Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd January 1842, Edition 4 of 4, Page 6

Page 6
Page 6
6 of 8

On this page

  • Text (4)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      MEN AT LEEDS . On Tuesday evening last , a crowded meeting of tho working men of this borough "was held at the Mosic Hall , in Albion Street , to hear a v ' wa voce report of the-statements made by a deputation lately appointed by the Short Time Committee " to lay their ¦ views and feelings before her Majesty ' s government . The netting was e&lled for eight o ' clock , and by that boor the large and elegant Saloon was crowded to excess . The committee and their friends appeared in the orchestra precisely at the appointed . time , and "were received with enthusiastic cheering . On the motion or Mr . BobebtoS , Mr . Joshua Hobson was called to the chair , amidst great cheering . The Chaihmah said the present meeting was called in pursuance of the following placard :

      •• Working men of Leeds , yonrattendanee is respectfully requested by the Leeds Sbort Time Committee at a public meeting to be held on Tuesday night , January 18 , in ti » Music Hall , to hear the report or a Deputation lately Bent by the Committee to Sir Robert Peel and other Members of the Cabinet , to press upon their attention measures lor the due regulation of machinery , and for providing employment for the unemployed . Mi . George A- Fleming , one of the Deputation , will be in attendance , and describe the important proceedings connected with their interviews with the Ministers . * 11 Factory workers ! attend . Ba in good time ! Information vitally affecting your interests -will be laid before tbe mctting . " The chair will be taken at eight o ' clock . . " By order of the Leeds Short Time Commiitee , "J . Hobsox , Sec . Monday , Jan , 17 th , 1342 . "

      It was just necessary for him to premise th&t on the 20 th of October last , the Leeds Short Time Committee received a communication from the Central Committee in London , formed for watching over and promoting the JEterekts of the Factory Workers , recommending that deputations from the Short Time Committees of Yorkshire should be appointed to proceed to London , And there seek interviews with the ministry , particularly Sir Robert Peel , and to lay before him or them tile state of public feeling generally throughout ths

      country with reference to the short time measure . On the 13 th October , the Leeds Committee met to take this letter into consideration ; the result was that himself and Mr . Fleming were appointed as the deputation from Tweeds , and they accordingly went to London . He had the pleasure to say that in the proceedings of this deputation his friend Mr . Fleming had taken an active part , and aa the bills stated that he would be present to state their proceedings , he would not further detain them but at onee introduce to them Mr . George Alex Fleming . ( Cheers . )

      Mr . Fi / emi > g said he felt very much pleasure in having again the opportunity ot addressing Ms old and respected fellow-to"wnsmen , among whom , for some years , he bad enjoyed very considerable happiness . And he thought it "was due to himself that he should state this at tke outset , inasmuch as in the course of the remarks be should have to make , he should have to notice the allegation that be had nothing to do 'with Leeds , er the West Riding , or with the factory system . That , however , was only one of the facts asserted by the Whig press ; and it was generally found that -when the Whigs professed to give facts , those facts turned out to be mere fictions . ( Hear 4 He was called upon to give a stitement of the reception , which , the deputation had mst with , and the general tenor of their

      internews with the Ministers . Mr . Hobson had already stated that the deputation from Leeds , on proceeding to London , was jeined by depntdes from other West Ridirg Committees . A meeting took place , and a genera ; plan of proeednre was laid down ; and , as it was thought advisable , in order to save time , and in order to produce the clearest impression upon the minds of those Ministers with whom it might be proper te seek interviews , that one person should be appointed to speak in the name of the deputation , the others giving such assistance by way of remark . i * caroiwration as they might think right , he had the honour to be selected by bis colleagues to be the person to perform that duty . Previous , however , to -waiting upon Sir Robert Peel , they were told that a

      visit to the senior Member for the Borongb of Leeds would not be unacceptable . They accordingly waited upon Mr . Wm . Beckett ; and as he had up to that time known netting 'whatever of the appointment of the deputation , or of their being in London , they took the opportunity of explaining to him all their views . They kad a very kind and flattering reception &t bis h&a $ s . and he very generonsly offered that if be could be of any service to them in any wsy whatever , by accompanying tbesa to the Ministers , or otherwise , he should be Tery happy to do so But as the deputation were desirous of steering clear of every thing like party ; as ; tfeey -sreie desirous of keeping tke measures they -were sent to recommend clear from anything like tbe imputation of party measures , they

      declined the offer when it was first made , and stated to him as a reason , that they did " not wirh that wbat they recommended should be considered eitha a Tory , Whig , or Radical measure , but a measare affecting a large portion of the troriing classes , and recommended by justice and humanity . { Hear . ) Sir Robert Peel received them courteously and cautiously . When they had opened the business , and stated the nature of the enactments which they bad proposed , Sir R Peel met them repeatedly by stating several practical objactions . These they endeavoured to meet , and for some time they conversed on the subjeet of the Ten Hours * Bill From that Sir R . Peel led thorn , by a broad and general question , to the consideration of the Btite of the nation ; it was evident

      that he was desirous of hearing , through them , the opinion of the ¦ working men of Yorkshire upon that subject . The deputation , therefore , took advantage of the optning thus afforded them , and freely and without restive told him theit opinions upon tne subject . They spake not merely of the extent of the distress , but stated tneir opinions of the causes of the distress , and of the mode by which it might be satisfactorily and permaBently removed . Te all their opinions and statements Sir R Peel gave a courteous , and he might almost say , a kindly bearing ; and he ( Mr . Fleming ) could assure the meeting that he felt very considerably impressed with the importance of the position they that day occupied . For tbe first time , perhaps , in the history of this country ,

      bad tae working classes an opportunity afforded them of speaking boldly and conscientiously to the Prime Minister of the country upon questions deeply affecting their interests . ( Hear , and cheers . ) Under former Governments ( be would not say what description of Governments they w-. re . ) it was custo-Hiary to seek for ir-formation at second-hand as it were . Commissioners were sent out to gather information , dear C-jin . mission . erB they 'were , and they were seut out generally speaking to get up eases ; the information was generally one-sided , filtered and strained through p&rticu ' ar channels to suit the purposes of tbe day , and on tSat information , so obtained , some of the most obnoxious and disgraceful laws to be founl in the statute book bad been passed- ( Loud cheers . ) Bnt on that

      day it was different ; the virtual ruler of this country and the working classes came together . Tbe one was desirous of knowing what tbe working men jhonght and the working men were desirous that he should fenow really and truly what tiiey did think . In thai spirit they spoke , and in that spirit it was received . "WhelBer Sir R- Peel possesses the moral courage to set bhnself above the conventional and party influences by which , as an individual , he is snrrounded , and whether or not , be will dare to act upon what he { Mr . Fleming ) J » iifcved to be his own convictions of the cause of the evils which affected this country , or of the means of remedying them , he knew Dot ; bnt of this he was BatisBed , —perfectly satisfied , that he did know where the shoe pinched ; that he did know where the evil lay ;

