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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, JULY 31, 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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BE 1 EASE OF MR . EDWARD BROWN FROM WARWICK GAOL . On Wednesday evening , ike 2 lst last , the Chartists of Warwick and Leamington entertained Mr . E . Brown ¦ with asapper , at Mr . Frenctie ' a . Notwithstanding the short notice given , there was a glorious meeting ; the room -wag tastefully decorated , and the utmost harmony preTsiled daring the eTeniag . After the cloth was removed , Mr . Donaldsox , the chairman , proposed the first toast , —" The people , the legitimate source of all power . " He addressed his brother Chartists ¦ with feelings of great pleasure on that occasion , as the numbers present , and the enthusiasm exhibited , furnished additional proof of the sterling value of the great and
glorious principles contained in the People's Charter , and of their increased attachment to those martyrs who had Buffered , and who were enduring bo much misery for advocating those principles . ETery day ' s experience prored the folly of those aristocratic tyrants -who sought by physical force to rivet those chains of slavery which ¦ we re forged by antiquated tyrants , when they were in a comparative state of darkness ; but the intelligence as < i political knowledge of the people -were now shaking the antiquated citadel of corruption ; they would no loEger suffer themselves to be led by the nose , and deluded hj either Whig or Tory factions . The plunder of the people was the common object , of both ? "the on ) jdifference he conld discover between them was , that the "Whigs occasionally sacrificed their principles . to
expediency , and cheated the people by delusive promises ; while the Tories , like bold highwaymen , dapped a pistol to their breasts , and plundered . tneiu with a darfng face of the most consummate Impudence . ( Loud cheers . ) He would propose , as a toast , — "The people , the legitimate source ot all power , but assure them that until the People ' s Charter became the law of the land , they must calculate on being plundered by the aristocracy of both Whig and Torj . The battle was now between the Chartists and Tories , for tae Whigs , as a party , were defunct—peace be to tbtir remains . Let bat the working classes be united , and they would soon prove to the world that the people are the legitimate source of all power . The toast was drank with great enthusiasm .
ilr . PaiCE responded to the toast , and drew a clear and masterly sfcetch of Vhe principles of tlie People ' s Charter , and was loudly cheered . The Chairman proposed a toast , "Civil and religious liberty all over the glabe , " He deplored that while most of the religious world would respond to the sentiment , tbey were ignorant of iU value , and opposed to the sublime principles it contained . Every different sect & - ; no bounds to their own religious views ; and yet , with a one-sided consistency , they sneered and hooted every other sect who happened to differ with them , forgetting that true religious liberty consisted in freedom of thought , charity to all , envy to none , but leve to the whole human family . Mr . Gbeatss responded to this toast in a delkbtfn ]
rue Chairhas next proposed the health of Mr . Edward Brown . The presence of Mr . Brown prevented him saving many things that would be necessary to do justice to his character . No man in England , except Mr . Feargns O'Connor—iloud cheers here interrupted the Chairman ) . —had worked with more zeal in the people ' s cause than Mr . Brown ; no man had been more BBjUitly persecuted . The Chartist movement had been carried on far enough to answer the purpose of the Whigs of Birmingham : the Government threw certain hungry dogs o ( that town a bone to pick , by granting the Coar « j of Incorporation ; but certain he was , that Little Johnny Finality and his " chums "' sent down the Charter of Incorporation to Douglas and Co ., with an
T > nripr g » * Ti A ing that they should assist in putting down ttie Chartist movement It was at that crisis Lkat Mr . Browa msofaily cania oat , and to 2 d the peepie u . ' Birmingham that they were sold ; and , bj his extraordinary exertions , aided by a few others , be rallied the working men , and tkat successfully ; until , at length , the Whigs set future Tory Governments an example to put down freedom of discussion by physical force , and they senj tbeir bull-dogs into the Bull King to break th « heads of the inoffiKsrre and peaceable working men of the town . The Chairman , at considerable length , dwelt on the psrfidions conduct of the Whigs at that time : he also added that they were equally indebted to the bloodthirsty Tories for the scenes of bruality which followed those events .
The ioaa : was drunk with three times three hearty cheers . Mr . Bsow y acknowledged the toast in a splendid speech . The proceedings were continued for some time ; ¦ everal other toasts and sentiments being proposed and responded to ; a spirit of union and good fellowship preTailea ; and at the close a vote of UianKi to the rh »* TTTi « Ti -was earned by acclamation .
