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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th November 1841, Edition 4 of 6, Page 7

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      Untitled Article

      ggJfEBAl ADDRES 8 OP THE EXECUTIVE COJTSCIL TO THE TEOPLB , AND THE SCEIIBKRS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . BBOIHEB CHAETISTS , —Having assembled in London , according to our published resolution , it becomes obi duty , at the conclusion of oui sitting , to address mo cm tbe state of our Association and the prospects Lfort u . We have considered it necessary , for the -mobs assigned elsewhere , to discontinue the Exegs&re Journal W » have iuaed an address to ow wethren in Scotland , entreating them to remain united ^ tjj u in o « t exertion * to gala that cause which inr&T& lie late of both aatioBs ; and ve have initructed yoa , oar constituent ! as to the future meatures to he ^ p ted for the increase and beaefit of the National garter Association . We cannot separate without « tgenti ££ a geaeral address to the whole people .

      The AssodattoB , of which we form the Executive { jjmmiUee , was projected byjthe people , who denned our ( Meets to be the obtaining of a full and faithful repre-P ^ jsiion of the entire people of the United Kingdom , h strict aecordasce with the princi ples , spirit , and ^ aiaixsg of the People ' s Charter . In itriTiug to obtain inch , a just and glorious end , ye ue enjoined to use none but peaceable and constijatiaal means . How are we to succeed ? We must haTe numbers ; because without numbers , m nerei can become formidable . We must haTe enion ; because , without that , we nerer can be feared ; jad we must hare energetic co-operation amongst the people ! chowa leaders , because , without mutual con Hence , we neTer ea » be « wcessful .

      paring cms experience , u an Execsrtave , we have frery «* soa to be satisfied with the rapid increase of the Association , t *» decre&sifig apathy of the people , and the widening spirit of inquiry which gives vigour to the movement ia all parts of the country . But we cannot eTen , amidst our success , withdraw our attends from those factious squabbles which hare been eqiaHj disgraceful and injurious to our sacred cause . It ii easy , nay pleasant , for us to meet and give battle to our public opponents , and find weapons destructiTe etotgh in reason and argument , bat when we receive gse matt serious injury from our own professed brogjgrs , remonstrance and patience are exercised in rain , md no other course is so open or so effectual as a direct appeal from the Executive to the people who have ( SfcSedw-We sow maxe « nch appeal , and call upon you to

      jarrer from every eomer of the land , whether we are to tolerate any longer the Tain , the idiotic , and misgfer&a party spirit which will , if unchecked , sear the kii prospect before us , and blast for years the tender yooom of a nation ' sjhopes . Working men , forbid it ^ Hrtken , if ye respect the cause of industry , if ye feel ia TTongs and demaad its rights , forsake the cause of oat , ssd cling to that of the Charter alone . You ilass hare the power to restore unanimity , and enforce obedience . The time has now arrived when hesitation q& yoci put may be fatal , when division on your part Till assuredly call down the Tenge&nce of a powerful and accused faction on the scattered and EBtt&ing mass ; gaaember that division is ever the forerunner of persecution , asd be who sows it in our ranks may u well sound a trumpet for the Government to

      Remember , toe , that whea the day of denunciation surra , it ii no longer safe for independence or honesty is remaia » the prey of the designing and the T"V ' - bmk . Kay , if once encouraged , like all other evil iaiito , it gathers strength with its Tirulence , and ia appetite for fresh victims keeps pace with its taetr . Qreia thii spirit , fellow labourers , or it will crush per cause . Put it down with a strong and active bud , or a reign of terror will arise when it will be

      bo koger possible to serre you earnestly without being dpeeted , or pause in serrisg you without being totBBced . It has indeed arrired , and simaltaneous damHciitkins haTe occurred in Scotland and England . Ergs oae of our own body has been accused , aad , as the evidence pxored , he was falsely accused . The same ian 2 t hu taken place in other cases ; ia fact , but one rasstt hu ensued . From what wi * Hgn « fifr gpirit has all Sai mischief originated ? Jealousy . That accursed law , which has existed , is in active being , and will snad to distract and destroy as .

      Ton must seize it boldly whererer it arises , and like t poisonous nettle , when crushed the hardest it will wend the least Ibe eril does not rest in localitiss ; every squabble Mi iti way to the public press , there to delight the sassy , and disgust our friends . We are firmly of opinion , that whateTcr may be the ffiitttion of parties , the end of tieir squabbles would arcredly be the destruction of oar public men , and of as public interest , and whilst we would support Tw ^ wnr , -nWl »< ai their actions corresponded with their pu ' esiioiii , they have & right to the protection of the pwple , so long as they Berre them .

      To conclude our remarks regarding the obstacle wilfcEy east in our way , we may allude to the insane dis-CSBons upon moral and physical force , legality and Segility , education crotchets , and criticisms and derssditioas upon the supposed treachery of the past Bd the present leaders , all of which expose our cause to the deserred ridicule and contempt of on ? delighted exponents . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only to ippexl to the goed sense and reason of the working Bo , and if they do not resolutely , at all bizirds , extensiB&te these rain and reckless feuds , we offer you 13 earthly hope of success eTer crowning the long-Bs&msd efforts which hare been made to emancipate th » nrffpwny jnd desponding millions .

