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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st May 1841, Edition 4 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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    • ^ rtgtnai CorrrgponTJau?
    • UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES.
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      ^ Rtgtnai Corrrgpontjau?

      ^ rtgtnai CorrrgponTJau ?

      10 MS . O ' -UALLET , OP THE DUBLIN CHARTIST ASSOCIATION . jit D £ AB O'Maixet , —As I proceed -with my nar-3 T « my T ^ th increases , my blood boils , and my heart swells with manly indignation , at the . very &DU % ht * t " tie base > bIoO ( iT ' brutal" manner in Thicb tsy loved country has been swindled out of her jjrtiis , her honour , and her liberty , by a set of juggling { JjOlA go ^ xi God : how 1 rejoice to thini that ay name 0 BBOS i « mixed up with any one of the many schemes w Taieh the Irish hare been held in mental , moral , « $ phyr-al degradation .

      fHiii n ^ tne historian say , ¦ when the new light of j ^ j on shall hare dispelled the dark cloud -which now { j-penfis , bet which , thank God , prepares to brent , flT 3 the Green Isle ? All the old nursery tales by Ytich naughty children have been affrighted into quiet , { yens dreai c ^ hobgoblins and apparitions , -will appear a p hilosop hy , when compared with the tricks of Iretojd ' s curse to keep the baby from calling out . } jr meed , the Tery thought is maddening , and -jeidleai me from the consideration of facts , to vita ' - pysajn of the monster who has "thus reared the tender niind . " I shall ho were ? try to resume ; row attend .

      ^ jhdl show you that the present " compensation to jgjasts' " scheme is intended as a counter irritant to jjie attention from any popularity which the recent mm the Irish landlords , npon their agricultural project , may acquire . I ishall prove to yon that every fege measure which promised benefit , and from ^ fcieb * B 7 conciliation could be expected , "has been jjKanaticallyrcet , denounced , and frustrated by ilr . { VComsll 1 * fo *\\ show , to demonstration , that so far

      { ran Ireland , that is , the Iiish people , having gained j xxx \ & advantage by concessions wrung from the fears of Esglaud in her days of -weakness and apprehension , £ « every single change so extracted , has , without an exception , been turned to aristocratic advantage , and to pcpcbrloss ; and I shall prove that the two great Qguares ° ^ onr time , """hich were to have rendered oU oppressions but as things to be thought of with sanow , hare been frustrated by Mr . O'ConnelTs dread of "Icsje 5 his trade" by his country losing hex

      zsznzces . " OMiHey , we are always ready to give a man much jtaade who undertakes vast and mighty projects Tisijh are beyond the grasp of ordinary minds . Jf we fad him making way , though not exactly as men of infgi > r calculation would have gone about the work , « beris to doubt our own discretion ; and each doubt ijii » tis character for wisdom . We wy , " he has i dkbEu ^ 7 of his own of doing things , just let him ^ j

      SCWith these feelings , O'Malley , the Irish people have lQo » ed iir . O'Connell to play pranks and make experisKt ; upon forbearance which no other man would hsrebeen allowed . He Utes upon nothing but the Enouat of feud which he can keep alive between the tiro ecsatries and the two religions ; and yet , observe , Is cms moment , the manner in which he has been kjoired , at different times , to compromise hi 3 own and fc ssocntrv ' g feelings , for the mere purpose of being iKstosy , " 0 , I am resolved to try eTery expedient ts disarm prejudice . "

      WaM any other man in Ireland be allowed to speak gassliy of the dark days of Catholic oppression , and j& drink the health of " The glorious , pious , and isaort&l memory of the great and good King William , -rho STed Ireland from Popery , slavery , -wooden shoes ; and trass money , " and , to drink it in a bumper of the » siers of that vary river npon whose banks the fatal tattle , —the battle ef the Boyne , —was fought ? TTonM any other man be allowed to speak of all the haras which Ireland has endured from the Beresferds la particnJzr , and teen , at a Repeal meeting , to bj for tiree cheers for a Bsresford ? Wcild say other nun be allowed to truckle to Orange corporators , Orange Mayors , Orange professors of all saris , as the Liberater has ?

      WDald aay brawler for cheap Government , except the lli > £ . -&tor , be alloTred to tell that Parliament from Tiithhe sought for justice to Ireland , and for cheap Gtvensiaent , tist his constituents ordered >» n > to vote la the Tg 7 y higbwt figure fur Pricee Albert ' s allow-S 2 ee ; zrnl tint bat for Tory opposition , thia German papa would have received frem the House which Ksrred tie people £ 20 , 000 a-year more t > mn he now t ^ TJt ? I isk , O'ilalley , would any man , except cae who tm iiii-sed to have his own peculiar way of bringing tisa ibent , be tolerated for one moment in such fiuzLMe-rimne ?