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COUNTY SHERIFF'S COURT . A . Sheriff ' s Court was held at Leeds , on Monday last , before J . H Hill . E » q-, Bamster-at-Law . There Were oaly four cases tried , with "which the court ¦ was occupied till nearly midnight . The following are the only cases of publie importance - . — PI . NKNEY r . BOOTH . This wa » an aetiun brought to recover £ 6 3 s .,-loi work and labour dona , and os . for travelling
expense * . iit XE" » 'fo > , banister , of Bipon , appeared for the plaintiff , and ilr . Johs Hope Shaw , of Leeds , for the defendant . Mr . Piakney , the plaintiff , ii a small farmer and cattle doctor , at Sharow , neat Bipon ; and the defendant , J 4 r . Richard Booth , is a gentleman , occupying a large sheep farm , at Warlaby , near NorthaUerton . la June . ISS 9 , the defendant had a large number of beep afflicted with a disease called the scab , which the plaintiff was employed to cure , by washing them with ft liquor prepared for the purpose , lor which the plaintiff is famous . The evidence showed that the defendant's shepherd went over to Sharow on the loth of June , to see the plaintiff , whom he found at tho
house uf a Mr . Woodhouse , at Bridge Hewick , on which ooeasioH a conversation took place , which ended is . the plaintiff agreeing to send his two sons to wash tba defendant ' s sheep . The sons went to Warlaby on tfee 19 " . h of June , and were employed until the 22 nd , watering 246 sheep , which it was agreed should be paid sixpence each . The defence set up was , that the agreement was " no cure no pay , " and the sheep , so tax from being cured , bad some of them died , and Consequently the plaintiff was not entitled to recover . Is answer to this it was shown that strict orders had been given that the sheep should be taken proper care of , but neglecting this , they had been left in a field all night , whilst it was raining , by which the preparation was washed off
The action r" »» been previously tried in the same court , wLen a verdict was given for the plaintiff for { he amount sought ; upon which a new trial was moved lor in the ( Jueen ' s Bench , on the ground that the verdict was nut in accordance with the evidence . Tbe motion was granted , and an issue was directed to have the case re-aigued . The evidence was of great length , iltiA in some p "'" fc * contradictory . Tlie court was occapied from eleven o ' clock in the morning until nearly ¦ even at night ; and the jury , after a short deiibtrattvn , returned a verdict for the plaintiff for £ 6 7 s . —damages , ls > , the whole amount sought
CSA . LLAXD r . BB . AT . This was an action to recover back a stake of £ 15 , deposited by the plaintiff in the hands of the defendaot , Trpon an Iflezal race . Mr . Bwd , for the plaintiff , stated that the facts ¦ were in a narrow compass , and the case would probably resolve itself into > question of law for the conrt above . The plaintiff was the owner of a black mare , and in March last be deputed a person named John Eastwood to make a match for her to trot four miles against toother mare , belonging to one Benjamin Eastwood . The match was made on the 22 nd March last , for £ 25 a-side , and was to come off on the 5 th of May . Two pounds a-side were paid down to make the match , into the hands of the defendant as stakeholder ; on the 3 rd
of April £ li a-side more were deposited , and the remaining £ 10 a * Bid « was to be made good oa the day of the race . Oa t&at morning , however , the plaintiff was informed that the defendant was father-in-law to Benjamin Eastwood , and he then objected to bis continuing the office of stakeholder , but offered to go on with the ™ . tj > Vi if any respectable indifferent person wer » named in bis stead . The parties ultimately conld not agree aa to another stakeholder , and the plaintiff then declared the match off , and gave defendant notice to pay back his money , which notice be repeated in writing the same evening . Now , in paint of law , if either party to an illegal wager gave notice to the
stakeholder to pay him Wack his stake before he had banded it over to the other party , he was bound to refund it , whichever won or lost , or forfeited his wager . That this was an illegal wager was clear of all doubt . By the 16 tb Charles II . horse races were all declared ill «? aL The 13 th Gee . II . legalized horse r » ct » for sums of £ 30 or -upwards , if ran at certain plaeea namtd in that statute , and the lSih & *> - 11-jnade them legal wherever they might be run . . But it bid been decided , in a case before Lord Eidon , that tb * two latter Acts only applied to real horse-racing upon the turf , and not to a trotting match upon the Qneen ' a highway , and that case had been confirmed by a latar one before the Court of Common Pleas .
Witnesses were then called who proved the facts ateted , and upon the agreement being produced , it ap ^ peared on the face of it to have feeenmade between John Eastwood andBenjaniiB Eastwood , and not between the plaintiff and Benjamin Eastwood . John Eastwood , howiverTswore distinctly that he made it as the agent of the pUtntiff * t « i that all the money deposited belonged to U » phiBttff AuTaHAW , for the defendant , submitted first that the wager was legal , and attempted to distinguish this case from that decided by Lord Eldon ; and , secondly , that the evidence of John Eastwood , that he acted as plaintiffs agent , was not admissible to contradict the agreement . Mr . Hill ( the Sheriff ' s Assessor ) , refused to stop the case on either point , but reserved leave to the defendant to move to enter a nonsuit if he should be so advUed .
Mr . Sh aw then addressed the Jury for the defendant , contending that John Eastwood had made the match on Ml Own M ejnti i th&t be tad not mentioned the plaintiff to Benjwun Eastwood -, or that he was at all eve . ntB a partner in the wager witfl the pl ** itiffi .
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Three witnesses were then called , who swore that they had not heard Challand mentioned except as the owner of the mare ; but they admitted , OU crossexamination , that they were not present dating the whole time . Mr . Bond , in reply , contended that there was no ground for imputing perjury to John Eastwood , who had expressly sworn that he made the match as plaintiff's agent , and that he no doubt mentioned tlie plaintiff to Benjamin Eastwood , before the defendant ' s witnesses came . Besides , Mb client bad made the deposits , and had been throughout treated as the principal in the matter . The Learned ASSESSOR summed up , telling the Jury that if they thought upon the evidence that John Eastwood made the natch on behalf of the present plaintiff , and so declared at the time , and that he was not ft partcr in the wager , then their verdict must be for the plaintiff ; otherwise , for the defendant .
Verdict for the plainvifffor £ 15 , subject to the points reserved .
PINKET r . BOOTH . The plaintiff wai the same as in the former case ; and the defendant , Mr . John Booth , of Kiilerby , new Catterick , brother of the former defendant The action was brought to recover £ 3 15 s ., for sheep washing , and 5 s . for travelling expenoes . Mr . Newton was for the plaintiff , and Mr . Davison \ of Northallerton , for the defendant . The Jury gave a verdiet for the defendant . The csse did not terminate till two o ' clock on Wednesday merning .