      OrB PUBLIC OPPO > ' £ > TS . Wt contemplate this part of our address with far less ladetj md much mere firmness . The principal enemy ad ihe most powerful b the present SoTernHient , from rtose mercy or justice we expect nothing ; but from tboae infatuated policy we anticipate much . It mutt ie remembered that the lart GoTemment had a strong tedmcy to protect and beneRi the present electoral daa » t a » expence of the non-electors—merely nsing ii > £ suddle class as willing oppressors of the working

      EM- But we haTe a gOTernment now who will neither J ^ pathise with nor reepect the sufferings of either Ei&ile or working men ; therefore it is we pursue our o&riaiing course and nail the Charter to the mast "t nay rationally expect a Tast accession of strength ft from the middle class , who , if they do not join ns fom principle will do so from compulsion . The middle casonnot carry their measures without public opinion , J ^ if ye are wise and determined , they ought neTer toiaTe it unless they do justice to you as well as themmta .

      U mutual serrice ia required , then mutual benefit 0 = Sti to be secured and certain .

      XSS COK . V 1 AW BEPEALERS C » 2 spoa jot to aid them in their struggle . They bare S * Efrsge on their side ; you haTe not They pro-Eis jon a bsnsSt Why do they deny you the power « G tup h } Tt& C&rnLawa vrexe esosed bj class legislation . What * aiboush the cause ? UniTersal Suffrage , which wiU ^ aj good which may flow from repeal equally ^ e&l , and if it is not bo it will be worthless to you , *<~ M £ h beneficial to your masters . Ii tie latter idea is correct , the only question you ^ to ^ wtesj is , " Whether the abolition of the Y ^ la-ffj or the Charter will be most beneficial * an y

      -Kt , then , on that q-oestion ; diecuss it with them aa 7 . aad let argument and reason preTail over erery ' KocHdil in tte justice of our cause consists oui ? i , and if ow principles be truth itself , -we need < v- * t auxiliary than the reasoning faculty of man . i « us be fair and consistent towards them , and " * aj will speedily shew whether the GoTemment may ¦^ y aot force them into our ranks . Should such * "mt take place , we will it least haTe the Tories ^ eo B ( j > ^^ 1 yjg ha beas Corpus Act is sub-5 t | 2 * iHghi opposition has been experienced from the JZ "~** We do not admire tee prudence of the ^™ = J * Wifed by either opponents ; but we trust that cjL "¦ ' ' ^ P IfeTail ° T er factious opposition in eyery *^ ° * tx > z vhkh may take place . 1 C 2 A 5 S TO BE rSED .

      tc tvjs ^ ^ " * of £ dTancii 5 g the cause is by adding QyTj nni ^ eis of ^ e association ,- and eTtry lecturer fiuK * rf ^ Par t &f his dnty to reguter names and w" < ar ' . at the conelnaion of each leetnrejj - seaai-a ^ yg gi Te courage to the timid and create JarM ,: * 88 ** 0 DT 'demies , and where thousands J 6 ttr > . i * ^^^^^ n . it becomes impossible for j ^'< * " « M tynnts to m eet the Tictinu of the patriotic ^ snber that our peaceful declarations ensure us jjj ^ Penecution dictated by fear , and in too many ^ T ** » ^ Qe d by a hatred to onr principles . - 'ciud recommend the General Council to direct : psrticui ^ attention to the organisation of the j ^ T' * e appointment of fit and qualified ^™ > who should in eyery instance be ballotted for , ; jv ^ *« e effictrs of the association . ^ ietoZZZi BhouId ** PP ° "ited by public meetings , « bti ; places ^ a Ti ^ trict Council before which UUB 1 "a » relatiT e to that district should be decided .

      •^ . THK TSA . DE& . ^ oiportant bodies of men should be aroused to * ST lc ttty to tbea ^ T ^ a , and whereTer it i « prac-WT tT ^ ' Chartirt AssociaUon ihonld be formed . ' tJ ^ ° ^ m&ii tiie Chartist Awociation to be dis-^ fom the Trade ' s Uaion . ^ » £ ** P » t dependence on the faith of a body of aoa ? interesta are identical as their pursuit * are * Jr ffiM U faw ** to bis neighbour , and fcfr ? art illtCTest h ^ ame " U » t of his feliji , S *? bodies of men cannot be led far a » tray , and ^ titiii ?* 1 Binstrn « S ' raa ° De toP ' ace themii-^ toTt v " ° onrs may te Baid t 0 ** » Wch ^ tbemT to * dea to l * P ^ P * 1 P-sition , and ^ Bjttto T ? 1 * 011 of offeBce ** d defence far more en-^^» a the limited expedient of unenfranchised * no b ^** impre 8 Wd ° o these important bodies ^ BUart f ** ** eTer l 0 B 8 pr «« ted or well re-; j ^^» ttlesB the members cf each body are yoli-

      Untitled Article

      Sodal beneflts seldom remain long untouched , unless there is some political power to arrest the plunderer ia his danger , and the law of tbe rich 1 b itt lmrpation . The trade * haTe l « g aimed at the guardianship of their separate rights . They haTe blocked up and barricaded the gate by which the master invaded them , with many excellent expedients ; but they haTe neTBr yet atteapted to do tbe same to the political gate through which the OoTernment entered to tax their treasered earnings ai repeatedly at they hare accumulated . Unions are but temporary securities against the ararice of masters , bat offer no protection for the Qj > pressiTe enactments of an irresponsible horde of rulers . it must haTe become apparent to all the trades , that something more than a mere Union for the protection of wages is wasted , because at the best they only shackle the hand of the master , whilst they leare unchecked aad free the arm of the tax gatherer .

      The trades haTe hitherto been mere creators of funds for the benefit of rulers ; and whilst they suspiciously watched the weekly payments of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of the tax gatherer . The qttfstion for the trades is one easy of comprehension . Whether would it be better to hare two protections or one—social power without political , vt both combined ? The suffrage would strengthen Instead of weakening the Unioas , because the want of It on their parts , and the possession of it on the part of their masters , giTe rise to tho laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy , all directed against men who simply demanded a jast wage for their labour .

