Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th July 1841, Edition 4 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

Page 4
Page 4
4 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY. JULY 24. 184L
  • Text (11)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      JULIAN HARXEY TO THE DEMOCRATS OF THB WEST BID 1 KG . My . Feibsds , —Having Veen granted , by your delefates , leave of absence for a abort period from my dntte » as lecturer for your district , 2 wish to inform you how I bare spent my time . I toft DenrBbury on July 7 th , for Leeds , from there T » eat by raflvraj to York . I paid a visit to Mr . O'Connor on my arrival , and the same evening ad-¦ dreeaed an excellent meeting in the Chartist Associa taoe Room , -which -was densely crowded , great numbers keSag unable to get admission .

      Thnraday , 8 th . —A . zain visited Mi . O"Con »<* . Upon the occasion of each Tint a person sat fey the whole time , listening to the conversation . Tbe Oovernoi of the Castie , Mr . NoWe , appears to be an excellent man . Onr glorious friend , O'Connor , I fond in smeh better beaJte than he prerioosly had been , and in excellent ¦ pints , fall of hope that tbe victor ? of Chartism over class legislation is destined to be at no distamt day . The ame day went by railway to Darlington , then took coach to Xewcestie , reaching that town at ten o ' clock at night . Paday , 9 th . —Went Try r&Uw * y to Carlisle . Sitiifiiar , 1 £ 2 l—Addressed * meeting of my old friends si BalstoD .

      Monday , 12 . —Addressed a good meeting of the Carlisle Chartists . 1 wish to direct the attention of my fritnis to an address from tbe Carlisle Chartists in the last number of tbe Slar , ti » Jives of the two unforUizote men are in jeopardy , sad maybe sacrificed unless they bare that legal defence which justice demands , bot which is denied to those nnabVe to pile gold npon the altar . Men of the West Siding I remember ye , that whenever an appeal feas been-made to the coon try far pecuniary assistance ia behalf of the Welsh victims at the persecuted patriots ; remember ye ! thatthemen of Carlisle have been tbe first to respond to that appeal ; let , then , the country sake some return . Be it not forgotten that life is at stake , and oh . ' let it not be said that the lives of our brethren were sacrificed to the vengeance of oppression ' s mercenaries through the * ant of fcW POQ&dS .

      Tuesday , IStb . —Went bj-railway to Winlaton , where . that evening , I addressed a tefe gathering of my old friends , by whom I was heartily received . Wednesday , 14 th . —Retanird to Newcastle . A meeting had been called to take place in the Association loom , capable of holding tome hundreds . By eight o ' clock , it tos crowded to ssffocation , and some hundreds being unable to obtain admission , an adjournment to the open-air took place , where a large and enthusiastic gathering -was held . A letter from Mr . O'Connor ^ ras read by the Chairman , and elicited shouts of applause . A resolution , proposed by Mr . 0 Connor , Was seconded by Mr . Mason , in a spirit-stirring speech , I followed , speaking for nearly two hours . It was nearly eleven o'clock at tbe conclusion of the proceedings .

      Thursday , lath . —Addressed a glorious gathering of the men of South Shields , in the Market-place of that town . I rs-grtt to have to say , that I found no Association here , but , at the dose of the meeting , a number of tne old leaders accompanied me to my lodgings , and there made arrangements for the calling of a public meeting , en an early day , to form an Association . Let this be done , and let the leaders work with spirit , and no fear bHt that " the days of old" will be speedily restored , -when Sonth Shields ranted in the van ef th = racks of Chartism ..

      Friday . lS ' . h . —Addressed a splendid , overflowing and laost enthusiastic audience in the Arcade Rovm , Sunderiand . Messrs . Williasis and Binns were on the platform ; tbe formeT did me the honour of introducing me to bis compatriots , the men of Sunderland—the latter proposed the thanks of the assembly to yoar humble servant This was by far the most enthusiastic meeting I have addressed , and tells well for tbe almost superhuman exertions in the democratic cause of those talented patriots , Williams and Binns ; to them we owe the present glorious state of Chartism in Sonderland . I ^ oag , long may they in health and atrtngth cantiniifi to &rjoy the esteem and affection &f tbeir townsmen—esteem they have so nobly ¦ won—affection Ibey bo nobly deserve .

      Saturday . 17 th . —Left Snnderland for Stockton- - lew , "Wbere , that eweing I addressed a large open-air-Xieeung , in the High-street . The Stockton Chartists an an excellent body of patriots , they have a good leading room , a co-operative store , and are found ever ready to play their part when any appeal by the Chartist leaders is made to the country ; yet strange to Bay , Stockton is but very seldom visited by Chartist lecturer * : this is much regretted by tbe local leaders . I would earnestly request any of my brother " demagogues" who may be going from York to Sundtrlaod and Newcastle , or from either of the latter places to the former , to pay Stockton a visit ; they will find excellent sccosmodation for an open-air meeting , and ¦ wQl there meet vritb a people generous and hospitable , and sternly patriotic in liberty ' s cause . Monday , 19 th . —Retained to York .