The Northern Star. Saturday, July 31, 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , JULY 31 , 1841 .
" The ChaRUse have pbovkd themselves mobe ACCURATE CALCULATORS THaH THE KIDDLE CLASSES . Whether their nOjTRCM would have mended matters is sot . sow the qcfstios , " but the hesul 1 has shews that they were cobiect in theib opinion—that is the present state op the representation , it was vain to thike . of a bjepeax of the cobh h 0 n 0 p 0 lt . ******* Political power in this country , though ii resides in a cohparatively small class , can onlt be exercised bt the sufferance op thb masses , "Morning Chronicle ( organ of the Whig MinistersJ Friday , July I 6 ih , 184 i .
THE WHIG BUDGET BARRICADES . Oce " moral force" readers may believe it or not , just as they please , but we beg to assure them that with our own hands , we selected the following precious morBel of " morality" from the Morning Chronicle of Saturday last , the 24 th of July , 1841 , and tsnth year of Peace , Retrenchment , and Reform : — " There are many things in the present posture of affaiis which are anything but symptomatic of a Tory millenium . " The rain falls , and the price of corn rises ; trade does not improve ; and , should the harvest fail , Sir Robert will have a winter to encounter as disagreeable as that of 1830 . from which he fled .
" The Whig budget has been defeated by monopolists and ecclesiastical activity , and Tory taxes must be the substitute . " The army must be increased , because the Tories have no tenure but the bayonet in Ireland . The navy eannoi be diminished , because foreign powers , knowing the hatred ot the working classes and of the Iruh nation to the Tories , will not fail to look around for opportunities of indemnity from the late triumphs of Lord Palmerston . " France , in 1830 , according to the oracle of Tamworth , by an example of physical force , disturbed the slumbers of the English oligarchy . Is net France disturbing at this moment , the prospective success of a Tory Budget ?
" We must hava money , * says M . Homann . — Toulouse answers by a barricade . " ' We must have money , " says Sir Robert Peel . — Manchester and Birmingham may answer any budget , but the Whig one , with a barricade . " ' We mnst have money through new taxes , ' repeats the oracle . —Money you may have , but not new taxes . Xo new taxes for the people—no new taxes for the middle classes—no new taxes for any or for all .
" Such will be the universal cry of the British empire ; and many as elector whom folly , or spite , or bribery , or intimidation , has led from his duty at the recent contests , will declare against new taxes—many a merchant , who has hitherto sacrificed his trade to party spirit , will repent his grovelling infatuationmany a manufacturer will have the film of ignorance uifcen from his eyes , and will wonder , as he wakes , at his transcendent degradation .
" The Budget gave , reliet Sir Robert giv e * new burdens . The Whigs depart with the unpopularity of wisdom . Sir Robert enters office with the popularity of folly . Walk before him , O ye taxgatherers ; for verily he will augment your daily labours . Walk be / ore him , all ye oorruptionists , oligarchs , and others , who find your accounts in the augmented hardens , and the increased miseries of the people . Welcome to him who grinds the poor for the sake of the rich . Welcome to the demure , pharisaical Sir Robert—to the comely and decent Jesuit—to the plausible champion of the Cbandos gang . Welcome , I say , to the hero of the pivot , and to him of the sliding scale .
" Bat , men of England , look to your pockets . If you -wiu not have the Whigs , mske Peel give you their Budget If you are tired of Melbourne , extract his good measures from your enemies . " Of course the above is from " a Correspondent , " that is , from the Editor to the Editor ; as all of our mottled tribe have a vast privilege , not only of using both ends of the " stylas , " as Horace says , but there is also vested in us a kind of
prescriptive right of selecting the exact degree of relationship in which we choose to stand towards our children , whether as legitimate parent , putative father , Father by adoption , or god-father . The striking likeness , however , of the youngest son of the Chronicle to his eldest brother , Master Massaroiu Reform Easthope , born in 1831 , leaves no doubt upon the mind of those whe have seen both that they are " par nolile fralrum . "
In very truth , we feel unequal to handle the aboTe with any degree of moral courage . We fear touching the pitch lest we may be thereby defiled ! bat we must e ' en at the Barricade , as no doubt some notice will be expected from us . Well , then , it will be in the recollection of our readers tha , t when " plain Joh . V now Lord Job John , announced the death and burial of Chartism , we shed no tear over the empty grave ; we heaved no sigh over the corseless tomb . We watched the ^ iantin his dHmber , which the foolish old man mistook for the repose of death ; we examined the limbs and felt the heart , and finding them warm and animated ire said thzt when the giant again rose refreshed from his slumbers , that he would start from that very point of his journey at which , before resting , he had arrived .
Our readers will recollect that we then argued that however persecation , intimidation , and " physical foroe" might , for » season , arrest the progress of Chartism ; yet , npon it 3 resuscitation , would it be gore to start from that very point where oppression made its last assault . We announced that not a step of the old ground would be gone over again ; bnt on the contrary , what was gained would be kept , and fresh ground would be broke . That we were right in our conjecture is fully proved by the extraordinary and rapid strides made since the incarceration of our best , our wisest , and ablest leaders ; and that this is a principle in politics , may be inferred from the fact of the Whig organs having
finished the campaign of 1831 with fire and sword , and now ( after a sleep not far short of Rip Van Winkle ' s nap ) proposing to open the campaign of 1841 with barrieadea and circumvallations of bread , thus starting from the very point where the " Reformers" left off in 1832 . If any fatality could have occurred more propitious than another , to aid the class ** Reformers" in moulding the Reform Bill to their own party purposes , it was that state of things which the senseless and then uninstructed people created at the bidding of their task-masters . " Reform" was literally snatched out of the fire , and cut into party dresses before the smoke had subsided .