      and that was a first step towards having a sound and efficient remedy . tChefcrs . ) In the course ' of that interview , he presented to Sir B » Peel the report of the Enumeration Committee appointed by tbe operatives of Leeds , and stated to him that the general result of that inquiry -was , tbat nearly 20 , 000 people were living upon elevenpence farthing or elevenpence halfpenny per week . He took it with an air of deep commisseration , and he said . I am grieved to say that I have already seen that document . I sympathise with the distress , and I feel that something must be done , and speedily , to remove it ( Hear and cheers . ) Upon the whole , he would say , differing as he and all the members of the deputation do , from Sir Robert Peel and her Majesty ' s ministers , that a more attentive and patient hearing could not

      bave been accorded than that which they received from ftim and his colleagnes . Mr . Fleming then went on to relate succinctly the most prominent points in their interview with Sir James Graham , Lord Wharncliffe , Mr . Gladstone , the Duke of Buckingham , the Lord Chancellor , aud Lord Stanley . The Dake of Buckingham , ha described as a fine , frank , John "Bull sort of personage , without any shilly-shally or tergiversation about him , but a straight-forward ' nobleman , who said all that he thought , told them duiing their interview that upon a Ten Hours * Bill he was with them entirely , and that whether in office or out of office , they might depend upon his services . ( Loud cheers . ) "And , " added Mb Lordship , "I dont think I can do better in this case * b * v act with your friend and ay friend , Lord Ashley , your well-tried Parliamentary leader on the question . " In this plain unvarnished statement of their several interviews , he ( Mr . F ^ had rather under-stated ffrun over-stated the circumstances ,

      because he did not wish to hold out false expectations , or to excite hopes that were not likely to be realised ; but , at the same time , it was but doing justice to those parties who thus received them , who thus listened to thtir st&temsata , and who expressed themselves as sympathising with them , that they shonld state thus mnch . By their future actions the meeting would judge whether the sentiments or views that had been expressed were likely to be attended to or theii wishes carried out . The deputation bad taken the liberty of recommending , in addition to the enactment of a Tea Hours' Bill , » total Repeal of the Poor Law Amendment Act , or , soch an alteration of it as would make it suitable to the manufacturing districts , in which they told him that law was inoperative , and that they defied say Government ever to put it in operation there . They also recommended that a committee of moderate men of all parties in the House of Commons should be appointed at the commencement of the ensuing Session of Parliament to inquire into the operation of machinery

      Untitled Article

      _^ nthe _ condition of the working classes , since 1815 , with a view of settling the question in a broad , comprehensive , and liberal spirit ; and they recommended to ministers tvptan . for borne colonization , by which nnemployed men and unemployed capital might be employed for the benefit of the capitalist , landlord , and labourer . Those measures were all founded on one principle . The ten hours' bill was tbe principle on which they hung ; and if they were right in demanding that , they were right in demanding &U the others ; for they must go on , not in extending their foreign trade , bnt t ? take measures for the promotion of a good sound substantial home trade , ( Hear . ) Immediately after the labours of the deputation were closed , tbe deputation resolved that a report should be prepared ; they

      appointed him to draw up a rough draft of the report , and he did so . Having other avocations to attend to , it took hi * n some time ; but when it was completed it was sent to all the other members , that they might supply deficiencies and make corrections where neeeceasary , and then it was sent to be fairly copied out The deputation were anxious that the report thus prepared abenld not be pnblished until shortly before the meeting of Parliament , that it might produce a greater effect upon the country and upon Parliament That was the answer he bad to give to the question . " Why had the report been so long delayed ? " it was delayed that it might be accurate , and efiective for the purpose for -which i ; vras intended ; and it had been effective ; it had , in consequence of originally coming eut in the first Jonrnal in Europe secured a larger circulation than any modern document he kaew of ; and , while' it had

      been hailed by one portion of the press—while the Ministerial press had given it a hearty reception , speaking of it in a manly and candid spirit—by the capitalist portion of the press how had it been received ? They had touched it as gingerly as if it had been a red hot poker ! They had not dared to grapple with the principles it developed , but they treated it as every other person had treated such questions , when they had no arguments to offer—namely , the old style of BilliDgBgate , and called the deputation nick-names—a proof that they had nothing better to offer . They had been most remarkably industrious in making inquiries who and what the deputation were , and they had found out that ( Mr . Fleming ) was an ex-editor , and an ex-journeyman plumber , which be never was in his life ; and that he lived in London . But if it was all true , what did it matter ? And if it was also true tbat Joshua Hobson

      was publisher of the Northern Star , what did that matter ? Or if it was quite true that Mark Crabtree was a beer-seller , ( which he was not)—if the facts were true , supposing that the devil himself bad said them , it did not alter tbe principle one jot ( Cheers . ) And if they were not true , the deputation called upon those who challenged them to prove their untruth . ( Loud cheers . ) And they would have a t » ugher job than they were aware of when they undertook to do that These men act upon tbe principle which the Quaker adopted towards his &og ; he said I will not kill thee , but give tbee a bad name . He then cried oat " bad dog , bad dog , " upon which the people came with sticks and staves , and killed the dog outright So it was with our old friend Dr . Black , of the Morning Chronicle , and

      the Editor of the Sun , who had called out , not mad dog , but Socialist , Chartist , &c . in tbe hope of raising a dust through which their friends might escape-, but they ( the deputation ) would take care they should not ( Cheers . ) It bad been objected to him that ha had nothing to do with the factory system , and that if he bad been a factory worker , he might have had something to say upon the subject Now be bad resided four years in Manchester , and had bad mach to do with the Short Time Committee , in watching the progress of factory legislation ; after that he was a year and a half in Birmingham , where he anxiously watched the progress of another branch of the staple trade af the country ; after that he was two years and a half in Leeds , and they would all know wbat opportunities of observation he had badhere . Since that time he had visited all the

      grest scenes of British industry , namely Leicester , Nottingham , Shtffield , Glasgow , Paisley , Dundee , and other places . Indeed there was not a manufacturing town in the country , ner a department of manufacturing industry , that he had not made it his business to inquire into , -with resptct to the nature , extent , scope , and result of the present ¦ working of the system . And is not a man who had made it his business t ¦ - : get information in every part of the country , who has been all his life a working man , and who has been all his life identified with working men , and who has , particularly for the last twelve . years , been working with and for working men , much more likely to know the interests of -working men than those paltry and anonymous scribblers who presumed to ask what he had to do with the business ?