      So * , O'ilalley , I think that a mere reference to &as T ill establish the fact of the " compensation" move beit ? & Eire -antidote to the agricultural poison . O'CceBeH has been driven to every species , sort , and tsi of shift , trick , and device -whist art couid suggest 1 ^ 3 brsmnty lici into palatable shape and " practi-Gl" : srzn . He has been trying all schemes for catching £ = electors ; because upon the length of' his tail

      Grpads the length of hi 3 purse ; acd yei , curious to K-7 . he never once broached this all-important Bcteme , * ~ th hi has had so long in his eye , until caution vhispsrsd , " En ! Dan , by dad you must look sharp or fise the knfUords will get hold of the votes . " If , then , tLs iiablords had never proposed what they intended * s a bensit to themselves and their tenants , Dan » Kld ne-rei have turned the cock of his eye—no lETfci

      Bat , O'Malley , it was a god-send in two ways . * 3 stiJ , it may widen the breach between landlord and teant , -which is certain profit tot the Liberator ; and 8 ^ iil szrtlj be a justiSable cause for delaying the Bspal qngsdon uudl the " frieza coats" and honest ^ sers have had an opportunity of subscribing and otherwise preparing for action . ^ 3 much for the " cempensation" humbug ; and now , O ^ iHsj , to prove that every change wrested from

      « Saau > TFeakness , has bat tended to increase aristo-< = Kie powtr and to dimifiishthe liberry of Jruhisen ktMed , I will go even farther , and assert that every < tz ^' -, whether proposed by the Court of St James ' s , a a « op to lie pliancy of Irish rejtesentatives whether £ &s iriih or a Tnited Parliament , or whether wrUng «« Shs . fears of that Court , has , in every case , gone to « o&iit of the Irish oligarchy and to the loss of the teb peorls .

      J , 0 'MaHey , we pass over the dark ages , and taE '^> the period when liberty first began to dawn in « * 3 * at 2 ng } aad . Thst may be fairly dated from j& throwing of the English tea into the sea , by the ~ "T « Sj 5- ociaESj in conformity with one of their reso-~* Ki . " u » iKonsuaiption , " and which happened in - " - > Msd from which period , till 176 S , Ireland was r ^ ? ti !? a § ht of by farmer Georgy , ether than as a ~* frini whence tributary savages were sent to fight •¦ jss . in X 7 C 8 American affairs began to

      ^^^ was ^^ ' ^ s Lord Townshend , the most cunning man g j ~| i Tfassent as Lord Lieutenant to Ireland , with ^^ & 03 i the Court of St James , to say , that if the ^^ cf borough property and their nominees in parr ^ " ° ald osiy hold tlieir bother about America , ^ property shoul d be increased by makuig the fol-^ alteration . Up to 176 S all boroughmengera ^ nominees in the Irish Parliament held their f T -Griife-, » a then the price of a seat was only wS ' jti TV 'v ^^ - i-ns Doroughmongera , however , coxse . vtep to j , ^ , ^ teDme ^ an octennial holding ; and th ereby - tts Talue of borough property from £ 500 for life * - »* every eight years .

      * > ay friend , this sop quite satisfied the Irish J ^~* « fl 1778 , when the American war began to tf T ~ * formidable aspect ; and then the Irish House q ^™ tegan to look for emancipation of the ^« a , and were , in troth , satisfied with a very fc ^/ n lia * 'e of that commodity called , " religious * &te " r ^** " ^ eont « ! lded fw and acquired the oth ^ ^ woliei able to do so , to purchase land , or ttr touL t ^^ " ^ landed P ^ P *? ' ^^ JWH » 'y to 1778 was penal tttzz J" ^ E ? -great good to the people , and was jj ^^^^ ed by the then Minister as a sure means of j ^^ - ^ f healthy Catholics to all tlie remaining dis-^^ ^ which only pressed upon thosa who conld •»« a * t ? * ° * - * cqulrBlsmd : MIdihia Aotj O-Malle animation of a Cafchnlin n ^^ -r ^^ . ^ , ;„ t ^ i . ^^

      ^ ^ 7 be said to belong to the court party , and i ^ j ^ " *» Prepared to prove , has , in every act of * Izmo :, * md ftiduai tnanny and atrocity , whether *** . ofi ttl Wle-men , magUtrati-s , owners of lay ** «^ ° £ mng aDy £ ltetioa , te > '« out-topped ' ^ S *" ^ Orangeman in oppression , cruelty ,

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      brutality , and rnffianism of ererj kind , and in the exercise of which they fancied themselves protected by a kind of prescriptive right to bully as they were bullied . They were , one and all , the most consummate rascals that ever disgraced human nature . Ask any Roman Catholic clergyman who is the greatest tyrant in his parish ? and if he is cursed with a Catholic Protestant church tithe owner , a Catholic middleman , s Catholic magistrate , or even a Catholic chief of police , he will say , that is the man .