Those who applied the details to the principle knew full well what tha effect of those details would be : not perhaps that one would have been the mean of transferring power to Tory hands ; but they knew that the general effect would be to create a more slavish and dependent constituency , if possible , than that which it destroyed . They knew full well that all the people ' s share was ( notwithstanding the " vigilant" popular controul under which our institations were to be placed ) still to rest upon the clemency , whim , or caprice of the party which mi ^ ht be in the ascendant . In fact , they knew that the change was but a mere change of masters . The people did not expect so bad a return as they have receited . In every speech they recognised the
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admission of some great principle , one and all tending to the one great professed end of making taxation AND REPRESENTATION CO-EXTENSIVE J and the great error committed was a blind renunciation of all further popular interference with the details , when the principle had been gained by fire and sword , and threats of extermination of royalty itself . Suoh was the great error in 1832 : such , as we have over and over again stated , has been the great error in all physical revolutions . The people , generally successful in the physical struggle , rest satisfied , and suppose that victory follows the last shot , or the last crash cf the fired building : when the soldiers repose , leaving to their officers the disposal ot the triumph and the possession of the spoil .
Our readers will further bear in mind that we were alone in noticing the new Whig tactics eo loosely cast before us in the war print , the Globe , under the significant heading "Bread or B ( ood " We stated that the country would be roused upon that cry , and further insisted that the hungry Whigs cou > d not pass through the dog-days , without becoming rabid , if once whipt from the mess . Does not the following sentence from the Chronicle fully prove the truth of our assertion ?— We must have money , says Sir Robert Peel . Manchester and Birmingham may answer any Budget but the Whig one with a Barricade . "
sSow , that is from the Chronicle , and we have emphasised the may jast as we find it in that journal - , and will any man of plain common sense read it thus emphasised , otherwise than—Manchester and Birmingham ought to erect the Barricade ; Manchester and Birmingham we trust will erect the Barricade , in resistance to any Budget , other than a Whig Budget : that is to say , the people of Manchester and Birmingham should risk their lives
the peace of the country , and the very existence of society , for no other earthly purpose than that of whipping the Whigs back again to the mess ! for that is the plain meaning of the thing : because the Whigs know full well that they would have to toss up some other hasty pudding of a Budget for next year , and so on : annually looking out for windfalls and God-sends for the " surplus population" of idle paupers , which " presses too hardly upon the means " of the industrious man ' s existence .
But is it not curious that , in the tenth year of Reform and retrenchment , the Whiga should still claim credit , not—for reducing taxation , but for experimentalising to avoid further direct taxation ! They require £ 2 , 400 , 000 for the current year ; and as " a penny saved is a penny gained , " we could very easily relieve them from all the trouble , anxiety , risk , and loss of office , by nipping just that amount from the burden of the state , and [ barring the precedent . ' ] the
morsel would not be felt ! We could doit for them , and more , without even one act of aristocratic injustice ; but upon their preservation of the mess fulL , entire , and intact , ( which are the terms of their trust ) , depends their support ; and therefore they prefer walking out for a bit , to living upon short commons even for a season , in the hope of returning to the undiminished mess at some future day . About the Barricades .
Let us just suppose that O'Connor had appeared in Court , as proprietor « f the Northern Star , to plead to an indictment framed upon the very article we have copied from the Chronicle : nor indeed is he safe from this , as he was actually con victed twice for matter copied from other papers , and was also extensively denounced and held up to public reprobation by the said Chronicle and the Whig press generally , upon a third occasion , for the crime of the Northern Star having copied from the Tyne Mercury a sketch of a " cat " , and which the Tyne Mercury gave as a description of the sort of bed upon
which it desired to see the said O'Connor reposing . We gave the article from the Mercury t" cat" and all ; and at no distant period we found the whole of the Whig and Tory Press teeming with abuse of O'Connor for having given a sketch of a cat for injuring the horses of dragoons , with a recommendation for its adoption . Nay the infamous and lying slander was actually repeated to the cheering representatives of the people , by that greatest and meanest of all tools , Plain John , and urged as a reason among others for his persecution of O'Connor and the Chanists .
But to the Barricade . Whatisitfor , and whatis to hi the amount of the promised victory t A republic ? No . The establishment of the universal rights of the wbol& people , under a limited and responsible monarchy ! No . The annihilation of the Tory party ? No . The means of affording to the Whigs a power of completing " Reform , " in which they have been hitherto baffled by Tory opposition i No . The remission of some heavy burdens , and reduction of taxation I No . Some temporary means of helping the system-made paupers through their present distreBS , until permanent steps shall be taken to
prevent a recurrence of the evil ? No . The Repeal of the new Poor Law Act ? No . The repeal of some bad law ! No , no , no ; no such thing ! The Whig Budget is the acknowledged " casus belli . " In decency , the Chronicle should have spared us the disagreeable and thankless office of taking it to task befow the battle commences ; for although we and the unrepresented people cannot be expected to give to Toryism another " fair trial , " yet we do think that , inasmuch as the mere difference of locality ,
whether right or left of the Speaker's chair , constitutes the sole asd only difference between Whigs and Tories , the Chronicle should , in common decency , have waited for some better pretext , and more practical reason , for erecting the Barrioades in Manchester and Birmingham , and thus have spared us the trouble of cautioning the people against the " revolutionary and treasonable" recommendation : aye , " revolutionary and treasonable "; there ib no use blinking it—it amounts to that .