      The master class haTe discovered that with the law aad law's punishment * cm their side , they cannot triumph oTet their ilare cliai ; and do the trades suppose that the chains of the law will not be drawn tighter , and re-forged stronger ? If they belieTO the contrary , they will discover their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist Let one general appeal be made to them , and their amrmatiTe answer would shake the QoTernment to its centre , and supply the absenoe of a middle class , a thousand times more powerful than ours . TTe haTe now conveyed to yen our united opinion and adTioe . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , if correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .

      We are the servants of the Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the servants of the Association , we feel it to be our duty » t all times to speak freely , to act firmly , a&d to fall back npon tbe people when our own power i » insnfflcifiat to effect these objects which are necessary for the welfare of our constituents , and the success of our cause . We await your decision . Your faithful Representatives , R . K . Philp . mobgak williams . John Campbell . James Leach . P . M . M'DovaLL

      Untitled Article

      TO HAMER STANSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of men , under the present limited influence of Christianity , will prey upon all other classes , just as much as they can and dare ; for , the frailty of humaa nature tells me , that were the manufacturer or the werki&g classes in their ( the aristocracy ' s ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise . " Hames Stansfsld Sib , —I haTe choeea the above extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as a motto to this letter to you ; for to my mind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you bare stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in favour of the necessity , as well at the right , of eTery man who is to be called upon to obey a law , or to be-subject to the influence of such law , to haTe a voice in the m » Wng of that law .

      I am not aware that there is the least dispute ab out the utility of machinery . I neTer conversed with any one , to whom the subject was explained , who ever quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , but with the distribution of its products ; with the " party working underhand , asid obtaining all , and eTen more than all , the advantages which machinery has rendered . " The question therefore resolves itself to this : how are we to prerent " the power working underhand from obtaining more thun all the Advantages from machinery" ? There is snch a lnTn ^ m in your use of the word monopoly , that one feels almost at a loss as to what you would particularly apply it But from the whole , I

      come to the conclusion that you mean by the word monopoly—the com laws . If such be your meaning , and if you really expect that their abolition would be the panacea for all our evils , you are certainly the most mistaken of mea What , expect that the abolition of a single law would give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment in the motto , " that all classes -will prey upon each other just as much as they can and dare V What is to prevent the aristocracy preying upon' us as much in future as they can ? Nothing but this dare ; and that [ dare is , with their present power , only the fear of our not being able to continue to laboni .

      Suppose that the corn laws were abolished to-morrow , and suppose that that abolition had a tendency to produce all yon dream or say . Suppese that it caused u « to bare tbe command of the markets of the world ; suppose that it eaused Englishmen to have the supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours every day without intermission ; suppose that it had a tendency to cause us to have prosperity for ages , as I once beard you say it would ; suppose all this ; what will there be to prevent " the party working underhand from obtaining even more than all the advantages" which would accrue from the measure ? Have you not admitted in tbe words of my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each other just as mncb as they dare ? " Come , Mr . St&nsfeld , do tell us what is to prevent their preying upon us in future ?

      I ask , again , what is to prevent " the power working underhand" from obtaining even more than all the advantages" ? What in to prevent their taxing or lay ing a rent ( for tax appears to be an harmless thing with yon ) npon all mines or minerals -within the bowels ol the earth , equivalent to their loss by the repeal of the corn laws ? What is to prevent their making the full value of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new commissions be created ? no new ckurches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon splendid

      pensions as a reward for past services , to make way for new aspirants to serve their country ? Is there no way left for coining at even mort than all the advantages yen would derive from the measure ? Is there no contraction of the currency to make you give them double the quantity you give them now for the taxes ? Aye , that there is , and a thousand-and- one ways besides , to enable that " class of men who hare the power of making laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as they dare " , and to reap " even more than all the advantages" of all your Bkill and labour into the bargain .

      Then again , what is it but the monopoly of making the laws which have caused all the other monopolies of which you complain ? In Isct , they are bnt cfi ^ Jnoots from the master monopoly ; and until that master monopoly be destroyed-, boli root and branch , there never can be any security for the peace and happiness pf this country . Besides , Sir , are you not inconsistent npon your own principles , tfeat you do not endeavour with all your might to destroy the master monopoly , after your admission " that all classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare , " What , after this , can yon expect to be the fate of this country , without every man

      • who is subject to a law , or its tendency , have a voice in the rnaVing ot that law ? Either you -wish the people to be ' preyed '' upon , or you do not . If you ¦ wish them to be preyed upon , yon will take no steps to destroy the power of the prey era . If you wish them not to be " preyed " upon , after your admission " that all classts will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and daie , " you will from this time , make every effort in your power to prevent any clats from preying npon the other by endeavouring to cause every niaB to have a voice in the making of tbs laws he ia called npon to obey . The dilemma is unavoidable . Take jour choice , and from this day we shall know what to txptct from

      you . But you will ask " bow is Universal Suffrage to be obtained ? " I will answer the question , by asking you how you propose to obtain the repeal of th ? corn laws ? You will answer , by an union of the middle and working classes , and by their tusking a long pull and a strong pnll and a pnll altogether , as they say at sea . What hopes have you that snch a union , and « uch a poll as you describe , would have the desired tffect ? Because , yon will say , the Reform Bill of 1831 , was carried by such an unieu ; and because the aristocracy , besotted as they are , durst not resist the firmly expressed will of a whole people , for fear of consequences following which would deprive them of all pow « r . Just so . And would not such a union , and such a pull , obtain the suffrage ? Durst they despise the expressed will

      of a whole people when they demanded the justice of the suffrage , any more than when they demanded the repeal of the eom laws ? >' ot they . Tbtn , if you be sincere , come forward at once and seek t » obtain that which will destroy all present monopolies , and prevent all future ones . If you and your class decline this , you only more fully convince the world that you wish to be of that " class of men which preys upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare ;** and that your only aim is to be that " party working underneath and obtaining all , and even more than all , the advantages which would result from the measure . " Hoping that yen will choose the nobler part , I remain , yours respectfully , James Pbsnt . Millbridge , Nov . 17 , 18 U .

