » Dd the Woody field of Peterloo , believe that necessity alone has at length compelled your masters to require the abolition of the Corn Laws when that monopoly has done its worst for the labourers , which rolling over the famished body ef tbe weaver , and his mouldering loom now carries distress to the bouses of the middle class , and arouses sympathy only when self ifi concerned ^

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      rhe question is twentj years too late in being agitated , and we are a century in advance of ita advocates Labour can no longer receive benefit from the repeal of the Corn Laws , and the time is gone when manual labour can compete with -steam , unless universal power will remove universal wrong , and bring cheap government , low taxes , a reduced national debt , no sinecures , at the eame time that you have cheap bread , plenty to do , and high wagea . God knowsiT cannot laiigh at , nor despise , the poor , when they are led away by the seducing cry of a cheap loaf and plenty of work j but I will endeavour to reason with them , and therefore having answered my two questions , and given you the reason why the Corn Law question is . to take the precedence , I will now briefly lay the real qu estion at issue before

      yon . . - •• ¦•¦ :... ¦ -. -: " ¦ ¦¦ -. ¦ - .- .. - ¦ - . : ¦ - .:-It is not , fellow countrymen , a fair way of advocating tha question of free trade by simply putting one question to the people , and asking them if they would have a big and a cheap loaf ; : because every man would say yes ; arid then proceed to satisfy his reason that he could have it , and decide upon the readiest and the best mode of keeping it free from the grinding masters and taxgatherers reductions . The landlords created the provision laws at the end of the war , on the ground that if we could eat British grown bread it would be to the profit of the country to do so rather tban ; employ and pay foreign labourers for that which British workmen could create , and if we conld produce as much or more grain than the people of this country

      conld consume , it would be wise and judicious to « niplby oar own labour in preferance to foreign industry . The landlords discover their present advantage in the war price of farms and of food , and although they can , they will not grow as much grain as the land could produce ¦ and the customs of the country appropriate much land for grain to be malted , and for potatoes , and other esculanta which acrea might be more advantageously used . The great reason for the Corn Laws was , that British labour should be employed in the ields rather than foreign labour , that British bread was better than Russian , even if a higher price is paid for the former . Now observe what follows . This resolution on the part of the landlords , brought them into

      coalision with the manufacturing interests , and they said to the legislature our taxes are increasing ; and we must pay our workmen more wages in consequence of the pressure of public burdens , therefore on the same principle that yon protect British born and exclude foreign grain , we insist upon protecting British manufactured goods , and shutting eut foreign manufactured goods , that is to say , we shall have iruport duties npon shoes , hats , and stockings , besides glass bottles and a host of other articles manufactured by distinct , useful , and important trades in their country , but which articles foreign workmen who are untaxed can produce cheaper than we can , and therefore in the end would undersell us in our own market .

      To this the landlords consented ; and hence , if it is true that the landlords pocket the difference of the price of corn , as it is sold in London and . Dantzio , it is also true that the manufacturers pocket the difference between the price of shoes and bats in London and Paris , and of woollen stockings in the Midland Counties and Saxony . Which of the two pocket ' . the most I cannot say , but of this much I can . assure the labourer that his interests are crucified between the two . "' , - ' -. ' . ¦' . ¦ ¦ ¦ .. ¦¦ , ¦ : ¦ ' ¦ ¦ .: •¦

      Npw , mark again the effect of the abolition of the Corn Laws . The manufacturer demands the abolition of the Corn Laws , not to give them the chance of exporting more hats , shoes , stockings , gloves , clocks and watches , gloves , silks , and a host of other British manufactured goods , thereby employing more workmen in these trades , and paying them better . Oh , no . The market for such goods on the Continent must be closed , otherwise we would not chest out Paris hats arid shoes for the London markets by import duties , ranging from 30 to 35 per cent .

      Foreigners beat us in these goods , and the abolition of twenty Corn Laws would riot enable our trade to compete with foreigners unless you struck off the National Debt , and reduced . the taxes to ten millions a year . The only articles we can export are certain cotton goods , and some few woollen articles . Working Men , take notice here that one market is nearly closed in regard to some of the manufactured cottons and woollens , because whilst we export £ 17 , 694 , 303 of woven cotton goods we export at the same time £ 6 , 278 , 099 of cotton twist for foreigners to weave into cloth . We even now export woollen yarn for the foreign weavers . There . is competition for you ! and what is Free Trade , but a widely extended competition ? And what would it be to you with a widely extended taxation ..