Mr . Easthope ' s life and property will be just as secure under a Tory , as under a Whig Government ; and he has not the same justification for his violence , as an unrepresented , neglected , despised , persecuted , and starving out-lawed people have . Surely , then , if the Whigs cannot wait for a month for a trial without talking about Barricades , the sentences of poor " ignorant" working men , for no other crime than merely meeting , as iu the case of Hoey , Ashton , and Crabtrbe and hundreds of others , were most egregiously severe , and their crime was very venial compared to that of the Chronicle , who cannot state any better cause of complaint than the mere change from one side to the other of the House of Commons .
We have Borne recollection of a denunciation of O'Connor and O'Brien by the Chronicle , by George Henry Ward , by Macaulat at Edinburgh , and more recently by that respectable pauper , Mr . Oswald , at Glasgow , for having recommended the people to resort to " physical force , " and then deserting them . This we nevei thought it worth while to contradict as the whole people were aware of its falseness , and indeed a 3 the bankrupt M . P . for Glasgow was very significantly ana flatly told upon the hustings by a large portion of the said people . However , had O'Connor and O'Brien , even by insinuation , ( which they never did , ) told the people to make a physical resistance to , or physical aggression upon , tyranny , the people would have
been justified in insisting upon those two gentlemen taking the command of the troops : and in the same way , should the Whig Barricades be erected in Manchester and Birmingham , and should it not be convenient to send a deputation from either of these towns to London , for Mr . Easthopb , Lord Palmekston , and the Proprietor of the Globe , to take the command ; and should the rage extend to the metropolis , which is very probable , we hereby insist upon the Chronicle and Globe offices being respectfully searched for the Editors—no , for the Proprietors ; [ this is another privilege of ours , so long as our writings are not objected to by our employers !] and upon Mr . Easthope being compelled to take the chief command of the " Budget Bar-
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ricade '' wlich may happen to be nearest to his office . We think this a good moral doctrine for our peace-loving Chartist friends ; and we beg to jttssure them , that the very same result aa was produced in Nottingham , Newcastle , Bristol , and Dorchester , by * firing" the Whigs into office in 1831 , would be produced after they were Barricaded into office ia 1841 ; that is , the foremost men would be some hung and some more transported , which are the usual rewards of Whig seldiera after the battle .
But can anything more fully prove the injustice of class legislation than the impunity with which a set of trafficking politicians , destructives , and hired and common disturbers of the peace , are allowed thus to excite the quiet people to treason and rebellion ! Why is not Easthope prosecuted ! Why will he not be prosecuted 1 Because , as we stated the week before last , a Jury that would hang a Chartist for half the crime , would acquit Eastbope and honour him as a champion and a martyr .
We are fond of giving sums to our pupils ; and now suppose the second Whig campaign to have commenced with Barricades , how is it likely to end 1 Answer—in the establishment of the Charter , a Republic , or anything else which is found indispensible for Whig restoration to the mess if the ChartiBt garrison only holds out . However , they will try to accomplish it constitutionally if they can ; in short , " morally if they may , physically if they must . " For ourselves we ever have been , and ever shall be enemies to excessive punishment , and more especially for political offences ; and the most
that Mr . Easthope and his violent friends can now expect at our hands , if worsted in the campaign of the " Budget Barricades , " will be to insist that the critical standard for the punishment of poor political offenders , established by the Whigs , shall not be violated . If there appears a strong point of law in Mr . Easthopb ' s favour to save him from being half hanged firstly , and then to have his bowels torn out and thrown in his face , and then to be the other half hanged , and then to have bis head out off , and then to be quartered and disposed of according to her Majesty ' s pleasure ;
and if all the best and ablest of the judges are in favour of that point , and if Mr . Easthops ' s crime appears to consist in resisting tyranny and advocating justice for all ; in such case we will take care , as far as we have the power , that he shall suffer no greater punishment than transportation for life to a penal colony . If any Whig is discovered walking with a rusty old sword , or other warlike instrument , such as a pike handle without the pike , or having combustibles under his bed furnished by ahired Tory spy ; and if the said Whig is convicted upon the false evidence of a self-acknowledged perjurer , who
admits that he was hired by the police and government authorities , we will , in such case , take care as far as we can , that suoh Whig suffers no greater punishment than four years upon the tread-mill under the silent system : and if any Whig shall attend a meeting for the purpose of declaring his grievances , WHILE OUT OF EMPLOYMENT , or being badly paid , and if no disturbance of the peace shall take place at suoh meeting , and if the said Whig or Whigs can get any respeotable person , or persons , to give him , or them , a good character for honesty , industry , and obedience to law , we will , as far as we can , take
care that such Whig , or Whigs , Buffers no more than two year ' s imprisonment at hard labour under the silent system : and if any Whig journal shall publish illegal speeches or proceedings , we will , in such case , take care that no heavier punishment shall be inflicted than eighteen months solitary confinement , with heavy recognizances to keop the peace for three years ; and a complete and entire violation ef all prison rules , for Buoh others as the then Secretary of State for the Home Department shall , in his wisdom , be graciously pleased to substitute . Such is the very best that we can promise to do for the "Whig Budget Barricadere . "
We feel some astonishment that the torch , found to be so pre-eminently successful a Reform weapon at Bristol in 1831 , should now be abandoned for the heavy , the cumberous , and more expensive Barricade . Will the Chronicle have the kindness to transmit to our office a wood-cut , wheels and all , of a moveable Barricade , and also of a Reform " torch , " so that we may lay the same before our readers , with a hope of inducing them to remain at home , while the Whigs are " all abroad . " Perhaps Mr . Steele , the pacificator General of Ireland , would at the same time have the kindness to famish us with a cast of one of those " one million
Irish pikes , " which he assures us can be manufactured in less than a week ? Ah , we said that it would come to this . DANIEL AND THE MISCREANT
CHARTISTS AGAIN . The nasty fellow has been spitting his venom upon Chartism in his tour of reimbursement . We just give the following specimen of this gentleman ' s love of truth . When addressing the people of Kilkenny , the other day , he Baid : — " England never was in a greater state of jeopardy than she is at present : her artisans starving—her manufacturers eonVplftinlns—her commerce declining—her revenues exhausted—and Chartism bunting over the land . And if Irishmen joined the physical-force Chartists , and assisted them in their maddened career , why , before this time , the aristocracy of England would have been reduced to hqwlisg beggars ., if not assasinated by the Chartists , and the , throne of our yonng and lovely Queen would have been overturned . "
Waa there ever such unpardonable folly as this ?! But is there not something to deplore even in the folly \ Do not the wise discover in it the foregone conclusion , that in Chartism alone the " Liberator" recognises perfect freedom , and consequent free trade arid total destruction of all monopoly in humbug % Do they not also see in it full proof that , so long as he can help it , no union shall take place between the people of the two countries ? But , we defy him ! Knowledge is more powerful than sophistry , bombast , or blarney , or than all three put together ; and we have now before us not a few cheering communications from different parts of Ireland , assuring us of the rapid progress of the good cause made through our humble instrumentality .