      Tuesday , 20 th . —Again had the pleasure of an inter-Tiew with Air . O'Connor . How is it , let me ask , that my fair friends , the good wives and bonnie lasses of Oldham , forgot to send me ias promised ! their addTess to Mr . O'Connor ? Let them make amends for their neglect , by at once going to work in preparing for the patriot ' s reception on his liberation . Oldham , the only place in Britain that returns to Parliament two real Radical Members , mast—will ; to O"Connor and the « aase ) do its duty . The same evening addressed a second excellent meeting of the Chartists of York . Men of tie West-Biding ! I am happy that I can ? ongratalate yon on the triumphant progress of Vns . rtism in this city , hitherto the fortress of iristocraucal despotism &nd priestly ignorance ; but now ( thanks to the persecution of O'Connor ) destined , I veriiy believe , to be , at no remote period , one of the strongholds of democracy .

      I shall this day return to Dawsbury , and on Monday Sext n ^ ftll r * eomBJEBCe my lectures in the Ridieg . Brother democrats , I reserve till we meet , face io face , comment upon the late downfall of Whiggery in your Riding , as also any advice 1 may have to tender as to the future course your own interests command you to pursue . In the meantime , I cannot but congratnlit « you that

      The l . \ g that ' s tainted ten long years The once free English breezethe filthy yellow rag , is at length hauled down , and although in its stead , for a moment , the Tory blue flies aloft , yet unicn and energy , my friends , and no fear but that tbe glorious banner of green will yet—aye , and speedily , too—float triumphant on the bretzs , proclaiming the liberation of oarselves , and the enfraachisfcmfent of our father-lasd . Toons , fraternally and faithfully , Geoege Jcilas HaBSET , York , Wednesday , July 21 st , 1841 .

      Untitled Article

      BIRMINGHAM RESTORATION COMMITTEE . This industrious Committee has this last two or three weeks been busily engaged with their balance sheet and Mrs . Frost ' s case . At a previous meeting , Mr . Ross , of the Central Committee of Glasgow , was unanimously chosen an hororsxy member of the Restoration Committee of Biiminghsm , it On Tuesday treeing last , Messrs . Wilkinson and Startin were appointed auditors of the entire balance aheet of the Comiaittse , which will be printed and sent to every district of the country that has CvBiri taied thereto . The Committee recommend the case of > Irs . 9 Frost to the country , ami tope , at an early day , to secure the presentation of tbe memorials to the

      Mr . T . P . GreeB tendered his resignation as correepo&disS secretary , in ccnetJjnence of "wont of time to attend to the duties of the office . As he heid that trust only until a competent person would take the place , acd on Mr . Wilkinson being unanimously elected on the-GcHiinittee , Mr . Green would either propose or « ecend itiiat gentleman to the office , believing him qualified in every respect Elected unanimously , as Corresponding and Financial Secretary to the Committee . The Coeniittee unanimoBsiy elected Messrs Wilkinson , Nichols , and Thorp , u se&bers of the Comcattee All eoHingrnicationslor tbe Committee to be addressed to Mr . J . fiaeas , ' . Treasurer ) bookseller , £ teelhous& 4 ane , ^ t pTfl ^ pff ^ fVCj

      -¦ TO THE CHARTISTS OF YORKSHIRE AKD LANCASHIRE . Friexds asd BB . ETHEE 5 , —The day so anxiously feoked forward to by the enslaved millions—the cay ¦ wtoen the dungeon fetters cf tyranny shall be -struck off , yj » d the prison bonds burst asunder—the day of O'Connor ' s liberation is-rapidly drawing nigh . I doubt not , men of Yorkshire and Lancashire , but that each locality crT your important counties will be « t ^ oi , « to outvie . each other in doing tie patriot honoir .

      But , you will see 4 he propriety of so ordering matters , that the arrrangea . aBts of one locality shall nut dash with those of Mother ; this can only be prevented by a right understanding between all parties To eifoet this , I would respectfully suggest the holding of ft aaeting of delegates , from all parts of Yorfcl&ire and Lancashire , at Hfebdea-Bridge , at a * early a day as posnMe . I bum HiWan Bridge Uewse , about half way be tween Leeds ana . Manchester , it stands on the direct line of railroad uniting the two counties .

      I wooW suggest that such meeting take place in the 4 KXM of two « r three veeki * Use ( tome Sunday )—as to woric early is to work well- Moreover , such delegate meeting would determine whether our noble friend Bronterre should hold a series of demonstrations previons to the liberation of Mr . O'Onnor ; or , resting from bis prison cares in the bosom of his family for a lew weeks , should accompany that gentleman in the march of triumph deserved by , and I feel assured des

      toed for both . Offering tiiete nggestions for you to improve npon I bare the honour to be , SwpMtfBDy and faithfully yours , &S 0 MB JVUUK RAB 5 ET

      Untitled Article

      FBOM OVR 1 ONDOK COI iXBSWCiDENT . Wt&nod ay Emming , July 21 st Thb Pateok of rais , St . Switfein , is this year establishing his fame ; for ' ihe weather we sre experiencing 13 much More of a November titan a July character ; ram , cold , ud bleak winds prevail , which have eaabled . the forestaUers of the Mark Lane Corn Exchange to raise the cry of a "bad harvest , " and caused arise of Id . ia the 41 b . loaf . The gamblers in the tea trade have likewise made a shout of " ¦ short supply , " so as to produce a forced Backet at « jq increased price . This state of things is snre to ke felt severely by the men of London , as the mechanics are now feeling , most acutely , tbe effects of short work .

      The it ant op coxfidencb is fast and far extending ; indeed there are no grounds of hope ; for , instead of any -alleviation from the present heavy burdens of the Siate , poor John Ball is very likely to have other charges heaped upon kim . Thus we have the Governor General of the Canadas , in his address to fee Chambers , stating that , in conse quence of the heavy weight of tne interest of the flebt , ( theCanadian debt ) , her M&jestj's Ministers are about advancing £ 160 , 000 to the Canadian Treasury , from the empty Treasury of Great Britain The plain fact being , they dare not let the real expenoe of the war againsi the patriots he known , and therefore a pretty jaggle is to be played off .