      Fellow Conntrymeri , before you run a race strip off the clogs , and take Nature ' s Bhoes ; and before you diverge into a natural course of trade destroy the trammels of artifice . How ? in what manner ? you ask . Simply by the suffrage . Seek 'power first ; then bid defiance to the tax-master , and the poor man ' s plunderer . ¦¦ ' ¦¦ - ¦ ; ¦ : : ¦" - : ¦ • ' : . ' - ¦ . '" ¦ , ¦ I will : avoid the single question of the Corn Laws , and leave you to read my friend Campbell ' s small book , fullof statistics valuable and convincing on the question . You have now learned the relative position of landlords and capitalists . It is for labour and its friends to watch and explain their individual movements , and report injury or benefit to us . I fear the latter will not overburden many messengers between the palace and tbe cottage .

      Fellow Countrymen , the question for you to consider is , will the tixes collected from the Corn Laws be collected from , othfcr articles aftct their abolition ? The difficulties of the Government afford an answer— -they must ; and from some quarter the one million and a half must be levied- Let it be impressed on the ycurig Prince ' s forthcoming beard , and you will be the

      paymasters . ¦ - ¦ . ¦ : ¦ -.. . ¦ :.. Can you resist , object , or abpIiBh taxes ? You have , then , working men , another alternative . If the Corn Laws are abolished to benefit the manufacturing interest , other import duties must bo aVoliahed to compensate ( mark that ) the landed interest In one word , if manufacturerB must have cheap bread , agriculturists will have cheap hats , shoes , stockings , and other manufactured articles , because the same reason applies to theae manufactured goods as to corn ; the same reason caused and the same arguments apply for or against both . If it ia wrong for manufacturers to pay a protect ^ ing duty on corn , you may depend upon it landlords will not be slow in objecting to the right of manufacturers putting- a tax upon hats , shoes ,, and stockings , and compelling them , for the benefit of trade , to pay more for them than they do in France .

      The result will be , if any injury arises to the agricultural labourers ; they must be thrown as a bone into the mouth of the manufacturer , and if any loss or ruin arise from foreigners being allowed to undersell U 3 in our own market , that : must not be attended to because the landlords demand it , and have the power to take it , if refused , forking men must be sacrificed either way , unless the suffrage is present to protect and benefit all , to give undue advantage or undeserved misery to none . You have the . question : now before yon , and to make it clearer , I will give jou an extract from the evidence pit the Import Duties in proof of my position . Question put by . ' . Mr . Williams , M . P .: — ;

      " Would you say that the principle was a correct , one , to admit the importation of stockings manufactured in Saxony into this country free of duty , which would , as a matter of course / supersede the trade entirely at Leicester , Nottingham , and other parts of Eriglaud where stockings are made ?" Answer given by Mr . M'Gregor : — - . ' - ' ' I certainly would adniii them at an equitable duty , not exceeding ten per cent , whether that wild destroy the trade at Li-iceiter and Nottivgtom or not ; but ^ ven if it did I " should say that it would be better for tbo whole country ti > subscribe sufficient to support ail these- people at home who are now being employed in that manufacture , than to continue a tax in perpetuity upon this country . It would be humanity towards the manufacturers themselves . " . ¦ :. ' ; - - ¦;¦ ' ' ¦''¦' . ¦ ¦ ' . ¦ '¦ ¦¦ '

      So It Would Mr . M'Gregor , but at the same time ruin , starvation * and no bread at all to the weavers ; as for the public . SUbscriptioHs they areas slippery as eels , and with the New Poor Law before our eyes , the most unchristiari hopeless prospect for the poor . ' / . ' . .. '' : ;• ' ¦ ' . , ¦ ¦ . . ¦ I have placed the question in a just light before you , and I ask without hesitation , what labourer would give the Suffrage the go by * and the Corn Law repeal the prefeteiica : ? ' -.. . ¦• I cannot at this time enlarge upon the subject , bftt I will answer another argument assumed by the free traders to be a good one under the present state of the Goveriment in this country . We are told that an extension of trade would benefit , but before we can maintain our present position we must cheapen our goods . That cheapening of goods has besn our curse , or in other language , competition has been our ruih .