M The aristocracy of England would have been reduced to prowling beggars , IF NOT ASSASINATED BY THE CHARTISTS ; and the throne of our young and lovely Queen would have been overturned . " Good God ! is the man " clean daft" ? Has he gone quite out of his wits in anticipation of Ireland's howl when she comes to ask for her 42 Repealers that voted for her resurrection in 1834 T Or does he hope to turn the curious from an investigation into their own affairs , by oreating a greater curiosity about ours . This is a counter irntan ,. "The Chartists assassinate" ! Was
ever a more base and malicious slander ?! Bnt this is not all . The disinterested Liberator , in one of his recent phillipics , at Cork , stated the terms of his future support to a Whig Government ; and what do our readers suppose those terms are ! " Repeal , of course . " No : guess again . Justice to Ireland ? No : Total Abolition of Tithes ? No . Extentton of the Suffrage ? No : guess again . Do you give it up ? Yes . Well hear , Daniel O'Comnbll will not again support a Whig Administration which " refuses
to give Places to Repealers . " You don ' t believe it ? don ' t you ! Well then , have his own words from the correspondent of the World newspaper , corroborated by the press generally . " Mr . O'Connell said , that , should the Whigs resvme power , he would not support them if they refused place to any man because he is a Repealer . " Now , do you believe it ! " Aye , I do now ; and it bangs Bannagher , and Bannagher bangs cock fighting . " Thus has Chartism been merged into " assassination " , and Repeal into " situation" !
Ah ! Dan , sold tho people , body and sleeves , to Lord Duncannon and the Whigs iu 1835 , and now he offers them a cheap bargain of Repeal : but we have better hopes for Ireland ; All is not lost
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that ' s in danger t The English people will heap coals of fire upon the heads of the IriBb , by carrying a Repeal of the Union in spite even of the Liberator himself ; and when we have , by our moral strength , and without a blow being struck , oran "aristocrat assassinated / ' or the Queen ' s dignity even impaired , procured , as with God ' s blessing and the aid of our blistered hands we shall do , FOUR MILLION SIGNATURES for a Repeal of the
Union , ( valueless , perhaps , from a want of the accompaniment of 2 s- to each name , making the small totaloffourhundredthousandpounds ;) we say , when we have done this , the odds are Lombard - street to a China orange , that the answer from Dan ' s" tame associates" will be : " No ; we won ' t have it now ; it mast be bad , poison , rank poison , when offered by our deadly enemies , THE PEOPLE of England "
Just think of the folly of this man telling his gaping audience that tbb peoplb of England must be hostile to Ireland , because the county constituencies had returned a large majority of Ireland ' s enemies to the present Parliament ! Is this not a melancholy perversion ! Why not honestly tell the Irish people that , of the batch , the English people would not have returned a single one of those enemies of Ireland if they had a voice in the selection .
This attempt to divert public attention from the fallen state of Ireland , prodaced by the " Liberator ' s" truckling expediency policy , shall not do . In self-defence , and in defence of the English and the Irish people , we shall next week perform the unpleasant duty of enquiring how-far the Irish people have even endeavoured , in the late straggle , to rescue their own country from the bloody grasp of the " prond invader" and the ruffian faotions ;
and how far the question of questions has been advanced by the blood , the sacrifices , and the glorious , but misapplied , exertion of the brave Irish people . They are a brave and a noble people , and the greater our sorrow that their Milesian blood should fertilize the land of their forefathers now held by the right of conquest , which was only achieved by the very disunion so sedulously attempted to be kept alive by Mr . O'Connell .
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THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL . Impressed with the same jealous feeling as the Noble Lord whose name adorns our frontispiece , of the equal importance of " watching details as of maintaining great principles , " we have perused his " Will "more than once , in the hope of discovering in its details some substitute for" great principles , " the disposal of which , in the excitement of so awful an
undertaking , the noble testator has wholly omitted . Whether the omission proceeded from a want of such a description of property , or whether it was already disposed of by previous settlement , or mortgaged , or otherwise pawned , or encumbered beyond redemption , we cannot undertake to say ; but certain are we , that we felt strong disappointment as expeotant participators in what we had a right to consider as national trust property , to find that there were no assets .