      Well , O'Milley , &o much for 1778 . In the following year came " free trade , " which laid the foundation for jobbing in Ireland , and which was not -worth a twopenny ticket to the nation . And now , as the influence ot American Independence began to find Its way to France , and ss French intercourse with Ireland began to spriEg up , I will take all in a lump from 177 S to 180 * . With this short review of twenty-one year 3 then , I commence with the volunteers of 1782 , who , in addition to the troubles arising from the American war and French discontent , had England hampered by a great naval alliance formed against her by the combined fleets of France , Spain , and Holland ; tkey made the moat of

      the emergency , and got what they asked for—Parliameetary Emancipation from Poining ' s Act , -which made borough property almost valueless , is thePrivr Couccil , that is , the English prime minister , had a veto in all Irish affdirs . Emancipation from Poining ' s Act , however , made them , the boroughruongers , a more formidable rival House to theEnglisb Minister ; and , as if by magic , the value of a seat rose from £$ 00 to £ 2 , 500 , or more , according to emergency . But when the Catholic people asked for their share of the spoil , they were told by Lord Charlemont , the Colonel of the volunteers , that " he would go for Reform , but upon

      condition that Protestant ascendarcy should be the basis of Parliamentary Reform ; the Catholics the -while looking for Reform merely to gain complete religious freedom , preparatory to c&serting their civil rights . This answer of the hero of 17 S-, which is matter of history , staggered the mex of the volunteers , and they cut all connection with the Protestant aristocracy ; and from that fact , and from that period , may be dated the close alliance which grew up between the French people being Catholics , and the Irish people being Catholics , &n > l headed by wealthy and influential Protestant an d Dissenting leaders ; but not one of them of the Charlsmont party ; no , not one single one .

      The truciling adherence of the Catholic aristocracy to the Court , occasioned by their emancipation in 1773 , deprived them of all popular confiJence ; and the insolence of Charlemont and the t filters of the volunteers , deprived that party of all popular confidence . Then came the assertion of American Independence , and the French Revolution ; and with these embarrassments , the Irish Parliament ( the most hellish and corrupt that ever disgraced a nation ) was once more obliged to hang a bit of popularity on their mast ; so they demanded a " full , Jair , and adequate representation of all the people in the Commons' House of Parliament . "

      Now , O'Malley , those were the very identical words of the first demand for Parliamentary Reform ; aud , as the Republicans of France were at that period carrying all before them , the borough-mongers of both countries affected to see the justice of the demand wilh an unjaundiced eye ; and many committees were formed to draw up head 3 of a Bill to carry the principle into full effect , until that eternal villain , Damourier , sold the cause of liberty , wken the coaimiUs&s were all dissolved , and instead of Parliamentary Raform , the country was presented with the celebrated " Convention BilL " From that period , to ITSS . hell -was let loosein Ireland ; an Irish secretary was appointed ; a national bank , the funding system , and place-men , pensieners , and

      sinecurists were establisned . In fact , Dublin became part and parcel of St . James ' s , as far as the Court was concerned . Oat of all these many God-sends , what , in the interval from 17 S 0 to 1 SO # , did the people gain , either as regards civil or religious freedom ? In 1780 they had money in the Treasury ; in 1 S 00 , they owed over forty millions ; besides what it cost the English people to bribe them ; and what did the Catholic people gain ? Why , in 1782 what was called Independence , which was based upon Protestant Ascendancy , and which made rich men of paupers , and noblemen of knaves ; in 1793 Catholic barristers were allowed to practice at the bar , while , from 1793 to 179 G , all the worfct statutes on the book are to \> e found as Ireland ' s share of emancipation and reform .