      The Whigs had , on Monday last , a feed at the Colosseum , in the borough of Marylebone . The dinner was cold , at 4 s . 6 d . per head , and the speakers were remarkably t&me indeed . The Chairman had it nearly all to himself , he having to propose the first four toasts ; and having succeeded , during their proposal , in sending the company a nodding , he obligingly allowed some other gents to follow , amongwhom were the two Members forthe borough , Sir B . Hall and Commodore Napier , and Col . Fox , Or . Bowring , and Col . Evans , who were visitors . The Commodore decided the Whigs must go a-head ; and Col , Fox said there must be a further impetus given to Reform . As for Dr . Bowring , he was so dull , that your correspondent fancied that Col . Sibthorp had carried his motion relative to the nonallowance of " extra services . " The only enlivening per iod was , when the dinner party broke up , and the ball commenced .

      The Loxdos Members are most particularly requested to Itt the London correspondent have the information when , and where , they meet ; and again , that the secretaries will send to him , at either Mr , Cieave ' s , or at 35 , Little ClarendoH-street , Somer ' s Town , the resolutions which may be passed in any of the localities , for though willing to attend on all , he finds there are three or four which meet on the same evening . He likewise asks that when anything of importance is about taking place is any locality , he may be informed of it , so that all may be fairly dealt with , and no grumbling ; it is clear , that unless he has notice , he cannot know of what is going on .

      The Northern Star Saturday. July 24. 184l

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY . JULY 24 . 184 L

      Untitled Article

      ' The Chartists have proved themselves more accurate calculators th . as the middle clas 3 es . Whether thub nostrum would have mesded matters is sot sow the question ; but the result has shewn that they were correct in their opinion—that in the present state of the representation , it was vain to think of a repeal of the corn monopoly . *??*••• Political power i . v this cot . ytbt , though it resides i . v a cosumbatjtkly sma 1 l class , cas only BE XXEECISED BI THE SUFFERANCE OF THE Masses . "Morning Chronicle ( oiyanof the Whig Ministers J , Friday , July \ 6 th . 184 l . J

      THE PRESS A ^ D THE CRISIS . As yet the chaotic rubbish of the press affords the only materials from which we can form any notion of the new political temple about to be erected ; and so misshapen , rude , and unmanageable are they , that it would require an architect of no ordinary capacity to guess at the description of political architecture for which they are designed . Whether it is to be of the pure and chaste Tory style , with smooth front , stately and colossal pillars , and royal dome , or whether it is to be of the new order of Whig-Tory architecture , with Gothic / ront , corridor , and wings , yet remains to be proved .

      One thing , and only one , appears plain ; and that is , judging from the stand which the Ministerial organs appear resolved to take upon prerogative , the Whigs , as a party , have not , a 3 yet , had sufficient proof of the utter hopelessness of any attempt to regain power npon their olden principles . This madness we may perhaps ascribe to the yet unbalanced state of parties , and a desire tb soften or retard Tory crating for the mess . Of shis policy we thought our friends had had enough , without publishing a second edition of their felly .

      Lest however there may be any , the slightest , intention of a coalition of the heads of factions " in order to give stability to our drooping trade , so essentially necessary jus : new , " let us point eut the obstacles to such an alliance . In the first place then , we have before shown that patronage , to suit the expectations of the many sections of Conservatism of which the Tory party is composed , is far too scanty to admit of the

      remission of a single abuse which would diminish the "idle paupers' Poor Law fund . ' Without the introduction of Russell , Paxkebston , and Macxulay to the Tory firm , to say nothing of Hobhouse , Bahing , Labouchere , and the small fry , tberft could be no partnership ; and we guess that the terms , ( fiscal , not political , ) required by those three patriotic Senators , -sronld be such as to reduce the mes 3 very much below par . But suppose Bnch a union did take place , what , in such case , is to become

      Untitled Article

      of the young Tories who would be thereby deprived of their share of the mess ! and what would become of the constitutional | Whigs when deprived of their patriotic , philosophic , constitutional . leaders ? and

      Untitled Article

      what * f ould become of Dan and his tame associates ? of WSklet , Dcncombe , Leauer , Warburton , Bowring , Roebuck , and Crawford ? And again , what wo aid become of Charles Bulles , George Henry Waed , and that small section ] in short what would become of one and all of the hardpressers and close-watchers for Whig windfalls ? What , we ask , would become of the cut-off Whigs and Tories in case of a coalition ? The answer is plain and easy : —they would put Chartism to the blush by glaring exposure of its insufficiency to attain the just and righteous ends of justice ; and they would stars Republicanism on their own account .

      Already have the leading organs of the respective parries , the Chronide and the Times , taken their ground ; and where does the reader suppose ! Aye in troth , where , in tbe nineteenth centnry , and in the tenth year of Reform and the thirteenth of emancipation ? Why , upon old Mother Bang / Yes , in faith , the bloody old Tisies , not satisfied with the manv murders and calamities of which its

      pestilential columns has been the immediate cause , has the folly and auoaeity to threaten full-blown popular power with the reviral of the religious rancour of resuscitated Toryism and bigotted Protestantismand thi 3 charge , the Chronicle , . ( which we are in justioe bound to say has for the first time the best of the argument with its gigantic rival , )—merely meets by a sel-off of what in such znA such cases , it would be justifiable for the oppressed to do .