The press has given to the Noble Lord ' s production a multiplicity of fine names , some calling it" a xrtat state paper ; " others" an important document ;' others " the plain , straightforward , and manly address , bearing the signature of the Noble Lord {" others a " luminous Manifesto . " All these high-flown terms raised our hopes to a great pitch , for a week , as state documents and all state affairs generally do ; but at the end of that time , Wo find that the greatest importance now attached to the great document , is " the time at which it made Us appearance "
We regret exceedingly that the Noble Lord did not , as is the # sual custom with testators , commence by assuring us that he was of " sound and disposing mind , " and then return " thanks to Almighty God for the same . " We really regret the absence of this usual form ; because if we were to deoide upon the state of the testator ' s mind , by comparing his document with those documents which have recently appeared from the pen of working men , as members of a representative body
not recognized by law , or as individuals struggling for their just rights , we should undoubtedly declare that either Lord John , or the authors of those national documents , were " non compos mentis . " and inasmuch as the latter State Papers not only express and define " groat principles , " but likewise propose the most simple details for their arrangement for use , while hiB Lordship ' s will makes no bequest of the one without which the other is inoperative ; we therefore pronounce his Lordship " non compos . "
Now , let us just take the most important portion of this dooument , and see wherein its statesman-like character is to be found . The testator , in the three first paragraphs , according to tho arrangement of the Examiner , from which we take it , for it has been variously subdivided , says as follows : — " LORD JOHN BUSSELL ' S ADDEESS TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON .
" Gentlemen , —I request you to accept my sincere and hearty thanks for the honour you have conferred upon me by electing me one of , your Representatives in the Common * ' House of Parliament I should have made this acknowledgment at an earlier period , had I not been desirous of explaining to you the course which the general state of the returns will make it my duty to puisne . In owler to do this the more clearly I must refer to some past events .
" In the early part of last year , when a resolution , declaring a want ot confidence in the Government , was brought forward , I distinctly announced the intention of proposing additional taxes to meet the increased expenditure of the country . In the present year , so soon as the estimates had been completed , and the probable amount of the revenue could be calculated , her Majesty ' s Ministers took into their serious consideration tbe disparity which still existed between the income of the country and the cost of its establishments . We found that the new taxes were not sufficient to supply the deficiency . We were of opinion that we could not , with due regard to the hononr and safety of the nation , reduce its naval and military forces .
" But , npon a careful view of our commercial imposts , we cameto the conclusion that , by removing prohibitions , and lessening restrictions , it was possible to replenish the Treasury . " Now , what is there valuable in all that beyond the Btrong analogy , between the procrastinated compliment to his Lordship ' s constituents and the procrastinated announcement of his Lordship ' s " great commercial reforms , " so frankly , but so foolishly avowed ? His Lordship concludes the second paragraph thua : — " We were of opinion that we could not . with due regard to the honow and safety of the nation , redoes its naval and military forces . "
Now this is unfair as well as untrue ; the sentence should have run thus : —• " We were aware that we had produced a state of things which could only be upheld by brute force , aud therefore we were compelled to overtax those whom we had starved , for the pay of more soldiers and sailors , and officers , and policemen . " But in the third paragraph we find , that after all the expence , the anxiety , the risk , and the inconvenience to which the country has been put , his Lordship only calculates upon the mere POSSIBILITY of replenishing the Whig Exchequer by means of the " Great Commercial Reforms "
W « ll , the Noble Lord labours through the remainder of a very dnll and heavy paragraph of thi ? " important and luminous Stata document , " and thus opens the fourth paragraph . He says : — " As soon as the new Parliaments meets , we shall take the first opportunity of asking for a clear and decided judgment npon the policy we have pursued . " What , more last words ! another last judgment , and a further dig into another quartern loaf ! Man alive ! has not judgment been passed three several times J First , out of the House , by a clear verdict of guilty ; second , m the House , by a clear verdict of insanity and imbecility ; and lastly , upon appeal to ihe REFORM MADE PEOPLE , a clear verdict of guilty ; and now , not satisfied , theNobk Lord is resolved upoa pushing the people , his ioo
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lenient judges , to pronounce judgment . No , no we hare given . his Lordship and his Lordship ' s party a very long , and a very fair trial ; and in the discreet and excellent language of the Morn , ing Advertiser , which , throughout , has kept the lead of the Whig press , we entirely concur . Our able contemporary , thus weeps a tear of joy over the improved but melancholy fate of the Wbigg . " The atmosphere of the opposition benches is , after all , the atmosphere in which Whigs can breaths
freely . The opposition is their native element . As an opposition , they have from the time of Fox anil Shebidan downwards achieved . their greatest victories and gained their brightest laurels ; and there can be no question that new triumphs and fresh trophies await them in the new sphere oq which they aTe about to enter . In the ranks of the opposition , they will , no doubt , redeem tha character they have lost , and restore the confide nce which the people of England have for some time ceased to repose in them . "
How the Whig epicures may relish the free and pure air upon the Opposition side of the Heuse , as a substitute for the "fat dabs" < jf office , we are not prepared to say ; but in e very word of the above , which we have one hu ndred times impressed upon our readers , we fully concur ; and of the Whig Opposition , after so high an eulo . gium , ^^ we would say , " Esto perpettia . " We } must now come back to the noble testator , After the above passage , from the fourth paragraph , he goes on to complain , in bitter terms , against all those details which in the " great principle" of Reform have acted injuriously to Whig interest . Here we shall only ask , who supplied those " im «
portant details" to the " great principle" ! Ther » does not appear to have been attached by his Lord * ship , IN TIME , that great importance of •* watching details , " which it now appears his party ' s interest required . Well , is not this just what we have been hammering at for years I Hare we not said , a thousand times , that the measure was lost from a neglect of its proper detail moulding to its proper uses , and according to the spirit of the " great * principle" 1 In foot , we and the people were , and have long been , before the Noble Lord ; and now the stupid press begins to praise matter and assertion whioh merely proves the ignorance , incapacity , and backwardness ef his Lordship ' s ignorant associates .