      I will , for the sake of argument , assume that a master employs a hundred men as weavers , ( makes shoes , hats , or any thing , ) and that in one day of ten hour ' s work , - a weaver can produce ten yards ef cloth ; for which he receives half-a-crowri . The master will then manufacture 1000 yards per day , which he will carry to tbe market and sell for £ 500 . Half-a-crown is paid to ' the weaver , the cloth sells wholesale at ten shillings per yard . Competition arises at home or abroad , machinery comes into play , or any cause reduces the price of the yard of doth to five shillings instead of ten , what mu ^ t the : master do ? and how will the workman stand Nflffectecl ? The master to retain hia

      position , and only secure his former profit must produce for sale and sell 2 , 000 | yards which will only bring thejold £ 500 , and the workmen to retain his wage and / earn hoi more , must either : contrive to weave twanty wrds in ten hours for the 2 s : 6 d ., cr work two days for one day ' s wage , or stirid behind a machine which in one-half of the time will weave twice as many yards aa he could do . ^ In either case , tbe workmanis the looser , his piece is made longer spare his . hoars of work , whilst hia wages are made less , for let him work long houra or at wptk with a machine , he or hii fellows mnst be the sufiferers / . . : . ' . . : " ¦ - . . ¦' :. . ;

      Mind yon this , the master has social and political power to shift his burden , atd let your trade be ever fio far extended and your goods cheapened , I tell you that you musit be either the victima of double fcours ^

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      the machineslayea , receiving low wages and the victlrn * f a refined cruelty and aidvilised bondage , which yoa have nopower to aTiart or destroy . * -. ;' Feliow-oountrymen . I must conclude ; and tny codeluding request is , that you will reason upon the question at Issue , one started by deaign , and depending upon ignorance or treachery for its existMice ,: but still ne which has had its proper place-, in ; the patit ^ amongst other grievances , and which , I feel confident , you will estimate for what it is worth and no more .

      I thank those who have opened' their eyes to tba juggle of one patty and the : reason of anotiver ; and if I am not too troublesome to the readers of-the Star , I shall address to you one mere letter ritxt " week on th « course which " ought 'to- be pnrsued in presenting the next petition , which I hope to see ' yet placed in the Commons aa the largest national prayer ever laid at the footstool of injustice . - ' ¦ Fellow-Countrynicn , \ I remain , your sincere friend , : P / M . M'DOUAlli

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      Mock charity . The people of Trowbridge being informed of our generbus government sendingdpwn four hundred pounds to be distributed amongst the poor of this place , called a public meeting of tbe inhabitants of tho ^ Pwn . at Hope Chapel . James AinesMarchant , secretary to the Hill * Btreet Chartists , was unanimously ' called to the chair , After an excellent address from Mr . Rawlings , the following memorial was proposed by Mr . W- Porter and seconded by Mr W . Harford , and carri « 4 unanimously . To the Bight Honorable Sir Robert Peel , Premier to herMaiesiy ' sExe € t UiveGoveriimenL :

      Honoured Sir , —We , the working classes of the town and vicinity of Trowbridge in public meeting assembled , haying been informed of ytur , jtenerous charity awarded as a temporary relief to pur starving families take this opportunity to apprise her Majesty ' s Government that we , as Englishmen , do riot desire charity so much as justice . ; for we are convinced that the unprecedented state of poverty , degradation , and misery , which many of us are now sufferinc , aTi ^ es , riot from the visitation of God , in sickness , " famine , pestilence , or sword , but from tbe avaricious spirit of -rich tyrants who are tolerated to oppress by the accursed system of class legislation ; and under our present feeling we do not hesitate to say that if her Majesty ' s Governmeut continue to maintain arid support an unjust system , we

      should deem it more charity from theni in sending down a troop of human butchers to dispatch a thousand of us , than keep us lingering out a useless life by starvation . A . t the same 'time , we would desire to apprise her Majesty's Government that in the land of Britain , where God has abundantly poured forth the bounties of hia goodness , there is enough for every human being tp ^ be well clad and well fed , so that they might be happy and comfortable in their statioB , and become useful members of society . Then , if justice was granted usy there would be ri » need of emigration , transportation , Malthusianism , er wholesale murder ^ to thin population ; nor the paltry charity of the rich to- keep as alive in starvation ; but peaces happiness , and tmaquillity woulf , | c 8 ment tbe whole community ; and thQ labouring classes , instead of becoming useless , and being a dead weight upon society would become the bulwark and strength of our national prosperity . To accomplish