      * The Tunes insists upon the appointaentof holy Protestant spies , whose Christian duty ehall be to attend all Catholie places of worekip and report , we presume , fjf summary Tory justiee is to be dealt ) to the next Protestant chief constable , who shall be a pompetent judge &s to the tendency of the language complained of , and shall , npon the spot hold a court of oyer and terminsr ; and after evidence taken , that is , after having heard the lies of some hired ruffian , h& shall forthwith decide upon the amoant of pains and penalties to which the priert who nttere politics in his chapel shall be subjected , and that thereupon he , ihe said constable , shall forthwith proceed to execute his own decree upon the said priest .

      Now , just a word in the ear of old "Bloody . " Does the old lady not remember the reply of the cab-man to his passenger , when the passenger threatened to take his number ! " Aye , " replied the cah-man , " You woald , and my cab too , if I'd let you . " We have no doubt that the protestant chief constable would take the priest and the chapel too , if the parishioners woald let him-This infernal and bloody threat of the old lady , the Chronicle , meets thus : — Well , ia sucblcase ,

      Untitled Article

      woald it not be justifiable to analiza and report upon the tendency of the visitation sermons of Bishop Philpotts , sad of protesteot pulpit demagogues , and to deal oat like punishment to them !" Why , vfhat nonsense ! To be sure it WOUld be equally just and reasonable ; bat then to whom are the parties aggrieved to appeal J there ' s tbe rub t The Tories are in and the Whigs are oot . As we are the real constitutionalists , and as we love precedent , as others do , when it makes for as , let as just direct the attention of the Chronicle to a case in point . The grievance now threatened

      by the Times , and complained of by the Chronicle , is doubtless a great one , and one which with ail our might we will resist . But are we not justified in asking the leading journal of oar oppressors , why it was silent when est-offieio Poor Law Guardians ) with the title of magistrates ; when petty constables and penny-a-line reporters ; when Lord Mayors and minions of the faction in power , were made judges of what was evil and what had an evil tendency , in the harangues of poor working men not having equal education with Bishop

      Philpotts , and having much more cause of complaint ] Why , we ask , were poor working men subjected to that inquisitorial scrutiny and legal construction of guilt according to the law's whim , of which , in the case as laid down by tbe Times , the Chronicle now sees so much injustice ! Why were policemen , and ignorant jurors , and old women , allowed to be good and sufficient judges of what constituted just cause of alarm and apprehension of violence , in the case of poor working men , when the politics taught at their places of meeting did not square with Whig convenience ?

      There is nothing like proper light for setting off the merits of a picture , and no doubt the change from the glaring Eua , which throws its dazzling and unequal rays upon the right of the Speaker ' s chair , to the steady light which beams upon the left , has exposed to the critic all those inaccuracies which blazing Whiggery so long obscured f In faot ^ the great change which change of place and scenery works in the human mind is almost incredible .

      In conclusion , we beg to assure our friend , the Chronicle , that it must select some more open ground than the narrow limits of the Church whereon to fight the approaching battle . We have more than once stated , and we now repeat it , that with perfect religious freedom , civil disabilities , and great social inequalities may exist ; whereas the existence of religious tyranny is incompatible with the existence of perfect civil liberty . We have now seen that a people deprived of all the privileges of freemen will not struggle with the favoured privileged oppressor for the accomplishment of his self-interested object ? . Civil liberty is a means ; religions freedom is a end .

      The English people are , for the most part , Protestant ; and they repudiate the present ascendancy of their religiou 3 order : while , upon the other hand , the Catholic people of Ireland are beginning to discover that without civil rights all religious disabilities removed are but so many manacles taken from the wealthy leaders and placed upon the poor man ' s limbs . The Chronicle may rest assured that the shrewd , the oppressed , and oft deceived people will never again struggle for any object until they first acquire the means of effecting it , and of afterwards enjoying it . Proof , full , ample , and

      convincing proof , has been given that the Whigs are not able to carry even their enticing modicum of " Great Reforms , " constituted as the House of Commons is . We are for every change , the justice of which the Chronicle admits ; yea , for all the " Great Commercial Reforms , " free trade and all ; but we are not for allowing the power of exciting the public mind upon them as a mere means of perpetuating office to remain in the hands of those who have not strength to carry them , even if inclined . Give the people the means , and just and prudent results will follow ; therefore for the Charter , and that alone , will they contend .

      Untitled Article

      THE WHIGS AND THE POOR LAW . All the old fashions are aboot being revived , and among others , we find the Whigg abandoning the gallopade , waltz , and , quadrille , for the old country dance . Doubtless the figure suits them : down the middle and back , change sides , set and turn your partner , is all the go . WeD , well , to be gure , what a world we live in ! ! ! It is now some time since we told our old story about the fine lady who was compelled to seek shelter from the pelting storm in the cold and cheerless widow ' s hovel , where system-made wretchedness and nakedness trembled in the corner . We have told how the lady felt for the perishing

      inmates while she made one of the shivering group ; and how she condoled with the widow , and how she ordered John , her footman , to be sure to bring a goodly supply of coals to cheer the inmates and make the cottage hearth send forth its heat ; and how , when she got home , and thrust her feet into a pair of morroco slippers well furred inside , and placed them upon the fender , with the last number of the Ladies' Magazine in her hand , she rung the bell and asked John if he had sent the coals to the poor widow ; and when John answered " No , my Lady , not yet , but I am just going , " how the fiue lady said , " O , you need not mind it now , John ; I dou ' t think it is near so cold as it was , when we WERE IX THE POOR WIDOW ' S HOUSE !"