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      TO THE SD 1 T 0 R OP THE HORTHBRW STAB . Si a , —If you will have the kindness to insert the following in your widely circulated and valuable journal , you will mneb oblige Your humble but suffering Servant , Geob . ge Black , of Nottingham . A few weeks ago , an article appeared in the Star , headed , Save us from our friends . " Sir , in writing this , you might intend it fur » y good , an 4 the good of the cause generally . Yen very likely did not intend to injure my ehar&cUx ; but bo it is . I will not say

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      " Save me from my friends-, " but this I will say . O , that we were all united as friends ! I have my friend *; I have my foe * . So has every man that ia taking an active part in this movement Sir , I fl » d It aa I thought I should . Some look upon me with suspicion , some call me spy or traitor ; others wish me to appeal to my friends that know Hie ; and I hope you will allow me that priTilege . A word or two to those who take me to be a deceitful or treacherous perwn—as than ate some who are aot backward at making use of their influence to destroy me . I tell yon that you bare already dose me a

      • erious injury ; and i tell y « u candidly I bad rather any person would take away my life than my character Allow me to say I would not have made the sacrifices I have made , if I had intended to deceive my country . My friends at Nottingham will remember that it was on account of my principles that I was turned out of the Baptist church ; aad amongst that body of people I bad a great number of friends , whom I loved as I loved my life . Bat I appeal to those who have known the most of me whether I have made it appear evident that the principles embodied in the People's Charter have been more dear to me than life itself

      u had intended to torn traitor , why not at the second Convention ? If I intended to sell the cause , myself , and family , why not to the Whigs at tbe late elections ? If altogether a selfish person , why did I go to London at all ? It was not because I was the most competent person in Nottingham ; but because there was danger , and nobody else would go . Did I not lose tbe ten frames ? or , in other words , were they not taken from me ? Before I had been at London one week , the work was taken from these frames ; and who will contradict me when I ny tboie frames were bringing me in seven shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not having more than one meal a-day , my wife and family starving ?

      Thanks to those kind friends who lent me their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , 4 c &c ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now I have been going about the country between sixteen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone over about six thousand miles—often one hundred and fifty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I have been a sufferer in the cause or not Can I ftiy " Britons never shall be slaves ? " I see no other prospect than a very scanty living ; or , in other wordb , a dragging out of a miserable existence , and my children after me . All the hope I have is in the People ' s Charter becoming tbe law of the land ; and must I , shall I , have I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with the disconsolate

      and often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from thence to those poor widows whose husbands lost their lives at Newport These were to have been pensioned off ; but , Instead of this , I often find them starving for want , both mothers and children . Had you a little of the company of these sufferers , if you be people of any feeling , I think you could not turn traitors , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his price , and I have mine ; and I heartily wish I coald get my price for every principle within my breast With the Charter , and a Republican Government , every poor man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with . O to be . united u friends ! I remain , Your humble but injured Servant , George Black .

      P . S . —I now appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have you any cause to say you have ever heard me utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speak of me as you have found me . I now from the following places demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , Basford , Sntton-in-Ashfield , Merthyr Tydvil , Pontypool , Newport , and Cardiff Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .

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      TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION .

      Peas sib , —when I was elected the Representative of Rochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—vis : " annually to submit my Parliamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . " In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , through you , a short detail of the most prominent points of public policy , with reference to which I had occasion to aet during the late short Session . In my address I told you— " that I would not go to Parliament to support the objects of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—but to sustain , to the beet of my judgment , by my honest votes , the combined interests of all Classes of the Community . " I shall refer to the first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demonstrate my sincerity in that principle of action .

      Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor the Address in reply , as moved by the 1 st * Ministry , contained a single allusion to any amendment of the Reform Act , or any extension of toe Rights of tbe People . In the debate which took place on the Address , the subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with tbe late Ministry , although alluded to by some of the more Radical Members . I did expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed tke « e opinions , would have given notice t > f an amendment to test the different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after tbe debate had been protracted to the fourth night . Finding that no intention of that nature was intimated , I then gave notice , that I would move , on the bringing up the Report of the Address , an amendment in the following words : —

      " That we further respectfully represent to your Majesty , that , in our opinion , the distress which your Majesty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstances of your whole people not being fully and fairly represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of so extending and regulating the suffrage , and adopting such improvements in the system of voting , as will confer on the working classes that just weight in the representative body which is necessary to secure a due consideration of their interests , and which their present patient endurance of suffering gives them the strongest title to claim . "

      I moved this amendment agreeably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty oae , ) divided in favour of it . But you are aware that the motion was objected to by some of the Liberal members , who left the House and did not vote , although they expressed themselves favourable to the principles of the amendment ; I , therefore , think it right to allude to the reasons assigned by them for this course . The objections may be collected from the speeches of tbe Hon . Members for Sheffield and Bath ( Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck ) , the former member said , that" he could not but regard it as an insult offered to the popular interests in this House to bring forward a question of this magnitude at a moment when there is no Minister present—at a moment too , whsn , in fact , there is

      no Ministry in existence . " Now , it appeared to me , that I would be violating the declaration in my address , which I ha / e quoted , if I had abstained from bringing forward this question for the reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is the duty of the representatives ot the people to waire the declaration of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because ene Minister was about to make his exit , and another to assume bis post I do not conceive that those representatives of the people who advocate the extention of popular rights , are to avow an humble Bubserviency to the ministerial tactics , or to put those rights in abeyance , unless aided by tbe countenance of ministerial authority . The honourable member for