      this , we humbly implore her Majesty ' s Government to take int j their serious consideration tbepresent deplorable : condition of the labouring poor , and to devise a more noble way to display their charitable benevolence than a paltry shilling for a temporary-relief . If they deaire to do good in their day and generation ; if they wish the fame of honour to descend to their posterity ; if they are anxious to immortalizs their names so that future generations shall call them blessed , then let them listen to ' . the prayer of the working millions set forth in the National Petition , arid inake the People ' s Charter a Cabinet measure , and by their IrJfldence and power cause it to ¦ be made the law of this land ; then will the . cause of ppvorty be removed - / then , will industry be rewarded , peace and plenty to all the community , and England will be free . Grant ua this one noble and charitable exalting favour , and your Memorialists will ever

      pray . Signed on behalf of the meeting , JaM £ S Ames Marcha . nt , Chaitnma .

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      From the London Gazette of Friday , Jan . 21 . BANKRUPTS . John Maidlaw , Fetter-lane , builder to s » rrender Jan . 28 , March 4 , at half-past eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basinghall-street . Soiicitbfs , Messrs . Rhodes , Bevor , and Lane , ^^^ Chancery-lane ; ofEcial assignee , Mr : Whitmore , Basingball-street . SJoseph Scott and Henry Coker , Weod-street , Cheapside , wpoljeri warehousemen , Feb . ¦*' , ; at one , March 4 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy , - Basinghalt street . Solicitors , Messrs . Turner arid Hensman , Basingtan « , Cbeapside ; official assignee ,. Mri Whitmore , Basingball-street . : , ; Charles Samuel Evan , Cornhill , master-mariner , Jaa 28 , at eleven , March 4 ; at twelve , at the Court of Bankauptcy , Baainehall-atreet . Solicitors , Messrs . Lawvance and Blackburne , Bucklerebury ofSicial assignee , Mr . JPensU . . . . ¦ ' ¦ : ¦' ¦ : ' ¦ : ¦ : ¦ ¦ '' . ¦ : ' . " . ¦ ' :. , ' " : ;¦ , - , - ¦ ¦ . ' . ¦ " .

      Charles Dod and Henry Bent , Riches-court , Lfmestreet , sbip-broke *» , Jan . 26 , t > t two , March 4 , at eleven , at the Couit of Bankruptcy * B 4 singhall : Street , Solicitor , Mr . Toune , William-street , IBelgrave-squaro ; pfflcial assignee , Mr . Johnson , BaaiDghall-street . William Young , Godalming , Surrey , nurseryman , Feb . 2 , at one , March 4 , at twelve ^ at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basinghall-street . Sol icltors , • Messrs . Bolton arid Merritnan , Austiri-friats ; « Mcial assignee , Mr . Lackingfon , Coltman-stieet-buildinRB . ¦'¦ [ . ' --Mark Fothergill ; and Michael Fothergill , Upper Thames ^ sfcreet ,, drysaliers , Feb . 5 , at halfjpast one , March 5 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basing " hall-street . Solicitor , Mr . Cattlin , Ely-place ; efiicial assignee , Mr . jEdward's Frederick's-place . Old Jewry .

      Richard Nurscy , Whitehall-place , Keutish Town , Tallbw-cbandler , Jan . 29 , at two . March 4 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basirigball-streefc Solicitor , Mr . Starling , Leicester-square ; omcial assigntse , Mr , Groom , Abchurch-lane , Lombard-street , Joseph Smith Needham ITllesthorpe , Leicestershire , banker , Feb . 11 , March A , at twelve , ' at the Castle of Leicester . Solicitors , Mr Graham , Ironmonger-lanej and Mr . Kem-Jarvis , Hinckley . : H v Peter Leicester , Longsight , Lnncashire , slate-merchant , Jan . 31 , Marcb . 4 , at one , at the Clarendon Rooms ,: Liverpool . Solicitors , Mr . CotteriM , Throgmorton-Btreet ; and Messra ; Fletcher and Hull , Liverpool . ; •¦ ' ¦ .: [ . _ ¦ - - .-. . . ' .. ' : ¦ ' . •" ' ; ' .- ¦ , ¦ ¦ '' .. ; . \ ~\ . '¦ ' ,. " - GeorgefOgden Brown ; Shflfield , timber-merchant , Feb . 2 , at twelve , March 4 , at two , at the Town Hall , Sheffield . Solicitors / Messrs Atkinson . arid Pilgrim , Church-cpurt , Lothbury ; and Messrs . Smith and Hiade , Shefiield . x : ^ " , ¦ '' v .