      As we never relate an anecdote without some point , wa have told the above for the purpose of contrasting the feelings of the fine lady while a participator in suffering , and her subsequent relapse into ossification of the heart when relieved herself , with the feelings of the scribes of the Whig press in general , and of George Henrt Ward in particular , when similarly situated . When the Hon . Member for Shtffield , upon passing by all the Government offices on his way from his cock-loft in the Strand to the Senate-House of the nation , was regaled by the savoury smell which issued from the

      stew-pan of the Ministerial kitchen , we never heard one word in condemnation of what the cooks term " gravy stock . " We never heard that the sauce which smelt so savoury was wholly and entirely constituted of the poor man ' s marrow , of little fingers , twisted limbs , broken constitutions , and , in short , of a hodge-podge of human suffering . No ; not a word of complaint while " the tat Buck of Sheffield" licked his lips in anticipation of the feast . O , then " the Po or Law was all right and proper f it was " the industrious labourer ' s protection against the idler , who pressed too hardly upon his

      means of subsistence . " But now , alas I when " mine host" is about to be changed , the close weather and ihe close grasp of power in Tory hands , makes well flavoured dishes and savoury sauce to stink in the nostrils of the humanity-monger ; and while sworn testimony and daily instances of brutality and cruelty failed , io open the bowels of Mr . Ward to the sufferings of his fellow man , so long as they promised to constitute his ( Mr . Ward ' s ) comforts ; the moment that he ceases to be an invited guest , the authority of s correspondent is proof convincing that the law is bad , and should be narrowly watched .

      No doubt our leaders were struck at seeing an article copied froa the Weekly Chronicle in last week ' s Star , reflecting upon the hardship of taking their stays from the female inmates of" the Chesterfield Union . " We quite agree in every word of the « aid article ; bnt has it never been the lot of Mr . Ward , , while on the threshold of office , for seven long yearo , to have arrived at the knowledge of any greater grievances under the New Poor Law ? Hashenever he . % rdof the skin being taken from the back of many a little girl and many a little boy ? Has he never heard . " > f the father , in a moment of frenzy , when driven to want by Mr . Wahd and his class ,. depriving his children whomhe tenderly loved of existenceitselfjlest ibej should become initiates of the said workhoueei ?

      Untitled Article

      Has he never heard of the English virtuous mother giving birth to her infant in a pool of water , at the workhouse door , and of her labour-moans failing to soften the heart of the devil overseer ! If he has heard of those things , why is it that we have never till now heard a single word of condemnation of the Poor Law from the said humanity-monger ?!!! . We have always said that the opposition of a few Tories to the measure was a sprat to catch a mackerel—a bait for popularity ; and having been rather successfully tried for a season , we now see strong symptoms of a similar attempt being made by a section of the displaced Whig popularity-hunters . Yes , we see the parties about to change aides ! and the Whigs

      are about to occupy the position now abandoned , because no longer of importance to the rimes and its party . From the Times we shall hear DO more wholesale abuse of the Poor Law ; its opposition will dwindle down into an exhortation to the new possessors of power to " make the law , which they found upon the Statute , Book , % 3 congenial as possible to ihe wants and feelings of the poor "—that is , in other words , as congenial as is consistent with the feelings and wants of the landlords . Upon the other hand , wo feel convinced that a new light will shine upon a section of the Whig ); and that they will taunt the Tories with . not accomplishing that change , the promise of which , as they are foolish enough to suppose , has acquired for them much of their acquired strength .

      Neither Whigs nor Tories ever intended to make any further or greater- alterations in the law than the force of public opinion and a dread of public vengeance compelled them to adopt : therefore , we would recommend the Whigs to bundle up that claptrap with the rest of their traps , before flitting ; for they may rest assured that no such fly will catch a Chartist fish . The Whig 3 and the Tories may play the game of diamond cut diamond ; they may dress abuse for the stage , and opinions for the

      masquerade as they please ; but Chartism , like loveliness , most adorned when unadorned , shall still appear in artless simplicity as the great means to the great end , which is , the regeneration of man , —the placing him in that situation for which his God intended him , and making him a welcome guest at Nature ' s board , covered with the produce of his own hands . This abuse , as well as Church abuse , the Chatter would remove ; nothing else can ; and therefore are we for the Charter .

      Untitled Article

      THE REACTION . The great error into which both Whigs and Tories are now likely to fall , is into a supposition that the unexpected majority of Tories bespeaks a corresponding reaction in the publio mind in favour of Tory principles . Such , however , is not the case ; the fact denotes a great reaction in favour of Chartism . The Tories have gained a triumph which must prove their ruin ; while the Chartists have gained a great victory over the enemy immediately before them and in power . Our assertion is susceptible of easy proof .

      Suppose then , that the Whigs had even gone on progressively with administrative changes calculated to make the condition of the people more comfortable , while they allowed them the unopposed constitutional privilege of seeking for those great and organio changes to which they look for complete and ultimate happiness ; in auchcase would the Tories , upon a general election have been able to gain such a triumph over their opponents ? Undoubtedly , not . Upon the other hand , do the people in their most

      sanguine moments expect from 4 ho Tories any of those administrative changes to which we refer ; or do they anticipate an unopposed license to prosecute their just demand for organic change " ad interim " ? As undoubtedly not . Therefore popular expectation to receive from the Tories more than has been granted by the Whigs , cannot be set down as an item in the reaction account ; while desertion from the Whigs may be attributed to the non-performance of their several promises when at the right side of the hedge , and looking for power .