      Then , O'Malley , finding that all was lost , about ninety Protestant gentlemen of large fortune , and many Dissenters , and four , just four , honest Catholics joined to break down oppression by force ; and , with that view , Arthur O Connor and Lord Edward Fitzgerald -were sent by the United Irishmen to sign terms with the French Directory , for the co-operation of the French in establishing a republic in Ireland . The history of this is loag . The result , however , was , that General Heche sailed with a large fleet , a large number of raen , and a large quantity of arms for the Irish , and just as he was about to enter Bantry Bay a storm sprung up and scattered the fiett , —and thank God for it ! because

      however justified the Irish Directory may have been in their delightful anticipations from French protection and support , subsequent events prove that Ireland escaped that tyranny which marked the steps of the hero of the French revolution wherever he made his appearance ; and Providence , I trnst , has preserved her to be an independent nation , instead ef an appendage to any step-dame . 2 \" ot more than about eight hundred of the French troops landed at Killala . Sach , then , were the advantages which Ireland acquired by watching the

      necessities of Britain from 1763 ta 1797 , a period of more than thirty years : —a corrupt House of Commons , a national debt of about forty millions—which means , as all national debts do mean , an appropriation of the poor and unrepresented man ' s property by the rich represented gentlemen . a Catholic aristocracy ; a national bank ; a branch of the funding plant to her own cheek for her own paupers ; a rise of borough property from £ 500 for life to £ 7 , 000 for eight years ; and a mimic Court . O'ilalley , these things led to the crowning boon ot all—a rebellion in 1 T 98 and a Union in 1860 .

      The acts of the oligarchy , after Dumourier ' s treachery were bo cruel , brutal , despotic , and arbitrary , that , not to have resisted them by force , and at the hazard ef life , would have been the worst description of slavery ; and England , finding herself powerful in the new zeal of her volunteers and militia-men , committed those acts with no other view than to promote a rebellion , in order that so frightful a catastrophe might lead to the unregretted death of her legislature . In fact , when Eugtond asked for Ireland's hand , she was reeking with the blood of her children . Allow me to repeat a sentence from a speech of mine upen the Union .-

      —" When the withering blast , called Union , wsa wafted from the sister kingdom to our hallowed shores upon the tainted gale of faction , Ireland was yet in mourning for her slaughtered sons ; her green fields were yet crimsoned with the blood of her innocent children , sacrificed at the shrine of Engliih pride , or Irish perfidy . Good God ! was it at such a time that such a change should have been forced upon a coerced and undefended people , while the guardians of tteir glory Were either prematurely consigned to the cold grave , or banished to some foreign land , to sigh in solitude over the departed liberty of their green loved land !"

      O'Malley , the rebellion was to be ; and for this reason When the Irish Parliament was made " independent " of the British Minister in 1762 , and being previously and subsequently wholly independent of any portion whatever of the Irish people , the British Minister found that all the money in the nnited Excheqner would not feed the hungry honnds , who just then began to establish a miaiatore of every abuse that existed in England . In ten years the independent Parliament of Ireland spent more than thirty millions upon itself , and what it could grab into the bargain ; and now , f arsooth , we hear of nothing but English—that is , the Engliih people ' s treachery toward Ireland .

      O'ilalley , I have the only history extant , the only ene ever written of those days , in my possession . It is in one small volume . Only three copies , I believe , got -out ef the printer ' s hands , he having received the Attorney-General ' s compliments , and orders to desist I have one of them ; Sir Francis Burdett has another ; and I believe , but I am not certain , that Lord Grey has the third . Now , I mean , when I get loose , to publish every word of it at two or three columns at a time , in the Star ; aad then say , who can , that Ireland has not always been bullied by her own Church and her own aristocracy , -whether Catholic or Protestant , and , above aD , by hei own Parliament , after its independence . I will publish for you the list of Uaioa and rebellion Peers , -with ] _ the

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      genealogy of each , from the date of the first landing of his progenitors among us , down to his elevation ; and I will shew you that the Irish Peerage , -with a very few exceptions , consists of Union lords , who preferred a peerage and patronage to £ 15 , 000 , which was the " Union" price of an Irish borough , or a patent place for life . O'Malley , I ahall now pas 3 over the twenty-nine years allowed for the blossoming of tha Union tree , and shall say one word about its first fruits— " Catholic

      Emancipation . " What was the price paid for that ? The disfranchisement and scattering to the world of the only parties for whose benefit the measure could reasonably or patriotically be contended for ! the civil and , social destruction of 380 , 000 heads of families , previously provided for ; though humbly and scantily 1 admit , yet provided for ; and these now , with their families , compose the three millions ef contented Irishmen who eay " amen , " when Mr . O'Connell says " Glory be to G xl ; emancipation has a bloodless triumph . "