      Charles Sanderson . Shefiield , file-manufacturer . Feb . 4 , March 4 , at twelve , at the Towjx Hall , Sheffield . Solicitors , Mr . Rodgers , King-streeti Cheapside ; and Messsrs . Vickers and Jervis , Sheffield .

      PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED . F . M . Gtilanders , 1 . Ogilvy , Q . C . Arbuthriot , J . Jackson , P . Ewart , and E Lyon ,, Liverpool ; as far as regards F . M . Gillariders . F . M . GillariclBTs , T , O * ilvy , G . C . Arbrithriot , 'J . Jacksoni G . GUianders ; and A . S . Gladstone , Liverpool ; as far as regards F . M . GUlanders . J . Phillips and J . Dennis , Leeds , brass-iou riders . J . Nickson , W . Nickson , and T . Nickso ' n , Haj-docfc , Liincashire , gardeners . R . S . Moir and TV . Cooks , Sheffield , drysalters . I .. Ellis and W > Lowe , Middlesbrough , Yorkshire , common brewers . J . Ashtori arid J . Wnght , Manchester , ; hat-manufacturers . J . H . Stanway and J . S . Jackson , Manchester accountants .. E . Irigall . T . Ellin , Jan ., W . EUin , and J . Ellin , Sheifield , nit rchants ; as far as regards E . I rigali . : T . ' ; Morris and T . Gaddes , Wigan , Lancashire , solicitors . ' F ; Bary ' and G . Robeitson , Liverpool , coppersmiths . J . Lysn . juh .-, and J . Lyon , sen ., Liverpool , paihtera G .: A . Holt and J . Arrow 8 mith , LiyerpOol . C . Potter and W . Ross , Manchester , calico-printers

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      From the Gazette of Tuesday , Jan . 25 . : BANKRDPTS . ¦;• '¦ ¦¦¦ ¦ ¦'¦ S'mnel Eldlestone Welldon , butcher . Cambridge , Feb . 4 , and March ] , at eleven , at the Hoop Hotel , Cambridge . Mr . Baden , official assignee , Cain bwdge . Solicitors , Messrs . dart and Davidson , EssexrStreet , Strand , London . ¦ : : . . . . Edirard Thomas Murray , leather-seller , Great Gaorgestreet , Bermpndsey , Feb . 1 , at half-past one , and March s , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Mr . Bilcher , official assignee . Solicitor , Mr . Lonshborough , Austinfriars . .. ; : - : ¦¦ . '¦¦ ' : ¦ '¦ v ''; -. " ¦ . ' *¦ ' " .: ¦

      Alfred Webb , carpet seller , Liverpool , Feb . » , and March 8 , at two , at the Commissioriert-rooma , Ma ^ n * Chester . Me « srs . Johnson , Son , aud WeatheraU , Temple , London . Solicitors , Messrs . ; Higgins " arid Sorij Manchester .. . :.-- ¦ : : > : . . William Wilcocks , saddler and harness -ffiaker , Bracknelli Berks , Feb . 1 , and March 8 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy . Mr . Graham , official assignee , Baaihgball-street . Sulicitors , Messrs ; Bridger and Co .+ Finsbury- circus . ; \ :- :: '* : ¦ V ^ : ; JameaLaycock , tallow-chandler , CoIne 'Lincashtre ^ Feb . 2 , and March 8 , at eleven , at the Kxag ' s Head Inn , Colne . Messrs . Wigteawprth , Ridsdale , and" Craddbck , Gray ' s Inri' . Solicitor . Mr . Hardacre , Coine . T ; v ¦