      It » of all things necessary that the rulers of a great country should clearly and critically understand ths terms upon which they hold power , and the incidents or chances to which tbeir tenure is attributable . In our endeavour faithfully to discharge our duty to those rulers then , we beg to assure them that there has been no reaction in favour of Tory men or Tory measures ; that their majority is proof of Whig imbecility and popular hatrod of treachery , but not of any diminution of Tory hatred .

      The party squabbles of electors , the superior tactics of leaders , the greater attention to the registration of voters , and unceasing appeals to all who had votes to register , backed by a fair share of the needful , brought into action with consummate skill ; these thing 3 proved that the Tory machineiy for electioneering purposes is more complete , better arranged and worked , than the Whig machinery ; but , beyond that , their present position proves nothing .

      Suppose we were to ask , what one principle the majority proves the triumph of , where are we to find the ' answer ? Is it in the accomplishment of those measures of which the Tories , as a party , have professed themselves determined supporters and are the people in favour of any one of those measures ? No , not one . Let us try . War , a favourite Tory game . Protestant Ascendancy , and extension of Church patronage and proselytism , a vital portion of the Tory creed . Augmentation of the power of the landlords' interest , the best feather in the Tory cap .

      A kind of natural distaste for popular interference in anything but slavery and serfdom , to which the Tories consider working men as heirs . Advocates for a larger standing army and police foroe , as the great upholders and safeguard of Tory priDoiples . Now such are some of the darling objects of Toryism ; and to which of these axe the people inclined , and in favour of which has the reaction , so loudly boasted of , taken place ?

      We imagine that the Times would find some difficulty in treating its readers to a plain common sense answer to our questions ; however if the great magician of the press can still dress fiction in the language of gullibility , and persuade his audience that the man is in the bottle while he is in bed , and if the audience are not only reconciled to the juggle , but pay daily for seeing it repeated in a new and improved form , well and good : but we beg to assure the juggler that some fine day the bottle will tumble and crack , and mortal and ferocious will be the disappointment of the well-gulled audience when the man fails to jump out !

      Now then , reaction may be a triumph in politics , just as a verdict given against law and evidence may be a triumph in law ; but as one can be destroyed by a new trial , and by a new jury , so may the other . Having beaten the Whigs , thereby proving our hatred of treachery and deceit , we now but require a new trial to prove that reaction is a mere political fiction , paraded fox the purpose of inducing the beaten party to hold their weakness in contempt and the strength of their enemies in respect .

      Unless the Times and the Tories can prove that a greater number of the unrepresented classes are in favour of Tory principles in 1841 than in 1837 , they prove nothing , except indeed , as is not unlikely they still adhere to the philosophy of believing the electoral body to constitute the people , and the unrepresented to be mere filling stuff . Well , then , what has caused the great change denoted by the result of the recent contest 1 Why just this . The action of a few score English landlords , both Whig and Tory , and the counteraction of a few Irish assessors * both Whig and Tory , who preferred erring with the high bench to which they look for countenance patronage and support , to a conformity with the spirit of law by the mystificatioar Mnd perplexity of wbkh they live and thrive .

      Untitled Article

      The reaction , then , amounts to action And connteraction ; and if the result was bat the removal from office , and for ever , of the head-long , tail-foremost , Whig Government , we should say , " well done thou bad and faithless action and counteraction !" We trust that the fleshed ruffians , hallood on by their " killing huntsman , " will not presume upon re-action , and use it as a temptation to uphold prerogative by force , upon the presumption that the people are with them .

      We advised the Government not to choke Frost , Williams , and Jones , for more reasons than a desire to spare the lives of good and innocent men . We feared that from their ashes would rise a huge pile of disaster , which we shuddered to think upon ; and we now tell the Tories that a second Peterloo will not do . We tell them , indeed we have given them ocular demonstration from almost every hustings , that we are united to a man ; and we assure them that we will not bear from them what we but reluctantly submitted to from the Whigs . In short , and in plain terms , we will resist tyranny to the death , in whatever shape it may present its hideous form .

      In doing our duty , however , we will make the grand distinction between men and principles . We will not oppose Toryism at any risk or hazard , for the mere purpose of giving the fallen Whigs a triumph . We know full well that they would glory in an experiment of popular outbreak , provided that their recall to office was to be the result . We feel assured , however , that henceforth every struggle of the people will be for themselves , and not for faction . We are quite ready to forgive and forget , provided we get the means of preventing a recurrence of those acts which required forgiveness and oblivion * So much for reaction in favour of Toryism !

      Untitled Article

      THE BALLOT AND THE ELECTORS . If the Tories boast of reaction in favour of their principles , the Whigs , resolved upon some sort of setoff as a counterpoise to defeat , begin with their little go ,-and they too speak of another reaction . They tell us that there is now a great reaction in favour of the ballot . Poor simpletons I Surely if we are justified in chastising the Tories for their audacity in presuming that even a reaction in their

      favour , if it did take place , and was confined to the change of electoral impressions ( foras toopinions , one half of the boobies have none ) would be an equitable title to rule the unrepresented classes according to the principles supposed to be most popular by the result of that reaotion , we are more than justified in condemning the Whigs for their presumption in supposing that the success of a purely elector's question will satisfy the said unrepresented people .