      O'Malley , I call it a bloody , a dear bought victory , and defy you , or any man living , to point out to me any one single advantage -which the Irish people have derived from the measure , beyond the excitable delight of being told that it i 8 " a great means to an unknown end ; " the admission to the Imperial Parliament of the niosi corrupt set of members that ever entered a Senate House , and the promotion to places , pensions , sinecures , and honours , of tho 3 e in whom the people had confidence , and who have sold them for the highest price that they would fetch in the market Then came Reform . What have you , what has Ireland got by that ? Coercion to begin with ; which , on my soul , O'Connell brought about and insured , lest the fulfi . 'ment of one half the promises made to Ireland , during the discussien upon the Reform Bill , should have been realised to the destruction of bis •< trade . "

      2 \" ow , O'Malley , if ever the expediency of giving a fair trial could be justly pleaded , it was npon the commencement of BO novel an era as the reform of one hundred and sixty-four years of abuse . On my soul , I believe many of the Whigs were sincere in their professions of liberality ; but now observe , the man who has cried out for a fair trial for an administration , upon a mere exchange of one member for another , so hobbled the first Reform Parliament as to bring the two countries into collision ; and he kept that up till he showed the Whigs that they should not do witheut him , and they , therefore , bought him ; and he has now sold them .

      Now , I ask you , -whether or not a time when the whole country beat high with anticipation from the great promise from Reform , was just the period that a " practical" statesman would have sought to cause dissention ? and , O ' - Malley , with those very feelings I was resolved to test his sincerity upon the question of Repeal , at once ; but 1 found that it was intended as a thing of which the English might for ought O'Connel cared , think as they pleased , and the worse the feetter , provided a plentiful scattering of oppression produced an abundant harvest . He slipped through my fingers

      till I 83 i , when the breach was made which he designed . In 1835 , when he got rid of me , he sold Ireland ; and from that period to the present , the man whose pot-valiancy would not allow a moment ' s breathing time to the infant Reform , has since been most cantions in not giving rise to a single complaint , or allowing a particle of agitation , which could by possibility have the effect of embarrassing our charming ministers . OMalley , I hope to conclude in one more letter , and then my assertions must be refuted , or they must stand as facts , irrefutable facts .

      In my next , I will tell you -why -we seek Universal Snffrage , how we have sought it , the base manner in which we have been belied , and the noble and gallant manner in which the very poorest of the poor have virtuously withstood all attempts to divide and conquer them , Till then , I am , your Friend , FEARGUS OCOXNOR . " WE MUST GET RID OF FEARGUS . " TO THK ED 1 T 9 R OP THE NORTHERN STAIt .

      Sir , —Darnel O'Connell , the notorious mendicant , — the arch-traitor , —the consummate hypocrite and foe of the human race , reflecting upon his present fallen position , and seeing every avenue leading to his restoration to popularity closed against him , cries out in the agony of despair , " We must get rid of Fe&rgus . " As well migkt he have said , " We must pluck the sun from its orbit ; " the latter being comparatively as practicable as the ; former . But men , when plunge . i into inextricable difficulties , will assay to buoy up their troubled spirits by strange ideas , which generally vanish , " Like the baseless fabric of a vision , And leave not a wreck behind . "

      I dare say , however , that Dan already laments having had the dream of " getting rid ef Feargus , " suice he has now discovered , by experiment , that theW is a great deal of truth in the a < l ;; ge , " Dreams are interpreted by contraries ; " n . nd he also finds himself sunk still deeper in tbe mire and clay , where he must stick , die , rot , and be forgotten , save when his name bo raked up to show the extent of human degeneracy . Now , Sir , why is Dan so anxious to " get rid of Feargua ? " Wny , First , —Because , Feargus has won an increasing and well-merited popularity ; while Dan is fast and irrecoverably falling into merited disgrace . Therefore he cannot brook the idea of seeing the man , -whom he has endeavoured to bring into disrepute by scurrility and falsehood , enshrined in the hearts of that psople whose cause be has espoused and zsalously maintained .

      Secondly , —Because , the progress of Feargus hns b&en marked by disinterestednpss , while that of Dan has been ever characterised by the base and sordid love of filthy lucre . This 'contrast is , to Dan , galling and unbearable . Thirdly , —Because , principle has been the inseparable concomitant of Feargus during the whole course of his political compaign ; while vacillation , tergiversation , deceit and treachery have ever attended Dm iu his wandering career . This is to Dan an eye-sore , who is not so ignorant as to suppose that the peoilfcwill long bs gulled when such a contrast presents fljpf as that between thetwoO ' s . Fourthly , —Dan is the tool , the needy , greedy , willing tool of the Whig faction ; while Feargus is the sworn , uncompromising , and unpurchasable foe of faction ; the rights of the people , the whole people , being the one great object he labours to achieve .