      Bath ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that It was disrespectful to the majority represented by the Right Hon . Baronet ( Sir Robert Peel ) , and that it was not giving him a fair trial . It was to me a very new doctrine to learn that such deference as this was to be paid to a majority ; and with reference to the fair trial claimed for the Right Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him tkat fair trial as the honourable member for Bath ; but , 1 would ask , was it not acting with the greatest possible fairness to call upon the House to declare its opinion en this question before tbe Kight Hon . Baronet assumed tifice ? Was it not the best mode of instructing the minister f Was it not the best mode of guiding the sovereign in the Belectien of ministers , that the House of Commons should declare to tbe sovereign their opinions on great constitutional questions ? A powerful minority had divided against the

      Conservative amendment to the Address—a minority which , if disposed to act for the People ' s Rights , must ultimately extort more or less concession from aiiy ministry . I ask , was it not proper to test the principea of that minority ? To ascertain whether they were impelled by an honest zeal for those rights , or actuated by the less dignified object of retaining place and power for a party . Was it not right that the people should understand whether those members ot the late ministry , who would be now looked up to as leaders of the new opposition , persevered or did not persevere , in the declaration of the finality of the Reform Act t I admit it might not be convenient for the purposes of party that this test ahouIA be applied . But I submit to ' my constituents , that in the course I adopted , I acted strictly and faithfully in conformity with my declarations to them .

      Another objection raised to my proceeding on this occasion , by the Honourable Member for Sheffield , was , that " no five men in ihe House had been consulted . " 1 do not understand ay duty as a Member of Parliament if X am to be precluded from acting on my own responsibility ! If I am to be compelled to place myself under the control of any clique of Members , whether larger or smaller ! 1 ! a Member , acting on his own responsibility , makes a motion "deserving of snppsrt , is his proposition to be quashed because he had not consulted oextain individuals ? Why should it not be opposed or approved on ita merits 7 I admit that if an organisation were effected among the Liberal representatives for the support of popular questions , it might be nstfal , ani Udeed necessary , that individual Members should sub-

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      mit to the general arrangement , as far as might be possible withomt dereliction of principle : bat , I think individual Members ought not to be bound by tbe regulations or opinions of any lectton of Members , farther than their own judgment determines to be right I have stated these points for the consideration of my constituents , because I consider it ia desirable that the representative , and tbe constituent body be represents , should have a common feeling on the course of conduct to be pursued on other occasions of a similar nature , which it is very probable may eften occur .

      the next important question , was the" Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . Fielden , to ( he effect , that it was the duty of the House to esquire into the distresses of the people , and the remedies , before any supply should be made . On this amendment , I felt it to be my duty to divide with the Honourable Member for Oldnam , and having done so on this occasion , I conceived it was only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty ' s Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated examples of the distressed condition of Boohdale , I again divided the House , against voting the Supplies , till the condition of the country should be investigated .

      In opposing tbe supplies , I had no wish or intention to exhibit a factious opposition tc her Majesty ' s Government ; but I am of opiaion that the wholesome practice should be asserted , of looking to tho condition of the people , and the means of payiag taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . The means of the country should be first ascertained , and then the expenditure should be made , as far as possible , to correspond with these means . There are many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous revenue , which might be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that they should be discussed with due consideration to the pewera of the couatry to discharge them .

      The last question which I desire to refer to ; is the Poor Law Continuance Bill . Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at some stage of this Bill he would divide the House against it in tolo . In this I concurred with him ; but being perfectly satisfied that our opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought the next beat course would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of the Commissioners which were most productive of practical evil . My constituents are aware of the amendments which' I moved , in both of Which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against the Bill on the third reading . I need not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on tbe Poor Law have bees stated on so many previous occasions .

      The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form during the late Session of Parliament—a course of proceeding which , I must say , I regret Sir Robert Peel was pressed on various occasions to declare his intentions on that question ;—but I am of opinion , the fairest and most effectual mode of eliciting his opinions , as well as those of the House of Commons generally , would have been to have brought them to the test of a distinct proposition , and a division on that proposition : —but an objection was raised to this course—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party are divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibition of weakness would he the result;—on the ether hand , I think it might be fairly argued , if these two sections cannot agree , is it

      reasonable or fair to press the Minister ; The ajgumeat , I think , is unanswerable . In m > opinion the question never can be advanced till a decided oeurse of action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly . The anti-Corn Law League are bound to tbe principle of tots extinction—I , ask then , can they have any moral weight with the country if they shrink from the bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only source of success , if they consent to permit that principle to be put in abeyance , in order to acquire a fallacious appearance of strength , by a union with the fixedduty men ? It appears to me that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-duty , have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers : —they are really and substantially monopolists as well as their opponents ; they differ chiefly about the most expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It is a delusion upon the

      country to frame evasive motions for tbe purpose of catching such useless votes . It is better for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of tbe nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this subject But it may be asked , why I did not act upon them in the late session , by moving myself on this question ? I answer , because I considered it rested more properly in other hands—I mean those ot Hon . Members more directly connected with the anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should not be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which bad not their concurrence ; this was a case in which , as 1 conceive , an individual member was properly called on to defer to the opinions of otbsr members , especially gentlemen representing the views of so influential a body as the anti-Corn Law League .