      ( Cheers . ) But let taem mark what that objection came to . If the factory woikers alone were entitled to speak on this subject , they alone could legislate on thiB subject ! Was the landlord , or those who live upon fixed incomes , or the lawyer , or the seldier , competer . t to speak on this qusstion * yet these composed the bulk of tbe bouses of Legislature . And , he would ask , how could they judge of the ciaims of the factory workers ? had they even the experience that he hail Did they not observe ¦ what a levelling principle that involved ; it was like saying that every class should legislate for itself , as they know their own intertst best Again , it had been objected that he was a Socialist The Short Time committees were in existence before the name of Socialist was known : tbe Short Time

      Committees were in existence before the great Reform Bill humbug was introduced ; they had cow teen in existence for twelve or thirteen years ; and they had been composed of men of all parties in politics and of all sects in religion , who had made this the neutral or common ground upon whieh they could come and shake bands , having an eye only to the common rights of humanity and of their fellow-men . That was the principle on which they had alona acted . Oastler , tbe high Tory , and Stephens , the low Whig , or the low Radical , if they liked it better , the lamented Sadler , with Lord Ashley , and ethers whom he could name—Fieiden , the Radical , and Hindley , the Whig , had all co-operated in this great measure . ( Cheers . ) That answered at once

      tha filly cry oi Socialist or Chaitist It was no Socialist measure ; it was no Chartist Hieasnre ; it was neither a Whig nor Tory measure , nor was it advocated exclusively by either Churchman or Dissenter ; it was a measure affecting the peace and the happiness—nay , the very lives of thousands of their fellow working men . ( Great cheering . ) At tbe time when it waa fashionable to profess a great deal of philanthropy and a benevolent feeling towards persons who were thousands of miles distant , at tke same time that they were , oblivious of the sufferings of those immediately under their nose—at the time when their attention was waolly absorbed by the negroes and their piccaninnies , when all parties were auxioms for their liberation , and came forward and aerewd to give £ 20 , 000 , 000 for

      their emancipation : at that time men of all parlies and all creeds had been pressed into the service ; and no one thought of objecting to the efforts of the anti-slavery advocates because they co-operated with such . And when it was stated by Lord John Russell , -while he was yet a Minister of this great empire , that the inhabitants of Bo ! ton were in a more distressed condition than the black slaves abroad , why should they not rest upon that declaration , and , sinking all minor differences , unite heart and hand to wipe away so foul a blot from the history of their country ? I Cheers . ) But he had been asked by many parties wny it was that amongst the measures which they bad proposed for the relief of the distress , they bad not suggested a repeal of the Corn Laws ? He might also be

      asked by Chartists , why he did not propose the enact ment of the People ' s Charter ? His answer was , that if he had been , sent to do either one or other of these things , he -would have kept himBelf to his business ; bnt the measures they bad proposed were not party measures , whilst the two measures of which he had last spoken were party measures , and the parties who supported them had a right to put them forward in any way they choose ; at' the same time , : it was the duty of the Short Time Committee and their representatives to follow their own course . But with respect to the repeal of the Corn Laws , and the extension of foreign commerce , it would be necessary that he should say a few words . In consequence of the Free Trade advocates having reiterated again and again their

      common fallacies , they had at last succeeded in persuading themselves that they were trne—to what extent they had persuadi d others he did not know ; but their common cry was , " We have got more cloth than we can consume , and tha foreigners have got more corn than they can eat ; by the repeal of the Corn Laws and the establishment of free trade , we should be able to exchange our cloth for their corn , and then all would be right" Bui he would ask whether the conclusion did really follow from the premises ? Th = y had get plenty of cloth at LeedB , and there was plenty of calico at Manchester ; the people of Ireland were in need of this cloth , and they seel all their agricultural produce to this country ; why , then , did not the people of Leeds send them tiieir cloth ? The

      Irish corn could come in free enough , and Yorkshire cloths could go there free enough ; why , then , were they not sent and received in exchange ? It waa because a third party interposed ; and so long as the present system continned , that party would tt ^ nd there to rapidly accumulate the millions while the people were starving . ( Cheers . ) He was determined that the question of machinery and wages should be understood , and he had engaged himself to a discussion in Liverpool and Manchester on these ytrj subjects ; and he would take tbe best man they could find in any of the manufacturing towns to disprove the principles which he should proceed to lay down , and the facts by which he should sustain them . ( Cheers . ) It had been stated that the introduction of machinery had been a

      benefit to the working people of this country ; he denied that in ioi : He could go back to the time when the people of this beautiful country , even in his own recollection , were comparatively happy , and many of those before him could recollect the time when there was less machinery , but more comfort than at present ; when the meal chest was kept filied , the loaves were plentiful , and the bouse was comfortably furnished . Tbat was the time wkenthey did not wear such finely dressed cloth as at present , but when the cloth and the men who wore it were substantial i Tbat was the time when the producing and consuming power of the country were equal , as one to one . At that time , the country possessed abeat twelve millions of mechanical and three millions of mann ^ i power ; bat now they had increased the mechanical power from twelve to twelve hundred millions . He could tell the time when they

      Untitled Article

      had one wheel and one thread upon that wheel ; when one yarn was spun upon one spindle , aa the old ladies do with distaffs ; but now we have the improved jenny and tbe throstle , the double and the treble decker , an " they could spin 3200 threads at once , all that was wanted being a bit of iron , a bit of coal , and a drop of water , and then they could go on . He recollected the time when children were kept at home to play and run about as children ought to do ; bat now they were sent to the factory In very early life , and were compelled to traverse behind the frames perhaps forty miles a day , whilst their parents were lingering oat a miserable time for want of employment Indeed they had made a pretty job of " merrie England" since they got these new powers . Time was when a working man

      supported his wife and family , and thought it an honour to do so ; but bow the wife and child were forced to tbe mill to labour for the support of the father , whom the machines had almost snperceded . Civilization bad become inverted . They had often heard of the Indian chief smoking his pipe while the woman did all tke work ; but now the same thing had come to pass in England , for the wife and child were compelled to work , while the husband and father was compelled to walk idly through the streets . In those days there were no railways and but few canals ; and they had to bleach and dye by natural processes , and yet the world went jogging on comfortably ; but now the whole system was changed , and by no means for the better . But it bad

      been asked , as there had been all this increase of wealth , why were the people so ill off . Alderman Brooks said at Manchester the ether day , that it was because tbe base , bloody , and brutal landlords got it all ; bnt he would naintain tbat those base , bloody , aud brutal men did not get more than three and a half per cent , and he would ask if any of the manufacturers bad been content with three and a half per cent ? It so , where did they get the millions tbeynow bad ? [ Here some interruption was manifested from a distant part of tbe room ; which was promptly checked by the Chairman . ] It was commonly said that the supply and tbe demand regulated the price ; and so they did generally ; but there were two kinds of supply and demand . There was the artificial demand and tho

      natural demand , tbe artificial supply and the natural supply ; and it was because they bad the artificial rather than the natural demand and supply , that this state of thicgB was induced , and that the distress of the working classes bad grown with tbe increasing wealth of the manufacturers . The bankers , too , made money dear or scarce , or cheap and plentiful , as best suited their interests . It was these men who stood between society and its natural wants , and who interfered with the natural supply of those wants . But it was said that the Corn Laws very materially tended to increase the evil ; he however must be allowed . to say that be very mnch doubted this position . That was a law passed apparently for the benefit of one class of the community at tbe expense of another class of the