      Fifthly , —In a word , Dan wants the "ririt , " this ie the Alpha and Omega of his political creed ; while Feargus wants the extirpation of tyranny , and tbe establishment of such a system of Government as will give and secure the greatest possible happiness to all . We read that the devil envied the felicity af the federal head of our race , and as all hope of happiness was lost to fallen Lucifer , his only scheme was to bring happy man to the lapsed condition of himself . Now , Sir , I > 3 n , the personification of tbe devil , Is cast outbe is fallen—hope smiles not upon him ; therefore , in the true spirit of the devil , he seeks the overthrow of Feargus , tbe man of the people .

      Well , how is Dan to compass his plan ? He finds that Feargus is not alone ; and if he was , Dan is not able to cope with him ; he , therefore , calls together his " fallen angels , " and attempts the disorganisation of the Chartist troops . At his call the truckling , idle , spouting fragments which have been broken off from the Chartist cause , marshalled on his side and commenced the attack a la Quixote : they certainly inscribed " the Charter" on their shields , but the people were too " lynx-eyed" to be deceived , and , instanier , the straw-armed pigmies were obliged to fall back , confounded and horror-struck at their sudden and unexpected defeat .

      Well , Sir , Feargus is not " got rid of , " but on the contrary , he is more beloved by tbe people j even the hitherto sceptical now see that he ia immovable in principle and invulnerable to every attack , whether emanating from avowed foes or pretended friends , while tho big beggarman is once more exhibited to the world in all his innate depravity , and the old and new joints ef his tail defeated , crest-fallen , and despised . " Get rid of Feargus ! " Good God , do the villains suppose that we , the fustian jackets , are such ingrates as to turn our backs upon the man who has unceasingly fooght oar battles at his own cost , yes , at his OWN cost , mark that Din ; mark that ye political profitmongers , and blush , if shame be a component part of your nature . We torn not oar backs upon our friends ,

      and we will abandon the name of Britons when we forsake oar best friend , particularly at the time when he is entombed for us and our cause . ~ DIA tbe blistered hands forsake Collins , Lovett , and Co . when in '' durance vile 1 " No . Were they not received with open arms ? with all the honours that could be bestowed upon them , &s though they had achieved « ux political redemption ! and how have they , returned the compliment ? Why by forming an alliance -with Dan , whs , as their mouth ; piece , bawls out , " We must get rid of Feargus . " Aye , aye , ye leeches and locusts , "getting rid of Feargus " is " the consummation devoutly to be wished" by both you and your masters . Feargus and the Star are insurmountable obstacles in your path . Ye desire not the establishment of the Charter , bat to humbug the peoplf

      and make a trade of politics . Yes , Mr . Editor , they want " fat livingB "—they wr ., churches and schools erecting-with our money , beer . ui ¦ we are so very ignorant , immoral , and intemperat e . wonder they did not discover this when gettir g we

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      pa \ d in Bolt-court Bat a new light has broken forth upon them , and they now see we are very ignorant , very vicious , and very intemperate , and , perhaps , above all , they see that they are so wise , so good , and so selfdenying , as to be the only men qualified to give us instruction , in both religion , p vlitics , and morals . Wo havd seen self-dubbed " pastors' already ; and , no doubt , they have an hankering after a more fruitful pasture . I don't wish they may get it I Bee that the Master of the Ceremonies has been delivering one of his stereotyped speeches in the Corn Exchange ; and he sings the old favourite tune" Monet Wanted . " "Give me , " says he , "but four millions of names , OB two hundred thousand

      pounds . " Not four millions of names and two hundred thousand pounds , but four millions ot names on two hundred thousand pounds . About the former he would not be very particular ; but about the latter . he would be very exact . The former may go to the devil / I beg pardon tor using toe name of his satwie majesty —its vulgar ; but let it go , & 3 I am ons > ol the ignorant and immoral ); but the " one thing needful" must not be forgotten . Friends Collins , Xovett , and Co . have a plan with a thumping lump of money tagged to the end . Dan is talking of doing mighty thing * with " two hundred thousand pounds . " How sweetly things harmonise , in some quarters , now-adays !