      By the way , we are in error , and hasten to correct it . The ballot is not merely an elector ' s questionit is a vital , a most vital , question for tbe non-electors , as we have more than once explained . But let us throw some new light into the ballot-box—the rat-trap , as Mr . O'Connor appropriately termed it . What , then » is the result which the Whigs hope for from the ballot ? Liberal measures ! No ; because when their majorities were greatest , and procured by open voting , their measures were most dark , foul , and illiberal . Liberal measures ? No , decidedly not—that is , not such measures as the people would ask for , or accept of , without the trouble of forcing the ballot as a means of their accomplishment .

      As to the purity of election anticipated , or rather said to be anticipated , from the Ballot , it very much reminds us of the philosopher ' s stone . The Tories only complain of bribery when their man is out-bid ; and with the Whigs the case is precisely similar . Let us have the sword and then we will look for the scabbard to keep it bright and clean , and free from rust ; but without the sword ; no scabbard , and without the vote , no Ballot .

      The Whigs have told us all they would do ; and their liberality , we are told , has ^ destroyed their existence as a Government ; what more then are we to expect 1 Would not any extra liberality , even with the Ballot , act progressively towards their utter annihilation as a party I What then is the Ballot for 1 Why , as a matter of course , an experiment—a bait to fish for Whig supremacy once more , and to repeat in tho dark those foul deeds which they blushed not to perpetrate in open day . Such must be the meaning of the Ballot , or like many other political bubbles , it means " an agitating hobby-horse , which hitherto has invariably had its head where its tail ought to bo .

      One thing is quite clear , that the very last act of a privileged community would be to open the door of their snuggery and admit a large influx of competitive power . Another thing is quite certain , that with the ballot the people would lose all controul over the votes of their trustees . Another thing is quite certain , that by the new jury law qualified persons alone can serve upon juries ; and those very jurors have been the most blood-thirsty , wicked , perjured monsters that ever breathed , when a Chartist Stood in the dock , whose crime was an attempt to procure peaceably

      for himself the same privilege by which those very persons were empowered to decide upon all questions affecting his life , his liberty , and his property Another thing is qaite certain , that the present House could not carry the ballot any more than a repeal of the Corn Laws ; and therefore wo should be battling for mere moonshine . Another thing is also certain , that without the non-electors the electors cannot put on the mask ; and the people , so far from helping them , would upset every meeting called for

      placing the enemy in ambush , and would petition against so unconstitutional , unjust , and unfair a measure as the ballot . Let us get the vote first , and then we oau soon decide the question of the ballot . Give us the soup and we will soon get the ladle . Offering the ballot to a starving people is not less insulting than offering " a loan of your gridiron " to a man who asks you for a mutton cho ; and as a gridiron twithout the chop would be cold picking , so the ballot-box without a vote to put into it would be but cold comfort for the non-elector .

      Then as to the means of carrying the question , How very whimsical—how very foolish , unjust , and childish , that the electoral body should apply for aid to the non-electors , whose interference they loudly protest against ! and is it not strange that the very men who make the people miserable and wretched , and who oppose every measure for which they think proper to agitate , should presumptuously corneas suitors to the same people for a mask to hide their deeds I Is it not strange that the Chartists seek the acquirement of six points , five whereof have been aforetime component parts of the constitution , while the constitutional Whigs offer them one of the six , and the only one which never was a part of the said constitution ?

      Again , we repeat what we have more than once stated . The Ballot , with tbe present Suffrage , would be an unjust protection for the trustee against a general right of scrutiny as to the use made of the said trust ; whereas the Ballot with Universal Suffrage , would be a general protection against any unjust individual interference with the disposal o ( a defined right , and which every man would be justified in using as he pleased .

      The reaotion in favour of the Ballot , we imagine , is confined to some wealthy Whig masters , bankers , traders , and manufacturers , who anticipate a ready sale of Tory voters in convenient lots . It is quite a borough question ; and in boroughs , so far from lessening influence , or destroying intimidation , it would increase both the one and the other .

      Untitled Article

      THE FACTIONS AND HOUSEHOLD SUFFRAGE . Ovr readers will observe that we have this week endeavoured to class men , and parties , and measures , with a view of developing the immediate interests which those parties respectively have in the accomplishment of certain objects , by means of certain

      Untitled Article

      measures . In oar coarse of procedure we have sow arrived at perhaps the most important , because the most « xtenaive of all those questions ; in fact , to * principle sought to be established , of which the Ballot and bo forth , are bnt the detail means of bringing into practice . Our opinions have not undergone the sli ghtest change with respect to the question of Household Suffrage ; still holding to our unconquerable ob . jeetion of making any amount of one man ' s pro .

      perty the standard which is to constitute another man's title to vote ; we need not now go over oui oft-repeated reasons for denouncing the agitation for this measure . But , in truth , the example far . iushed by the recent elections of dependency and subservienoy , constituting what is called reaction , is so powerful and pertinent to our argument against Household Suffrage , that we cannot in justice forbear to expose it by applying it to what , under the altered circumstances , would be equally liable to similar reaction .