      community ; therefore he condemned it ; but whilst condemning tbat they mast remember there were many others passed in like manner . He believed it produced some ill efiVcts , iut tbat it bad reduced wages be did not believe . If the Corn Laws bad been the cause of the reduction of wages , there could have been no reduction of wages till the Corn Law was passed in 1815 , because the cause coald not act until it was in existence : yet how stood the fact ? He bad before him a table relating to tbe city of Carlisle , which showed that in 1805 a hand-loom weaver got 30 s . per cut for his labour , but in 1815 , only ten years afterwards , things bad so much changed that the weaver got only fifteen shillings for the same description of work . That was before tbe Corn LawB were enacted , yet tbe reduction

      amounted to fifiy per cent What had been the reduction since ? In the twenty-five years that bad elapsed since the Corn Laws were enacted , the reduction bad been only sixty per cent ; so that if they were to reason very logically they would say that the Corn Laws bad stopped the downward tendency ; for , if tbe reduction had gone on at the same rate as it Hid from 1805 to 1816 , it would have amounted to 175 per cent ; whereas it did in fact emount to only 110 per cent . This was rather remarkable ; because the same influences which operated to reduce wages before 1815 , continued at work , and bad been extended since that time ; but he would leave those gentlemen who said so much about the Corn Laws reducing wages to deal with tbat fact as they best could . iHear , hear . ) They bad also heard much

      about foreign competition pulling down wages ; but be regretted to say tbat it was not foreign competition , but home competition , which had produced so much mischief ... Mr . Fleming illustrated this by reference to a case in which goods bad been fraud en tly shipped to a foreign market , at prices greatly below those at which they had been purchased in Manchester , which compeltd other houses , if they competed with them at all , to reduce the price of their goods in proportion , which could only be done by enlarging machinery and lowering wanes , while the original trickster having exhausted his means , became bankrupt , in a large amount of debt , not one shilling of which was realised . The last topic to which Mr . Fleming addressed himself was the home colonization scheme which had been recommended to the attention of Government He

      maintained that there was sufficient land in the UniteJ Empire , if properly cultivated , to afford sustentation to one hundred millions of persons . The Morninu Chronicle bad been very wroth with the deputation for recommending borne colonization , and tbe Editor , in speaking of it , ba 4 said that be did not think he was called upon to discuss so " anarchlal a measure . " But be thought that Dr . Black when he applied that term , must have got a . new dictionary ; the object of home colonization was the increase of property , increase of happiness , general eiijoyment , and general contentment ; but anarchy , according to his ( Mr . F . ' s ) old-fashioned notion of its meaning , indicated tbe very reverse of < vll this . In conclusion , he read from the Morning Chronicle , a review of Mr . Laing ' s recent work entitled " Notes of a Traveller" which gave a very interesting description of the advanced state of agriculture in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany , where the farms occupied by the agriculturist were small but numerous . Mr . Fleming resumed his seat amidst great cheering .

      Mt . Wm . Hick then came forward and said , the pleasing duty devolved upon him of proposing a resolution which ho trusted , after the statement they had j ; ist heard , would be most cordially received . He had the honour to be one who had assisted to send the deputation to London . —he had the honour to be one of those who had been instrumental in sending their friends Mr . Fleming and Mr . Hobson to lay before the ministers their opinions oa the great question of factory regulation , and what he wanted them to do was to tall him whether in . so doing he had their concurrence and their sanction . ( Hear . ) He was not going to speak at any length , all he wanted them to say was , whether , when he voted for them he did right or wrong ; acd by way of testing this he would , without further preface read his resolution . —The resolution was

      " That the conduct of the Short Time Committeea . of the West-Kiding of Yorkshire , and the valuabie l abours of the deputation , sent by them to confer with Miniaters respecting a Ten Hours' Bill , and other measures calculated to benefit the working classes , meet with tbe cordial approbation of this meeting , and in its opinion entitle these parties to the gratitude and best thanks of the working men of England , and of tbe town of Leeds in particular . The clear , truthful , aud eluqaent statements they have been the means of laying before the most influential members of the Government , * respecting tbe condition of the infantile and

      adult manufacturing operatives of this and other districts , and the general and deep attention which tbe report of the deputation has excited among all classes of the population , cannot fail to be of essential seivice to the cause of which they have been the able and disinterested advocates . Tlie remedial measures which the deputation proposed for the consideration of Ministers , are , in the opinion of this meeting , based upon principles which , if fairly carried into practice , weuld speedily place the werking classes in the situation they ougbt to occupy , while a contrary course cannot fail to ult imately injure all parties . "

      Mr . RojEBtON , said , before seconding the resolution , he would , with the permission of the meeting , give a statement of the formation of the first short time committee in Leeds , and how it was formed . He vras at that time working as a cloth dresser , and it was at the time when Sir John Cam Hobkouse introduced into Parliament a bill for the regulation of factory labour . The provisions of the proposed bill were printed in tho Leeds Mercury at the time , and on looking it over the oloth dressers found there was no provision in the bill for them . This led them to debate upon the subject , and a desire being expressed that some rotice of them should be taken hi the bill , thev consulted Mr . Baines upon the subject .

      who advited them to write to Sir John Cam Hobhouse . This also they did , and that gentleman wrote them in reply , inclosing a copy of his bill , and requesting them to call together deputies from all the ghops , and to form a committee for the purpose of obtaining all the information they could on the subject of factory labour generally which they were to transmit to him . ( Hear , hear ) . These delegates did assemble , and that committee wa 3 chosen , and thus sprang into existence the first short time committee in Leeds , now twelve or thirteen years ago ; since that time Leeds had never been without such committee , and he would leave it for them to say whether or not that committee had watched over the interests of those whom , they were appointed to sftrve . With these observations , ho had much

      pleasure in seconding the resolution . . The Chairman -mis about to put the resolution , when Mr . Thos . Jokes , from the body of the meeting , said he had an amendment to propose . He was invited forward to the platform , and then said tbat he differed entirely from what had fallen from Mr . Fleming ; that gentleman had spoken to their passions , he would endeavour to speak to their reason ; but in so doing he hoped his errors would be pardoned , for he was not accustomed to pnblfc speaking , and was ill prepared to foUow so able a speaker aa Mr . Fleming , to whose address he had certainly listened with a great deal of pleasure . Mr . Fleming said the short time committee had agreed that the deputation were not to introduce the question of the Charter or the Corn Laws , in their interviews with ministers , because they were questions of party politics : but he would ask . were they instructed to