      Well , now , the bantling is just giving up the ghost , what is to be done / wit ^ its nurses ? Must we not go out to meet them on their return , and present them with medals , scarfs , gloves , &c . &o and bedaub them afoot thick with fulsome adulation ? No ; they repudiate such childish displays , therefore we must not wound their tender consciences . There is a better way of doing the thing . They must get about a dozen tools , or fools , here and there to slightly censure the move , yet , at the same time to flatter them as much as possible ; and to do the thing well , the tools ; or fools , must give a few heavy blows at theStor and ita conductor , as a set off for the patriotic gentlemen who have erred , but -will , no doubt , return to their old friends ( who will be ever -willing to receive them ) and to the cause for which they have so nobly suffered .

      It appears that the Sun is the . organ of the " ratcatchers . " People got into strange company at times , don't they ? But what does it look like , Mr . Editor , eh ? I guess ; don't you ? Don't the lads , eh ? Yours truly . Will Watch ' em . Leeds , April 26 th , 1841 .

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      THE BACKWARD MOVE . TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . " Oh ! P ^ -ers of England , shameful is this league ! " "Cancelling your fame ; Blotting your names from books of memory ; Razing tbe character of your renown ; Undoing oil as all had never been . " Shakspeare . Sir , —Through the medium of the Star , I beg to thank Lovett , Httherington , Cleave , and Co ., for the honour they did me in not sending me a copy of their anti-Chartist declaration for my signature . They must have thought better ef me than of themselves . Their move was a secret to me until the Sltr turned its unwelcome light upon it , and brought it from that darkness in which Lovett would have loved it a little longer to dw < ill . This premature exposure was very uncourteons in the S / ar .

      When Lovett was released from prison , the people were much disappointed in not having an opportunity toqpay their respects to him , and to show their gratituife Ho pleaded ill health , and was excused and commiserated . While in prison , where , I believo , he was supported by tho people—not by bis new friendshe -wrote a book on Chartism , which was published on his liberation . The Government organ highly praised this book—a circumstance which looked suspicious , for praise from thai source must be deemed censure by every right-minded Chartist Lovett , however , appears to have b ^« n pleased with this praise , and to have sought more ot it . Whiie his colleague , Collins , was gathering laurels in Sootland , and deserving them too , if -we may judge him by bis speeches , Lovett was sitting at home batching his cockatrice scheme , or weaving his spider ' s web . '

      The meeting aV Leeds -was a middle-class trap set to cat ^ U Chartists—an artificial fly thrown out for gudgeons ; but none were hooked , though there were a tew who looked at it , and some who nibbled . This open attempt having failed , a secret one must be tried . Lovett draws up an address so very like Chartism , that it might be taken by the simple ana unsuspecting for Chartism itself : just as a pitfall is covered with earth to look like firm ground . Lovett , Hetberington , Cleave —all names of good men and true , at'least , of men who

      were thought so—head the list which is sent secretly with these decoy-ducks to entrap Chartists . Dan O'Connell , Hume , Roebuck , and Co ., t ' ue fowlers and birdcatchera , keep out of sight , lest their appearance should scare away the prey , and the sweet singers aforesaid tune their notes to entice the unwary , some of whom light upon the cage and are limed ; but as soon as they see the monster-men approach to seize them and put them in , they struggle hard and escape ; others submit to lose their liberty , and join the " unclean birds" within . There are others that ,

      " Struggling to be free are more encaged , " because they seek to justify themsAvea , and cannot . The leaders of this league ' know that there was a National Association in existence ; but they are of that kinU of men who will not follow what other men propose . Thuy -wish to set up themselves head over all : and they will be set up—but as warnings aud examples to shuu , and not to Imitate . " Infamy will brand their memories . " Duped by the middle class , they would fain have deceived and betrayed the people . They conld not resist the honour of being courted by

      members of Parliament , and Lovett the cabinet-maker , h . xs been set to make a cabinet of Chartists—Collins , the tool-maker , to make tools for them—while we were to have been cloven and divided by Cleave . Old Dan , like Falatatt ' , finding that bis " date was out , " wished to know where a commodity of " good names" could be bought , and he found these . Tbe trust reposed by a eonfiiiiijg people in Lovett aud Co ., was to be turned against them to please the middle , classes . Could a man make or allow to be made a more shameful use of his " good name ? " But they have overrated their influence with the people .