      It is right I should state to you that I disagree from many Members in tbe allegation , that questions affecting the rights of tbe people should not be pushed to tbe test of a division , unless a large minority could be rallied .- —i consider that if tbe question be one which is in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a small division than by waiving the question , or by debating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting tbe advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by tbe excitement of a moral power out of doors ;—and I bold that this moral power cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless tbe leaders in Parliament prove their own

      sincerity by having the moral courage to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few members struggling under adverse circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are discussed out of doors , and , if worthy of support , an enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may be termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious extent in former Parliaments . After hours spent in speeches , we have often found the result , " Motion by leave withdrawn . " I think this practice tends to bring the Parliament into contempt with the country , and leads to no useful result

      There Is one other subject to which I wish to draw the attention of my constituents , not strictly forming a portion of my parliamentary conduct in tbe late session , bnt at the same time intimately connected with it . In my address , I state as follows : " With reference to Ireland , I claim for that portion of the United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , and franchises with Britain , and I desire to incorporate the interests of the two Countries by tbe communication of mutual advantages , through the means of just and impartial principles of united legislation . " There were no

      measures introduced in the last session which had particular reference to separate Irish Legislation ; but since the recess of Parliament , I have deemed it right to publish my opinions on the present system of agitation carried on by Mr . O'ConneU , in Ireland , with the professed object of repealing the Union . As I think it proper that every part of my public conduct should be made known to my constituents , I enclose herewith , copies of the letters I published on that subject—which , being placed in your hands , any of my Constituents who desire it , may have an opportunity of referring to .

      It is my intention , previous to the next session of Parliament , to appear personally before those whom I have the honour to represent , namely , the constituency of the Borough of Rochdale , —and tfcen to inform myself more fully of their wants and their wishes , and to receive such observations as they may think fit to make , upon tbe communication which I now take leave to address to them . I am , dear Sir , Your sincere friend , Wm . Sharman Crawford . CrawfordBburn , Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 th , 1841 .

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      TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Brother Chartists , —A National Petition has been drawn Hp , and approved of by the Executive , and they have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected en its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of the industrious classes . This , then , being decided on , it is incumbent on you , as well as every Chartist throughout the British empire , to be active and industrious , in getting aa many signatures to it as possible .

      Will yeu , then , Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indifferent to the call of your fellow countrymtn , and cowardly shrink from performing your share of duty in tbe effort of a glorious redemption of your clasB from political slavery ? I know many of you are ( and I cannot but sympathise With you ) shackled by the despotism of your masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyranny . Yet for all this if you are inclined to do that which tbe distressed state of your country requires you should do , you can do it , and in a manner without injuring either yourselves or families . No rational man would expect you to do that . But where there is a will there is a way in every case . So there is ia this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other means , you can in a pecuniary way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid Wbloh you require , without endangering yourselves .

      Yet , notwithstanding this persecution which you suffer , canyon independently lift your heads aloof , and not feel the indignity of your situation ? Can you supinely lie down under such vile oppression , and not make an effort to release yourselves ? No , rather claim the rights of f teemen , and stand in the image of your Maker fearlessly advocating the truth , and under every circumstance determined to maintain it , than stain you souls with such foul degradation by submiting to it Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am without a doubt a stranger to many of you , and known but to a few . it might be thongbt presumptuous in me ia thus addressing you . Nevertheless , I cannot be inactive , and suffer tbe cause to remain in the state which I unhappily find it in this place .

      I therefore appeal to you to arouse and do your duty . Tbe time is come when every solitary Chartist must be at his post , not quarrelling about tbe superiority of this

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      or that plan , but unitedly struggling to obtain their lights . Tbe plan as laid down by the Executive is a good one . Pursue it with ensrgy and spirit ; it must ultimately succeed . In the first place , you must obtain a place to meet in , for It is only by meeting and public discussions that you can create that unity of sentiment so desirable toa just and firm union . This I hope will be done shortly , and that we may have in this place as many signatures to the National Petition as any place , in proportion to its inhabitants . Sincerely hoping you will attend to thU , I remain , yours , 8 . Bi . RTI . ETT .

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      Sib , —The great error of allrefermers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense of right ia their own personal aggrandisement To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by which they ever could command consideration or respect They who contend for either more or less , than justice awards , are reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that principle is , can alone be justified . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to

      compromise is to desert them , and to leave any part covered is to betray them . To reject or agree to dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles US to , is to reject tho goodness of God . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than ia really necessary . No followers of justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it as regardless of all

      consequences . Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now is the time to submit its tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartism from the Maitbusian Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it . Tola much is necessary to make it consistent and intelligible ; and without which it cannet be consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice ; and this must be the case before It succeed . Then why defer enquiry ? since what must be , shall be as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task for a friend to strike within the limits of a concentrated more ; nor would I , were it not to avert the certain rnln that mast result from following delusion . As troth leads to truth , so error to error ; therefore the sooner all e-r Jrs are expunged the better .

      " Repeal the Cora Laws ; have high wages , plenty to eat , and plenty to do . " So say the Whigs . " Down with all monopolies , repeal all unjust taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day's work . " So say tbe Chartists . These statements are similar in their nature , and I hesitate not to say that those who assert either have as yet much to learn concerning tbe nature of the consltution we live under . Be it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers . Destroy the one and you annihilate tbe other . I know a system can be promulgated where monopoly can be

      dispensed with ; but men in that case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Whigs considered the nature of that system . I will not follew either party through the labyrinth of nonsensical twaddle by which they rapport their views en these matters , but shall rest contented with one plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider them just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but because the people have not properly considered the resjults that will follow , nor are prepared to meet them .