      Untitled Article

      introduce the question of Home Colonization ?—AndJf they could introduce that- why not Introduce the Charter . ( Hear . ) Why did they not go to the root of the evil at once , instead of lopping off a fevr useless branches . The speaker then combatted the statement which had been made , that all the Whig papers were against them , when there was the Sun which Was the only paper to be found which would report the ^ proceedings of the late Convention in London . ( Hear . ) He appealed to the Chairman if tbis was not the fact . The Chairman . Aye : but ihe Sunwmld not do that until iti was paid for it . Mr . Jones . Did any other paper refuse it on the same condition ! * i

      The Chairman . I believe no other Was ever asked . Mr . Jones resumed . —When he came into the roonv he had listened for some time with great delight to the excellent and interesting address of u ? m £ ' and t fto firsvtimO in his life , in an assembly of working men , he had heard a cheer given for the Dukepf Buckingham ; anobieman who had stated in his place in the House of Lords , that nine shillings per week was enough for . any labouring man to live upon and to maintain his family . That was the individual whom the deputa tionhad thought proper to soft sokp . ( Interruption and cries of question . ) He did not consider that Mr . Fleming had spoken reasonably at ' jalii but had wandered far from the question , and had even

      introduced the acoidents on railways , when it was a fact that there were far more lives lost under the old system of travelling , according to the number of passengers , than there waa by the railroads ; ( Question , question . ) He would , then , state the grounds on which he had brought forward his ramendment . He did so because he was in favour of universal liberty , aad of having all fair and open above ground . ( Hear . ) If these parties went to London to speak in favour of the working classes , why did they not receive their instructions from the Working cltsses—from those whom they : say they weut to speak for I ( Hear . ) He was convinced that had they received their instructions from the people whom they said ihey represented , they would have had a different errand ; for working men would not

      allow their leader * any l onger to drag them through the bogs and quicksands of poverty and faction . ( Hear . ) Much had been said about thei '' .-factory workers- In America , the factory girl was more respected than the servant girl . ( A voice-- " Are they so here ?") No ; and for this reason . There the laws are altogether different ; because tl-ere the people legislate for themselves ; whilst in this country they are legislated for by others . The faetory girls , therefore , are respected and respectable , and by their earnings keep themselves , and in some instances their parents , in comfort and ease . The speaker entered into a variety of other statements not altogether bearing upon the subject before the meeting , but , nevertheless , he v ? as patiently heard . He concluded by proposing aa an amendment : —

      " That this meeting baying beard the statement made by Mr . Fleming on behalf of the deputation , w } io waited upon the Ministers on the subject of the Ten Hours' question , and having duly considered the same , are of opinion that the deputation not having been appointed by the people iu public meeting assembled , and consequently not knowing the subjects , the importance of which the people would wish to press upon the attention of her Majesty ' s Ministers , that the deputation cannot be considered as expressing the views of the working classes ; and , therefore , the meeting is of opinion that no countenance should be . given to that deputation , and that rather they are entitled to censure for not having pressed the subject of the People ' s Charter upon the Ministers . "

      Mr . Wm . Hartley , auctioneer , ( not a working man , ) seconded the amendment . He spoke atnid great interruption , the entire of his argument being that the manufacturers were the workmen ' s best friends , and that the effect of a Ten Hours Bill would bo to drive them from the country , and then the landlords would be able to compel the pperatives to work any number of hours for what they pleased to give them , without a chance of mending their condition . He contended strenuously in behalf of the manufacturers , and depreciated m proportion the landed interest . He concluded by the expression of a hope that the meeting would not support the original resolution , but that they would affirm , by a large majority , the amendment which he had the pleasure to second . Mr . Fleming claimed a right to reply , and he Was about to proceed when

      Mr . Wm . Brooke said he had another amendment which he . wished to propose before the question was put . - . '; . - . ' ;; :. : ' ' ¦' ¦ ¦" . >; . ' .. ¦¦; - ' : : - , ; . ¦ " •; ¦ . The Chairman stated the rule to be that an amendment having been proposed and seconded , that must be put to the meeting before another could be proposed . If the amendment was carried , there would , of course , be an end to the matter ; if it was negatived , then would be the time to propose another . " ¦ ' : ' ¦ ' ' . '¦ ¦ :. - . ' ¦ - ¦ , ' ¦ -. ' ¦ ¦ ¦ . . - . ¦ ¦¦ . - ¦' . ; Mr . Fleming , therefore , replied to the remarks of Mr . Jones aria Mr . Hartley , and during his speech , Mr . Brooke , at the suggestion of Mr . Hick , appended his amendment to the original motion . The Chairhan , before putting the amendment , read it over , and announced that Mr . Brooke had introduced his amendment , and appended it to the original resolution . He read it as follows : —

      " But this meeting is further of opinion , these principles and privileges can never be safely enjoyed , except under the legislative powers , which can only be obtained by the enactment of the People ' s Charter . " The Chairman also inquired of the mover and seconder of the amendment , if , after that course had been adopted by the parties moving the original resolution , they should still continue to press their amendment . They said that . their object in moving it had been to secure mention of the Charter agitation : if that was thoir object , how it was obtained by the consent of all parties : '•'; therefore , he supposed , as a matter of course , that they would consider the amendment needless , unless their real object was , by a quirk , to censure the Short Time Committee and the deputation ; He was wishful , before putting the matter to the vote , that the meeting should fairly understand the object and scope of each proposition before them .

      Mr . JoNiES would not Withdraw the amendment . . . /¦ ¦ ¦'¦ . ¦ . ' ¦ .- .: ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦'¦ The Chairman said the motives of Mr . Jones would be properly-understood" and appreciated by the meeting . ' With-that ' -observation" he would put the two propositions to them . A show of hands were then taken amidst the most deafeiiing applause from the ^ ast maiprity who held up their hands for the vote of thanks to the deputation and the Leeds Short Time Committee . The Chairman said he had no doubt whatever of the result ; . -but ; that there might be no mistake , he would put the propositions over ajrain . He did bo , and there did not appear twenty hands for tho amendment ; while the resolution was adopted by a loud and universal shout of approbation . . It was declared to be carried by anover whelming majority , which again called forth loud and hearty expressions of joy . v ¦ . ¦ . - ¦' . ' ¦¦ . .. .