The Noble Lord then proceeds to tell us all about the elections , and all about what every hand-loom weaver was perfectly cognizant of . He complains of Lerd Chandos ' s ^ 50 tenant-at-will clauso ; of the dependency of county voters upon their landlords , and so forth ; and then the Noble Lord gays a something about the " certainty of the cause of civil and religious liberty triumphing at last . " Yes , in faith ! but it would have been at long , long last , had it not been for the spiteful prod which the Noble Lord promises , in the sixth paragraph to give , in oppo * sition , to the poking hack which he rode while in office with so "loose a rein" and " careless seat" that he was thrown . In the sixth paragraph he says : —
" Out of power we obliged our opponents to abolish those testa by which political office was made exclusive , and a religious sacrament profaned . Oat of power we forced our adversaries themselves to free the Roman Catholics from those disabilities which tbey had declared indispensable for the maintenance of tin Constitution , and the safety of the Church . " Bravo , Lord John ! Then in opposition , in God's name , remain J as in truth you appear tons to plead eloquently for the privilege and place , and as eloquently to show cause why you should never again hold office , without a committee of sane Chartists to " watch all the important details" of your " GREAT PRINCIPLES . "
We now assure our readers that we have goni through this " great state paper ; " this important national document ; '' this "luminous manifesto , - " this " statesman-like production ,- " and we ask oar readers to contrast it with the luminons manifesto of the late Convention , which we published in May last ; or with the Address of the Executive , which appeared in our last number ; or with any one of the numerous and spirited addresses which hate come from female Chartists' Associations , and say which is most in accordance with the great principles required by the present generation ; and which , if moulded by proper "details , " would be most calculated to arrive at that result which the Noble Lord vainly hopes to persuade the people he aims , namely , " civil and religious liberty . "
The press , as is its custom , has treated this im < portant and luminous document , " each according to ( heir several interests ; while the only importance ¦ w hich we attach to the piece of incomparable folly falsehood , blarney , sycophancy , and sophistry is the opportunity it affords us of exposing to our virtuous and intelligent readers the sort of bait with which golden fish are caught . Positively , if such a communication was gent to us for insertion , bearing the initials of J . R ., we should thus dispose of it in our notice to cornspondents : —
" J .. R . has been received , but we decline publish " ing it in pity to the unfortunate contributor , who must be sadly afflicted with delirium tremens . W « would , of all things , recommend him to try changi op air , where he may restore that tone and confidence , and self-possession , of which he appears to stand so much in need . " The Noble Lord has not yet bit upon the proper bait to catch the mess . Black wings , blue bottom , and steel body is not the fly for the dog-days . A fly found in abundance , in fact swarming about factories and bastiles , called the "Chartist stinger , "
is the proper fly for the mess fish . The angler knows where to look for them , and will hear them buzzing like a swarm of bees , at an immense distance upon a summer ' s evening . They are a thin , lank-looking fly , like a (> daddy long-legs ; " &U limbs and no body ; and the golden fish are verj greedy after them and will take them freely , when they won't rise at a "horse-fly" or "blue-bottle . " The Captain and first Lieutenant of a line-ofbattie ship ohoe got into a very warm argument
as to the proper iiy for the season ; the Captain insisting that the " horse-fly" was then the best bait for mackerel—the Lieutenant denying that there was any such fly : whereupon an Irish sailor , who happened to be at hand , and who was an acknowledged angler , was appealed to as umpire . The Lieutenant asked him " Pat , did you ever see a " horse fly" 1 " No , d- —n my eyes ; " replied Pat—*' -bufc I tell yonr honour what I see , jast as quair a thing—I see a cow jump down a pM * cipice . "
We have just told the anecdote to relieve the tedium of the consideration of the " mighty , great , and importantly luminous and statesmanlike" new moonshine ; while we lire in hope that a codicil will be added in the noble patient ' s next attack of sp leen , to cure all defects , and making suitable disposal of all the great principles held in trust by the noble testator .
THE PEOPLE'S TACTICS . The elections are now settled ; the New House is returned ; the Whiga have been taught their proper lesson . They have been , in fact , made powerl ess for evil , and the next best thing for the people ' s attention ft , the use to be made of their victory ; f « a popular victory over the base Whigs , their ungrateful oppressors , we hold the result of the general election to be a steady unshaken adherence to tbeir own policy , an absolute refusal to be drawn , cajoled , ft
bullied into any agftation for any thing short of the entire Charter , must be joined to a careful improvement of every means by which our offensive operations against the citadel of corruption can be carried ou . We have always told our readers that there are only two media through which they can look for the restoration and establishment of popular rightphysical revolution , or an Act of Parliament . Th » former . it has been the studied carefulness of onrh ' vf « to avert by all means ; we have been continuall y
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A THE NORTHERN STAR .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 31, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct717/page/4/
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