      It has been said , repeal the Corn Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge tbe national debt , and tbe balance will be in favour of the landholders , which propositions are quite good ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be tbe employers of those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall tbe labourer go with bis only commodity ? It is quite dear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as nene , of either party , bring money into the world , so can neither have it but by monopoly ; in some shape , destroy these , and it U of do use to look for employment ia that quarter . Under such circumstances , what shall become of those whose only dependence is labour ? I know though all existing monopolies weie repealed ,

      others might be substituted ; say that every one above six feet high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , or that all above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these would become aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked up to , and become influential , the same as the aristocracy now is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , the same as is dose at present , only differing according to the different nature of tbe monopoly ; under such regulations , the system of governing sow pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justice , as at present , and any other similar scheme may be adopted , and the same results will follow . But this much know all —without « privileged class in some shape , the present

      Constitution cannot exist It is a system of servitude , and those who employ servants must , in the first place , be provided with the means of paying them , along with the appropriation of tbe means whereby men can live otherwise , which must be enforced before a system like ours can be brought into operation ; but being understood and faithfully maintained , the system , as a system , of master and servant , may be turned as you will in all other respects ; but if tbe present method of carrying on that system is done away , and nothing of a similar nature substituted , then down the system must come . And I ask the question seriously , are the people prepared to undergo the very material change that mnat follow , and If not , is it either prudent or safe to destroy tbe present order of things ?

      Those who would have a proper view of tbe effects of machinery on our legislative system , should compare the positions of parties among us at this day with what they were 100 years ago . We know the great change since then is attributed to the revolutions of France and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as the National Debt and the Corn Laws , oil of which might have been gene into independent of either , and we shall find tbe only part they had in the matter was , that they furnished a pretext for creating these . Why did mechanical skill slumber in the arms of onr artisans before then 1—Where were

      our numerous ships and fair cities ?—Why were merchandise so cheap and wages so low?—Why did onr population not increase ? all for the very palpable reason , —we bad no field for tbe display of our energies ; the monopoly of land then existed , and no more of any note ; and the great body of the people lived the feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not landholders , the opportunity of calling forth those energies , tbe influence of which has created the present state of

      things . At a rough calculation the ascent has been since 1780 ; since then therevenue has doubled and quadrupled ; the price of land , and all connected therewith , population , demand for labour , and mechanical skill , have risen in a corresponding ratio ; and were it not fer the introduction of machinery , by raising tbe revenue ten times higher than now , all kinds of property would rise also , and the result would be an increased demand for labour , higher wages , increase of populat ion , < 5 tc . &c . ; this to any extent ( keeping the exception in view ) , as often as the means were applied .

      That whose blighting influence will damn the present order of things is machinery , as Its effect is to paralyze mannal labour ; ia tola it not osly threatens tbe annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise those who employ it . Machinery consumes not , and by supplying the place of those who do , must curtail the demand for articles of commerce ; add to this the extinction of all monopolies , and who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart ; though partly seen , this is but slightly felt , as yet ; let the preparations now going on be completed , and we shall know more of it However

      many idlers , and whatever the rate of wages now are , we shall then have more of the one and less of the other . The manufacturer will not derive large profits from his speculation among the work ing part of the community ; and what are his prospects on the other sile ? If he chooses to give the aristocracy money in the shape of monopoly , and then succumb , and cringe , and become a tool In their handsthen they may be induced to become his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo the rest in these particulars , and even this when they hold their monopolies , and do

      longer . From these considerations , there is enough to stimulate all the active part of mankind , to look out for a system whereby they may mutually benefit each other . Strange that these should use means to straiten each other ' s paths . Jor the mere purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , » nd eventually give their substance to these merely to procure a market for their produce ; yet , however extraordiauy , such , is the meaning and intent ; and all that can be obtained by the present system .

      As these things are necessary or not , that system may be justified or not ; one thing I am sure of , none will say it is just ; none will say that harmony or peace are its results ; and from hearing tbe statements of all parties , I see little to recommend it to consideration of any kind , in preference to any system , having the least shadow of justice or benevolence to recommend it Still this much is necessary to be known concerning tbe unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we can with any degree of

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      certainty or safety number it with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a privileged class ; while it exist * , that class must exist in some shape ; and if it is to be discontinued , the more numerous that class , and tbe more they receive , it will be better for those who work . It signifies very little how they receive their incomes , as all monopolies are unjust Still , if we are to understand from the agitated state of the public mind , that the peeple are wearied of a state of things where justice has no part , in God ' a name , are they prepared with s substitute ? If « 0 , and if it is satisfactory and sufficiently understood , down with the present system ; but if not , be aware of pulling

      down that , however detestable , on which our very existence depends , if you would not see all buried ia ita rains : if you are inclined to fall back to the state you were in before , the Cora Laws , National Debt , and tho circumstances therewith connected existed , prepare to do so ; draw the preamble of aa act for parcelling out the land ia small allotment * ; have it passed , and retire under its provisions , and take your living from the soil , the mere serfs of the landowners , «• you then were . ! then farewell improvement and all our sanguine hopes ; and along with these liberty , and justice , farewell . I have the honour to be . Sir , your obedient servant ,

      Charles Dcncak { To * be continued in our next . )

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      PUBLIC MEETING AT PAISLEY . BREWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OP HIS OWN MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , the 17 th inst ., a pnblie meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was held in the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev . Gentleman , for the purpose of hearing him deliver a lecture on the best means of obtaining tbe Charter . The price of admission to hear the lecture was one half-peony , which gave very great offence to the majority of the working

      classes , thousands of whom are out of work at present ; and , when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which was about a > a hour after the time which he had appointed , be Was met by A most indignant volley Of hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent us from getting in . " After order was restored , Mr . Robert Cochrane , a true blue Brewsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr . James Paterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous cheers .