      The Chairman then addressed the meeting at considerable length , to the effect that the - ( object of the Short Time Committee in calling that meeting was to afford the Working men ' of Leeds an opportunity of speaking right out on this question , and to say whether or no they approved of the labours of the Short Time Committee arid tho deputation they had sent to Ministers . That opportunity they had had . He had given every facility for the expression of dissent . He had allowed a gentleman auctioneerone who was not a working man , and who , therefore , strictly speaking , had no business at the meeting at all ; he had allowed that gentleman to second the amendment . He had also allowed the mover of the

      amendment to reply to the reply made to his speech in moving that amendment , —a procedure totally out of order ; in fact , every facility possible had been given the parties present to express their opinion pro or con . That Opinion they had expressed , in a manner at once decisive and satisfactory , to the Short Time Committee . In the name of the Committee he thanked them for the sanction they had given to the proceedings of the Committee and the deputation . It furnished a complete answer to that portion of the press who represented that the deputation had not spoken the feelings of the working classes of Leeds . With their permission , he would notice some few other Whig statements , for the purpose of giving them a flat contradiction , and thus set the deputation right

      with the public . As Mr . Fleming had said , the Whig press , finding itself unable to refute the statements , or upset ' the arguments of the deputation , had resorted to the most paltry personalities , and had , bully-like , put the question to each member of the deputation ^— " And who the d-r— -1 ai-e you V One thing the meeting would also note . While they had been commenting day after day upon the "Report , " and characterising it by all manner of "fine" names , they had taken care oarefully to exclude it from their columns ! They had taken care not to let their readers know what it was they Were talking about , and commenting on . Did this arise from a lovei of truth ? or from a fear of the truth I Every man ' s own sense would supply the answer . This portion of the press , too , had employed themselves in giving answers to the elegant question they had put , 'VWho are you" ? but they

      had been singularly unfortunate . They had repre ^ Bented Mr . Fleming as an ex-journeyman plumber , and Editor of Mr . Owen ' s New Moral World , He happened to be neither one nor the other ! They had represented himself to bo Mr . Fleming ' s Leeds publisher . He happened to be no such thing . They had represented Mr . John Leech as an ex-member of what they called Mr . O'Connor ' s Convention , and as having been on speaking terms with the late Attorney General . It happened that both these assertions were false . John Leech never was a member of any Convention ; nor had he ever the honour of an introdnction to the late Attorney-General in any shape . Mark Crabtree had been described as a beer-seller . He happened to be no such thing ; and while the Whig press had thus employed itself , in reference to the members of the deputation , insteai of refuting their statements if they were

      Untitled Article

      erroneous , it had also endeavoured to defame other parties who had had no hand or part in the getting of- it upv other than as set forth in the * Report . " Mr . Beckett , the Member for Leeds , had bean charged as the getter-up of the farce , aa these papers chose to call the proceedings of the deputation . Mr . Beckett had no more to do with it than Mr . Baines , of Leeds , had . The deputation had been appointed by the Short Time Committees of Yorkshire , They Lad met in London to perform the duties imposed upon them . Amongst other parties , they called upon Mr . Beckett . They acquainted him with the object of their mission . With that frankness and honesty -which the meeting all knew Mr . Beckett to possess ; he expressed himself

      delighted at the step the Short Time Committees were taking . He said that he had himself , endear voured to force upon the attention of those in power the condition of the working people generally , and the necessity of something being speedily done to better that condition . What , that something was to be , he did not pretend to say ; but the method which the Short Time ; Committees Were now taking , was one admirably calculated to lead to a good understanding between all parties , and result in some Well-digested plan Of relief . It was right-that the government should learn from the lips of working meii themselveswhat their condition and wants were ; and it was right that the working people should , of

      themselves , Jearn what the position of the governors really was . If Icanbeofany 8 frvice , C 0 ! . tinuedMr . Beckett , to you in any Way Whatever , command my services . I ain wishful to do all I can to get the situation of the working people known , so that steps inay be taken to devise a remedy . On Saturday , I placed in the . hands of Sir James Graham , the report of the Leeds Operatives' Enumeration Committee ; and I have reason to believe that that document has told a tale . Your following up that report with your own knowledge cannot fail to be productive of good . Su « h were the offers , and such were the observations of Mr . Beckett to the deputation When they waited Upon him . In some instances the deputation had availed themselves of Mr * Beckett offers

      of service ; in others they had declined . Ah ! but then : say the Whigs , "Mr . Beckett paid yoa ; ' * and "he gave you thirty shilling * a-week . " Did he , indeed ! If Mr . Beckett had paid us , 1 will be bou tid h « would not have-had the meanness to offer sach a paltry sum as thirty shillings perl Week for such services ! That is the whig price ; and none but a mind that has been accustomed to screw down wages to the lowest possible point , could ever have thought of offering such a paltry pay . * Fon my word , but these Whigs must have a strange notion of Mr , Beckett and the deputation , to think the one capable of offering , and the other mean-spirited enough to accept such a price . For my self , I can truly say ; . that I rate myself much higher ; as

      being worth much more than thirty shillings per week ! and when I sell myself either to Tories or Whigs , I must have much more than that . That sum , thirty shillings per week , is all the screwers of the anti ^ Corn Law League can afford for the few despicable tools they hav < i been able to hire , the Finnigans and the Warrens J and , forsooth j they think that every gentleman in the country is as inean and grovelling as themselves , and every working man as base-minded and despicably-spirited as the hired tools of the slaughter-house koepers . No , no . : When the members of the deputation hire themselves , they will have more than 303 . per week ; and they Will be sure that the man who dares to offer them such a price is a screwer . But , then .

      were hot the deputation paid ? In troth , they were ! The expences of the deputation were borne by the Central Committee in London . M What ! out of Tory money ? " No , put of Whig money ! The Whig MP . for Ashton—the Corn-LaW-repealing Charles Hiiidley subscribed £ 50 ; and out of that were the expences of the deputation borne ! " What ! then did noc Mr . Beckett pay you at all ? " Not a stiver ! Mr . Beckett has not even yet been asked for a subscription towards the expences of the Leeds Committee . But , working men , suppose that all these allegations had been true ; suppose Mr . Fleming , myself , and Mark Crabtrce , had been what the Whig press have described us to be } suppose that Mr . 'Titua Brooke had been " illustriously obscure : " '

      but , which he does not happen to be in his own town , DeW 8 bury , where he is better and more generally known than any man in it ; suppose all this had been the case , and that Mr . Beckett had paid us the Whig price , thirty shillings per Week ; suppose all this ; pray Mr » Chronicle what has this to do with the question 1 v Are men ' s creods and opinions to be measured by the Whig standard before the Working peopl e are at liberty to depute them to do tho Working people's work Ms it necessarythat the operatives must ask Mr . Cotton Twist what shall be the occupation of those to whom they are to accord their conndonct ? Has " liberality "" come to tliis pass ? Really , we are getting on ! What are the facts of the case ! The Short Time Committees of Yorkshire chose us to do

      their business . Th ^ y told what they wanted doing ; and they said we have every confidenceJn you ; go and do it . We went . We did bur Work . Wesatisfiedjamply satisfied , those who sent us . We have received an almost unanimous approval from this immense assemblage of working men . Who else has any riphl to call us to account ?? To be sure , there are our statements , and our recommendations ; and there are the arguments we advance in support of those recommendations . These are public property . These have a right to be commented on , examined ^ knocked down , if they can be . Let the Whig press then try to do that ! Let : it confine itself to its legitimate duty . If we are hi error , show us it . If we have stated