      WilliariT Christie , bookbinder , r Red Xior-kqoare , - Feb . 3 , at eleven , Mar « h . 8 , at twelve ; » t-the Court of ' Bankruptcy . Mr , Green , official assignee , AiaeimaE- - bury . Solicitor , Mr . Starling , Leiceater . jtgTiaie « , I George Ogilvy Speare , Iaceman , ' Fiiet-stre ^ t , Feb . 7 , : at one , March 8 . at t welyej at the Court of Baukruptcy . ; Mr . Graham , official aBsigriee , Basingkaii-stiteW Soli- ; citor , Mr . Sole , Aldermanbury .: ' :- ¦¦ . -, : < * ^ :: .: > Robert Johnsoni Sbairp , yictualliBr ; Liver ^ ootEefeHKi ^ and March 8 , at one , at the Clarendpn-rooriJsl ^^ TCrpjjoIr . >• . . . ' Messrs . Vincent . and Sberwpod ,- '; pnicfat" a |^^« 5 : , ' ' £ ¦ V ¦ ' .. King ' s-bench-walk , Temple , Lontlpkr ;; fi ^ H <*^ r / ifc /; :. . v ^ N Jones , Liverpool . .-.-,. '•' . ¦ ; . ' " : - ' : ^' : ' ' ~ ' ^ i 5 r ' J& ^^ ^ r " * 'Z '" - 'Q \ } Charles ^ hristelow , WM > llen-d » pei «^^ arid March 8 , at eleveBjat the Gn \\ iitigjf ^ m M ^^; f . ^'^ JK Williainaori and Hill , Veruhm-builtoga ^ flirasjl ^ iiii ' -3 y ** & London . Solicitors , Messrs . Blanchaj 3 RH 3 S&wW 8 ( Bni > 0 ' *? & Yvxk . ' ¦ ¦¦ ¦ . " ' . "' ** ' . r ^ 5 S ^ v | : tk / - - ^^ r -

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      . " . . _ THE yORTHEJi y STAR . : ; : ; ., . . ; . ' ¦ ' . ; ¦ .:. ¦ y : : : - :. i ] : ^} :-. ; 'tu . -

      Untitled Article

      ADDRESS OF THE FEMALE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF UPPER HONLEY AND SMALLTHORN . FELLOW-COCNTRT WOMEN A > D COUNTRYMEN , — That the present time is one of great distress , privation , and sorrow no one can deny , for never in our nation ' s history was ever Buch deep and universal destitut : on as at present . To remedy these evils is the dnry of all and every one , both male and female ; no one onght to be backward in striving to put an end to tbe sufferings of the working ciasses , and yet what apathy , what criminal indifference is there manifested by far the majority of the mt » and women , who bear the heaviest part of tbe burden , and have to endure the greatest amount of Borrow .

      Men , swe appeal to you , ) shonld thin be so ? you who pride yourselves on your superior intellect , strength and courage ; should you be apathetic ; you with all jour boasted advantages , should you be indifferent to the suffering privations and destitution of your wives , your children , and yourselves ? Surely not It eannot be , that tbe father of a family can endure to see the wiff of his bosom , the ebildren of his love , pice and die for want , ' when a remedy lies open before his eyes , a remedy easy to be obtained and only Wanting the united energies of labour ' s sons to obtain that wbich would at once and for ever arrest the downward march of labour ' s children , and put an end to all these evils now so severely fe ^ t by alL

      We fearlessly , tell you , that all evils of a national nature centre in class-legislation , and we say that unless the monster be scotched , more and greater evils , deeper and more . pungent sorrows await you ; and as sure as you bow suffer your present load , so sure wiil jou have to suffer deeper and more heartfelt sorrow . We tell yon that unless ciass-legislation is destroyed , you can have no hope of being any better , or of obtaining any real benefit for yourselves , your wives , or your children . We therefore in treat yon no longer , tj be apathetic , indifferent , or careless , but at once set about the work of your own , your wives , and yeur children ' s redemption , and let one determined , one united effort put an end to class-legislation , and on the ruins of party , plant the tree of . liberty—tbe People ' s Charter .

      WoiDfcn , ( we appeal to you , ; has not the cold iron of poverty fettered deep , enough into your souls , but you Bust by your apaby invite heavier strokes and deeper wounds ? You who h ive teen the order of nature inverted , tbe female driven to the factory to labour f « her offspring , and her husband unwillingly idle at home , dependant alike on female and infantile labour for bia own existence ; will you , can you longer be in love witha base cruel system that makts you and your infants slaves , that factory lords may amahs more gold than would purchase the whole land ? Can you , mothers , bear longer the son ! degrading burden ; must you still be tbe niithers of more slaves ? Ton , who possess the finest sympathies of our : nature , will yon refuse your aid , when ihe objf ct sought is your ' s and your children ' s happiness , and the complete emancipation of your country ? Jto , no ; we will not insult you by supposing that you are so besottedly in love with the present soul-gr inding body-starving sjaum , as longer to wish its cuntinnance .

      Come then , men , women ; come all ; unite , unite , and by one determined tffort , abolish class-legislation , and again we tay en its ruins plant universal justice and equality , based on the P < 5 ople ' fl Charter . In behalf of the Association , Sauah Price , Chairwoman .

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 29, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct739/page/7/