      The CiuiaiuN having read the bill for calling tbe meeting , Mr . Brewster , in his usual way of sowing the seeds of dissension , instead of proceeding witk his lecture , said that he was afraid that seme physical force men had got ia amongst his Committee , and bad altered a word in the bill , ot perhaps it might have been , a physical force printer who sad done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of " get on with your lecture . ") The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with bis lecture , the opening part of which was to the effect that we , as Chartists , ought not to oppose any class of Reformers , whether they were going for a repeal of the Corn Laws , or for any other measure of reform , but let us steadily persevere for nothing less than the Charter . It soon

      became evident , however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring in deep water , caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being able to carry their Chairman , for be booh left off reading his lecture , and , in a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whoat were present , Btating to them what was the law of nature in regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not provide for them , although he would not advise them to follow the said law . But all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals not to the taste of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediately tamed round , and , in the most ungentlemanly manner , charged them with being wrong in their garrets or upper stories , alias the Drain , aad denounced them as spies and traitors ; and in one instance he became

      fo exasperated that he drew himself up like a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the audienee , said , in a voice of hysteric passion , " These are the hungry wretches whom 1 have fed , who have come here to-night to oppose me . " At the conclusion of this sentence such horrific murmurs of just and strong indignation took place as would bave appalled any other than the living bronzs statue who stood before them . Still the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , tod launched out into a tirade of abuse against a certain portion of the Chartist leaders , and when he alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became so uproarious that he was obliged to cut his lecture short . At the conclusion of which , to our utter astonishment .

      Mr . Robert Cochrane rose and moved a resolution to ther effect , That the thanks © f this meeting be given to tne Lecturer for his able lecture , coupled with a vote of censure on some of the Chartist leaders , who had not gone along with Mr . Brewster in all his crotchets . John Campbell , Esq . ene of the members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved the following amendment , "That this meeting Las no confidence in the Her Patrick Brewster as a Chartist . " ( Tremendous applause . ) The Chairman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as his opinion that the amendment was carried by a most decided majority .

      Mr . Brewster , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and the Chairman , to humour him , said he would put the vote again , and called on Mr . Wm . Campbell and the Rev . Mr . Kennedy to aet with him in deciding on the vote . The vote having again been put , the Chairman adhered to his former opinion . The Rev . Mr , Kennedt said that he had some difficulty in deciding , bat he rather thought that the majority was in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . Wm . Campbell said he had no difficulty whatever in giving his opinion , and that was , that the amendment was carried by three to two .

      Mr . Kennedy said that he was of opinion that one of the objects for which the meeting was called , had still been overlooked , viz ., that something should be done to heal the division that existed among the Chartists , for which reasons , he would submit a few resolutions . The resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three in number , were the same in substance , as the rules and regulations of the Lanarkshire ana Renfrewshire Political Unions . At this stage of the proceedings , Mr . Polin read the rules of the Renfrewshire iJniversal Suffrage Association , and said that he saw no use for Mr . Kennedy ' s resolutions , as they were just about the same as those he had now read , and that the said resolutions had been acted on since February last , by the only political union in existence in Paisley .

      Mr . Brewster said that there was a very great difference between the resolutions read by Mr . Kennedy an'd those read by Mr . Polin , and that he ( Mr . Brewster ) intended to move an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw his resolutions so that they might all be unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , he would not press the amendment , which he intended to move . Mr . Polin at once agreed to tbe suggestion of Mr . Brewster ; when , tell it Hot on the Calton HU 1—publish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not in the ear of the Lord Mayor of Dublin , that

      the Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , " Well , we will have one quarter of an hour of it yet , " and forward he came . After a epeech of fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amendment of " Under no circumstances whatever as aa association , will we resort to arms . " Now , said the Reverend Gentleman , do you not see the force of such a resolution ; if you are attacked , dissolve your union , and then you ate ready for jour enemies , seeing that you are in an organised state . After a considerable pause , the Chairman asked if the amendment of Mr . Brewster was seconded . ( Cries of" no , no ") . . .......

      Mr . Brewster then leaned over the side of the pulpit , and asked some of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon principle , he could do no such thing . Mr . Brewster then , in an imploring manner , requested the Chaiiman to put it to the meeting , if no one would . second his amendment . The Chairman replied that he had asked the meeting three different times , but that he would do iia fourth . ¦ Having done so , an individual in the gallery said , not that he approved of the amendment , but that they might get the proceedings brought to a closehe would second it .

      , The amendment was then put , when all the hands which we saw held up were only six , each individual holding up both hands , the principal acted upon daring the whole of the votes that were taken . A forest of hands was then held up for the resolutions of Mr , Kennedy , which appeared to us to be an unanimous vote , with the exception of the three who voted for the amendment . Three cheers were then given for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A unanimous rote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for hie impartial conduct in the chair , when the meeting broke up about two o ' clock in the morning .

      The above is merely an outline of the meeting , we would have given the speeches at length , bnt it would hare occupied too much space in your valuable paper . *~ From a Correspondent .

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      The three poor law unions comprising the manufacturing population of the boroughs of Maachcsterand Salford , with their immediate neighbourhood , contain altogether no less than 354 , 142 individuals . —Liverpool Standard .

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      THB NORTHERN STAB .

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      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . " My lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that nohuman being , ha * a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I have , whether he be Whit ; , Tory . Radical , or Chartist , except he ha * aome great social object in view . Lock up the land to-morrow , and I would not give yon twopence for the Charter next day , because yon would have deprived it of its jeweL "F . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , third letter . " My maxim , to day is the same , which I laid down for you in 1831—* A fair day's wage for a fair day ' s ¦ work' Give that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man ' s holiday instead of being man ' s curve . "—P . O'Connor to the landlords ot Ireland , second letter .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct730/page/7/