      falsely , point it out . It the recommendations we made are not good in themselves or are not worthy of being listened to , point out the evil—show their anworthiness . If our arguments are unsound , fallacious , prove them so . This is _ your duty , Messieurs the Editors of the Whig press . Confine yourselves to it . Perform your own duty before you find fault with ours . Meet us fairly , and don ' t carp about the length of our coal-tails or the description of buttons we wear upon our vests . We stand upon the right of demanding that you take us for what we represented ourselves to be . We were deputies from the Short Time Committees of Yorkshire . As such we acted . Enough for us

      that , those bodies accorded us their confidence . Enough for us thai those who delegated us are satisfied that that confidence Was not abused . Enough , for us that you have thanked us for our labours . On these things we take pur stand .- This is our position , and the Whig press ¦ will fail in dislodgiug us from it , by any attempt to make the ftroudd of . quarrel a personal bickering . When the Chairman had concluded , a vote of thauks to him for his conduct in the chair , and a collection to defray the evening ' s expeEces , terminated the business . The immense assemblage immediately dispersed ; and thus concluded one of the most spirited , most numerous , and best conducted public meetings ever held in LeedB .

      Untitled Article

      WAYS AND MEANS FOR THE ADVANCE

      MENT OF THE CAUSE . 'Nothing Is more clear than that for the effectual advancement and establishment of any project , a sufficiency of proper means must be provided . The means of carrying on any efficient agitation in the present state of society are talent , honestyj and money ; the last being necessary for the right application and development of the two former requisites . The anti-Corn Law and Extension of Commerce faction have money in abundance at their command . They have ho lack of the necessary means for hiring splendid rooms , specious orators , and venal editors , and of bringing these into requisition whenever and wherever a chance ^ of succes 3 may be discerned . They have also , as an usual attendant upon wealth ,

      a considerable ainoun t of talent at command . Talan t is not always associated with honesty ; here is always enough of it ready for prostitution to ensure workmen for the wealthy , however discreditable be the labour . They have these two requisites for successful agitation in abundance , yet their agitation is unsuccessful because they are so utterly destitute of the first and most essential one as to be incapable of even a successful imitation of it . The cheat is seen through , and the people laugh at it . In the Chartist agitation , on the contrary ^ there ig honesty in every principle to be contended for ; there is enough of talent in their advocates to make that honesty apparent to every , eren the most astute mind : and hence the wide spreading of the

      principles of Chartism , maugre all the storms of persecution and all the disadvantages of poverty . Still , kowever . it is necessary that money should be raised . Lecturers cannot be supported , and a proper organisation and due understanding with each other kept up without it . The modus operandi , therefore , by which money is to be raised tor all the expensive purposes of our agitation is an important subject ; and deserves well cousidering . The cursed rule oi faction has dried up the sources of the poor man ' s wealth . It has robbed him of the ordinary comforts of his life , and it is to regain these that our agitation is intended . We 6 hut not our eyes , therefore , to the apparent hardship of attaining this by the sacrifice of a yet further portion in the way of direct contribution

      We know the patriotism of the people generally ; we know their enlightened sense of these matters ; we know that they would—nay , that they Will and do—cheerfully tax themselves for this object to the extreme of their capability . ; but we know also enough of their condition to make us feel anxious that this taxing should be made as light as possible . Every means of raising funds for the Executive , whioh does not involve direct contribution from the people , must have one of two effects . It Will either lessen the amount of those contributions , or it will extend the usefulness of . ' thaii body . Both thddeare desirable , and the more fully both of them , can be attained the better . We have great pleasure , therefore , in submitting to the careful reading of the people the following observations from a correspondent , who signs ** C . J . M . Thorpe . " They are worthy of attention : —

      Untitled Article

      - >• In every project yet entered into for placing " the working manin his proper station in society , two essential point * necessary to bo obtained have never yet been attempted : rr- ' " ' . " . -, ' - 'V ' . - : ''¦' ¦'¦ ¦¦ . : ¦ ' - / - \ - ' \ :. . ' .-. "¦ ¦ ' . .- ¦ : , ¦ let . "Itisnecessary to make the cause ef his depression and consequent misery thecause of his elevation and consequent happiness . ¦ \ i . ' " 2 nd . It la necessary to consider and treat man as superior to ' man ' s productions . V . ' ; y " The principal cause of the working man ' s degradation and misery ia competition . Every means possible has been used to Induce one man to underwork others ; and all that trade societies could do has not prevented It ; it Is ; therefore , plain , if this cause can be made subservient to benefit the working man , iaatead of injuring him , he must commence rising in the scale of society ; % ' -.: ; - ' . - .. ¦'' - \ - ' . - ' - ' i -. - ';;¦ . ¦ - ¦ "'¦

      " The plan suggested and practised by Mr . Pinder may be extended to every thing used or consumed by Chartists ; and , if it were , it would turn the tide of competition directly in their favour , and furnish them with the means of carrying Chartiflrn out to ita fullest extent . -- - " '¦ ' , ' . '' ¦ : ¦ ' - ' ¦ . ¦ ¦¦ . ¦ -. " \ " ;¦ '' . . ¦ ¦• -, ' ' ¦ ' . '¦; \ '; . ' . " . : •' "" :. ; , ; . ' •¦ - . . "If , for instance , bread were purchasedof a baker willing to make the same allowance to flie Chartista as is usually made to retail shops ; that is , one half-penny each four pound loaf , it would produce about one halfpenny par day for eacb Chartist , This would be more than sufficient to pay all the expences necessary for the cause of Cnartism ; and , if the Chartists were -to make it known that they would deal with , persons on those conditions , they would soon find plenty yeryj desirous of serving them with every article for which they spend their money ; so much so , that they would obmpete with each other , in order toybbtain thsir custom , the same as Is done to obtain a oontract to supply

      any large establishment The same principle might be acted on with respect to tailors , shoemakers ,-- * c ., by employing only such as would make . an allowance to tbe society of five per cent This would tend to make members , and bind them to each « ther and the cause of Chartism , and supply them with the sinews of war , && This would also bring about the second essential , that is , make a man of more importance than what man produces , jlitberto , no man could join any society withonfc a property qualification ; it is neeesaary , in order to belong to the Chartist society , that one penny per week be paid , and thousands cannot do that But let the above plan be carried intopractice and then all can join , for the only requisite -will be , that they deal with those who make an allowance to the society . A great 0 « al more might be said , but perhaps this hint may induce those who are more competent than myself , to enlarge on the subject and display its capabilities and advantages in the most striking and convincing manner . "

      We have already given our support to the principle of these observations by commending to the notice of the people the advantage offered to them by that excellent Chartist , Pinder . To him belongs the honour of having . first promulgated this idea of making the wants and necessary consumption of the people subservient to the support of their own cause . Others , both in , the same trade , and in other trades have entitled themselves to great credit by following in his -wake . Let the system be extended as far aa possible . Let it , as Mr . Thorpe says , be established —settled as a fixed rule of practice with the Chartists body to purchase all their necessary articles of consumption of 8 uch tradesmen as , like Mr . Pinder , make

      their profits partially , at least subservient to the general cause . We Wish emphatically to place the example of Messrs . Pinder and Lhndy before the whole Whole Chartist public . The one as manafacturer gives one-twelfth part of his whole receipts to the Executive : the other ae retail agent and dealer , gives one-fourth of his whole receipts to the Executive , and one-tenth to the local funds of the cause in his own town . On that particular article it appears that enormonsi profits are realised ; especially by the retail vender . On every article which passes through the middleman ' s hands , a profit greater or less is realised . These profits have hitherto conspired to keep down the labourer ; let them be made subservient to his elevation .