      We have elsewhere shown that the reaction con . sists in the dominion and power exercised by land , lords over their tenants . This is acknowledged bj every Whig print , and complained of , and justly so by all ; but we beg to ask how the dependency of the holder of a house under the nose of his landlord is to be obviated , and to know wherein the tenant of a ten pound house , or of a two pound house , would be more at liberty even with the ballot t B u t this U not all . We find that the little spirit contained in the Reform Bill ( after the detail moulding of th «

      measure for use ) has been completely destroyed bj the malicious ingenuity of landlords , overseers , registering barristers , attorneys , and agents employ , ed with ' the view of mechanically applying the spirit to their own party purposes . In this operation they worked positively and negatively—positively , by bolstering up their own faggot votes ; and nega * tively , by neglecting the interest of those parties who could not be surely purchased ox safely relied upon ; and by opposing such applicants npon mer « technicalities .

      Now could anything be more defined than the principles laid down in the Reform Bill , and pro . mised to be made law by Reformers ? We think not ; and yet do we find , after nine years , that the spirit has fled , and the corrupt body of detail rottenness alone remains behind . What then , is to guarantee , even to the brawlers for Household Suffrage , such a detail code for its easy working as to render the mechanism less complicated than that of which we how complain \ There never was an Act * f Parliament through which a practised lawyer could not drive a coach and six ; and there never can b » any mode of making a voter independent of his landlord , so long as the landlord ' s property constitutes the tenant ' s title to vote .

      Let us just point out the manner m which landlords-could , as a preliminary step , destroy the spirit of what is called Household Suffrage , If they discovered from popular feeling and by the current of opinion that their tenants were about to oppost them , they would either devise some means of learning for which candidate the tenant voted , or , failing in that , they would forbid the tenant from registering

      at all ; ( an act which he must do openly . ) or they would take care that a parliamentary possession o ! their houses never should be held . Suppose the law made three months' residence previous to registration a requisite , and also stated , as it mast do , the time in each year for registering ; in such case the landlords would give a mere habitation possession , bu . would take care to vitiate the electoral qualification by a lapse of some sort or other .

      Again , Household Suffrage would not facilitate one of the greatest objects sought to be obtained bj extended suffrage . It would not reader the return of poor but honest men more practicable , bat upon the contrary , would remove them further from all chances of representation . Neither would it advance the question of payment of Members , which and the return of poor honest men , with a national provision for their honourable maintenance whili engaged in doing the business of the country , are tw « of our greatest points .

      Suppose the landlords eject tenants who oppost them , may not House-lords do the same ? O J but the Ballot . Well , " the Ballot ; grant the Ballot and an evil which cannot be endured will very speedily be cured . " How ! By depriving the tenanS of all the Hecessary qualifications of a vote ia the outset , and by keeping the householder in a similar situation . But vfhere is the justice ! No doubt the brawlers

      will point our attention to the present scanty constituencies , as compared to the number of houses presented in the returns about to be made by th « enumerators . But let us point to one damning fact . Do not the advocates find that in many iastances aa many as twenty-nine persons are inmates of the same house I Now , will any clause in a Househ 6 ld Suffrage Bill enfranchise them ? No I impossible !—nor is it intended that it should .

      What is the real object of the parties who may now look for Household Suffrage \ Merely to create an agitation for the nearest point to Chartist principles , without any other earthly motive than to ensure a reaction in favour of Whiggery . The brawlers for Household Suffrage would much prefer doing their own work without it ; and the very agitation for it , if joined in by the people , would accomplish their aim , their end and object . They require

      but just enough of that , or anything else , to whip the Whigs back to the mess . But no ! we now know our strength and our position . We know that the Whigs will try to use us as a forcing pump , while they remain waiters upon events . But they shall not . We will never again work for anything short of , the whole Charter . The agitation which can ensure Household Suffrage would ensur , that ! !

      Let the Chartists be assured that however Whiggery may ride the high horse for yet a little , that it will very speedily dismount without the help of & step-ladder , and mount the Charter with " a bold stirrup . " They will have their emissaries abroad ; but let the people , we mean the fustian jackets , be on the watch and meet treason in the outset ; and let them further be assured that the present organisation once broken up will be the finality of Chartism . They must , they will , and they shall give us . i Universal Suffrage ! ! Blood , flesh , and bone , befor « bricks and stone and mortar !

      Every man who agitates for Household Suffrage is a direct enemy to the fustians . When the Irish landlords . no longer required * the votes of the forty shilling freeholders , the land was depopulated ; and so it would have been , even with the ballot . The necessity of a certain tenure for a term of years being required by an Irish county voter has made one half the tenants tenants-at-will and mere serfs ; and get Household Suffrage , —ia plain terms , onca make the cold building , in any way the representative of money , —and at any hazard , and by some means , the rich will have it . Have not the Tories

      m nine years ; got full possession of the representative mint , and in five more , or less , they would get possession of any standard of money-franchise which ingenuity can coin . We are sick of this hide-and-seek , fast-and-loose , prick-in-the-loop game . Are the people for ever t « be used as a means to the great man ' s end ? if so , let them say , and say boldly , we have no brains ; our * house" is our head , —ask it for oua vote .

      The thieves have one and all robbed the people , and now they see the day of retribution is at hand , and they want to set up a most unjust judge "Household Suffrage . " Our cry is , and ever shall be till it is granted , every f * iota of the Chatter , body and sleeves ; "" the Charter , the whole Charter , and nothing less than the Charter ; " the poor man ' s house , the poor man ' s table , the poor man ' s bed , the poor man ' s meat , drink , and clothes , and therefore the rioh man ' s terror 1

      Untitled Article

      4 THE NOETfl ERN STA R . .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 24, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct716/page/4/