      We shall be happy to afford one column , if necessary , every week to the announcement of the respective sums due to the Executive from such tradesmen , manufacturers , and shopkeepers , as thus choose to let some reasonable portion of their profits subserve the cause of liberty . , ; The mode adopted by Mr . Pindeb : is to give on © clear twelfth of his whole receipts to the Executive . He deals only Wholesale—arid that the ' public may know that he deals fairly , and does not make promises without performing them , he requires ; each agent , who sends him an orders to send off aa exact copy : to the Secretary of the Executive , who will thus be able to ke * p a check against him , and to know that the Executive are fairly dealt With ; The Executive may , by the same means , keep a check on Mr . Lundy , by noticing how much he gets from Pinder , and then , as they know the rate of profit , they know how much it sells for , and how much they should have out of it v

      This system generally established , the " exclusive dealing" of the Chartist 3 will be worth somethSng . Hitherto all efforts at exclusive dealing have failed ; partly , no doubt , not from personalmisnnderstahdings , and the want of an universal principle of attraction . Here then it is supplied . Let the baker , the butcher , the tailor , the shoemaker , the draper and general dealer , in any town , who wishes Chartist custom , bid for it fairly , and he shall have it . Butlet all who thus bid give the public a guarantee thit they bid fairly . We have now before U 3 many letters from tradesmen of all sorts , offering to devote a portion of the proceeds of their trades to the support of the Executive ; bnt offering no means to the people of ascertaining whether they do so or riot . We shall publish no 6 uch vague statements as these . When parties , evince in an indisposition to Bubject themselves to scrutiny , the inference is , that their intentions are not fair .

      Aa many persons may feel disposed to try this mode of catching custom as a mere business thing , we offer a facility to all who are so disposed—we shall devote one column weekly , if necessary , to the advertisements of all persons willing to establish themselves as Chartiat trad&amen , whether manufacturers or retailers ; and for their advertisements We , shall charge nothiug ; but the Government duty , which is eighteen pence on each one , and which must in every case be sent with the advertisement . In addition to this , we shall devote one : columnj if requisite , to the gratuitous announcement , as news , of the sums respectively due from those parties to the Executive . :

      We close these remarks with the following letter from Mr . Wm . Brelsfprdi blacking manufacturer , No . 18 , Royle Road , Burnley , who , in the patriotic spirit of Mr . Pinder , gives an eighth part of his whole receipts to the Convention tunds . He says : — - '¦ ¦ ¦ .. / :.. ] : '¦' .. ¦ ¦¦ ¦¦ - ¦'¦ ; ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ "When I wrote you last , I did sot think of supplying any part with blacking but Lancashire , but sinceit has gone the round of the paper . I will abide by it . I will pay carriage to any part of the country . If the associations thiiik proper to send Orders , 1 will endeavour to Bnpply them . v

      " I thought that Lancashire would be quite sufficient for me to manage , if it was taken up withproper spirit . ' You need not think I want to make a livelihood by it , for 1 assure you I do not , for after doing a day's work , a person has little time to deyote to ariytbiag , especially Jour trade ( acurrier ) but I must take an hour from rest if needed . I do It for the benefit of the cause and not my own , for were the ingredients given , ifter allowing profits ; to the retailer , per centage to the Convention furidi and paying carriage , there would be little left . : ^ ' "Please give the address in fall Wm . Bicelsfordi 18 , Royle-road , Burnley , In your next , and-.,-, you will oblige , ' - ' . - ¦' . ' - . - .. ' ¦/ , ; : ¦ ' ¦ : ¦ . ' : . - ' .: ¦; . " ¦¦ ; . ; ¦ " Tour obdt servant , - ¦ : ¦• ' Wm . Brelsford . "

      » " Due to the Lancashire Convention Fond . . - ¦ ' - ¦ ¦ ¦ / ' ¦ - ' ' " ¦¦ : ''' - ¦ ' ' . 8 . - 'd . . Mr . Joseph Sutliff , Burnley ......... p . 3 Mr . John Hitcheu , near Burnley ...... 0 4 i Burnley , Jan . 9 th , 1812 .

      Untitled Article

      Stone Breaking in Work houses . —On Saturday nighty at eight o clbck , a numerous meeting of the Spitalfields weavers was held at the Enave of Clubs , Club-row , Bcthnal-green , to receive the answer of the Poor Law Commissioners in reference to a communication to them , conformable to a resolution of the trade , passed at a meeting held on she 1 st of January , requesting that they Would take measures to exempt the Spitalfields weavers from the employment of stone-breaking at the workhouse , and for other business connected with the destitution at present existing in that district . Mr . Boddmgton

      was chairman . Mr . Fox said that a few Weeks ago a discussion took place at a meeting of the trade ^ upon the subject of the employment of the Spitalfields' weavers at the stone-yarol of the Workhouse , when it was resolved that a memorial should be sent to the Poor Law Commissioners , with a r * quest that an exemption should be allowed to thesilkweavers of that district . The Cpmmitt « e , according to their instructions , have communicated the resolution then passed to the Poor Law Commissioners * They have returned an answer , which was in the hands of their Secretary . It was as follows ;— : ¦

      "" Poor Law Commissioners' Office , Somerset '¦ ¦ : i House , 14 th Jaflua ^ , 1842 ^ "Sib , ' —I am directed by the Poor Law Comni ' ssiohers to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12 th instant , forwarding to them a copy of aresolution passed at a meeting of the operative broad silk weavers of Bethnal-green , Spitameld 3 , and the vicinity , respecting the employment of paupers at the workhouses in the district at stone breaking ; and I am to 3 tate that the Commissioners will make inquiry as to the al leged in j urious effects of this mode of providing labour for paupera .

      *\ I am , Sir , your most obedient servant , - ¦'¦ - . ¦ ' - . ; . ' - ' . ' ¦ : / - ¦¦' . ** E . CHADWICK j SiO . " Mr . T . Claisse , No . SVSoath-stwfet . H » TV lane , Bethnal-greeB-road , "

      Untitled Article

      \ . THE NORTHERN STAR ' , ¦ ¦¦ " ¦ ' . , , '¦ v . / - ^ S : ^^ i-- ^/ X ^ - ' y ^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct738/page/6/