      What is the pretence of this backward move ?—the people are not sufficiently educated , forsooth ! The men who want to brittle the people and check them by an educational bit , are booksellers who , of course , would charitably sell tracts , && , to the starving millions . Do they think the people can be fed on paper ? They remind us of the cockney who rapped the live eels in the pan on their cockscombs , and cried " down , ¦ wantons , down . ' " In Mr . Lovett ' a opinion , the men who misrule the nation are well educated . The people who feel the

      wrong done them , and who would right it , must not ; because they are not educated I Mr . Lovett is either a very dishonest or a very timid man . Does he wish to sophisticate the unsophisticated people ? But the greatest grievance ia Mr . O'Connor , the " people ' s idol . " He must be got rid of , because his popularity is envied . Mr . O'Connor earned it , and earned it dearly ; and did not Mr . Lovett possess his share—his full share ? was not the Star the herald of his fanio ? Mr . Lovett resembles the Turk that cannot bear a brother near him . i

      Perhaps our " trading politicians" fancied Mr . O'Connor had monopoly , and they wished to break it . It is well known that , in a pecuniary sense , the Star has done more benefit to others than to Mr . O Connor . He is out of pocket by it . Had he chosen to serve himself and not the people , he might have been a lord . He is in a ! prison for his patriotism , aud set upon by curs that durst not bark if he were out—spaniels that fawn upon their own persecutors . O'Connor ' s value to the people is indicated by this mean attempt to shelf him—an attempt made by men who owe their power of making it to bis favour , and who have eat of his bread . To injure O'Connor is to injure the people ; he is identified with them . Had the people ' s enemies succeeded in turning the people against their friend , the people would have felt it first , and must have hated themselves . It would have been enough to make all true patriots turn to Tiraons . Ingratitude is a sin which neither gods nor men can bear .

      But the traitors have not succeeded , and cannot . Thia is their last attempt . It is well when men shew themsel vca in their true colours and separate themselves . Tbe goats will be known from the sheep . I do not think it will be worth whilo waging war with them , but , if we do , we will wage it warmly . " When Greek meets Greek , then comes the tog of war . " I am most sorry to see Vincent ' s name in the list . I consider Vincent the chief Chartist writer of the day . He has fought with us and suffered with us . Does be blench now ? Can be have become enamoured of those whose stripes lie bears ? Turu again , Vincent , and be a true man . No doubt some of the London leaguers finding that they cannot mislead the people , -will retract and come over to us again . There is one of them of whom , we may say— " The < ievU & Chastist , < w anything else ia he , constantly , hut a time-Berver . "

      What good could they expect by diverting the people from tb e old path ? Did they intend tie * uaii » nal associations U , be Bet up ? We cannot -worship God and Mammo ' . i—we must Bold to the one and neglect the other . The people ' s attention would have been divided ua d distracted . They could hot pay ^ tteatiou to both , a house divided against itself cannot stand . We cans ot play a double game . We are not jngglera to keep two balls up at once , young Chartism like a " grace" ieg 8 son , " would have tripped up bis sire . We must do away with one or the other . As for me , I vrill stick to the old path . —I -will not meddle with the cha > . gelicge , Onward , and we conquer—backward , aatf . we are conquered . A Httlo longer my friends , and to' j victory is outs . Hold but—ws must hoi be B EAT ! , . . . ¦¦¦ London , April 26 , 1841 . JOHN WATK 1 NS .

      Untitled Article

      Effects of Fanny Ei-lsler ' sDancing—Fanny's dancing has so turned ft poor functionary ' s head , that he danced from morning till night all over his boarding-house , till his landlady had to take him before the police . —New York Herald .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOB OP THE NOBTHERN STAB . Sir , —A short time ago , I was much pained on perusing a paragraph inserted in the Star , calculated to injure an old , tried , and difiinterestsd Chartist , both in character and circumstances , and knowing your lo 7 Q of justice , I feel confident you will not refuse administering the antidote . ; In the paragraph to which I allude it was stated , in no very respectful terms , that George Ellis , of Brad ford , no longer gave one half of his profits on the Star to the Victim Fond , and broadly hinting that he was no longer worthy of support .

      Now , Sir , as George Ellis voluntarily subscribed one half his profits to that fund for four months subsequent to the expiration of the time he acted as agent under a certain association , called " The Co-operative Association , " whose number is very small , I should think him more worthy ef praise than censure , particularly as very few agents have evinced a disposition to make similar sacrifices . The parties who have made the attack ought , in justice , to have stated the amount of money thoa paid into tho fund by George Ellis , and also shewn that tbe money has been appropriated to tbe purpose specified . This they have not done , but must , ere they are free from suspicion . Let them justify themselves by the publication of their balance sheet , and then , but not till then , they may be allowed to hurl their missiles at others .

      Having made a little inquiry into this matter , I give you my friend ' s version of the matter , feeling confident that your readers will exonerate him from the odium attempted to be cast upon him . He says : "In the first place I was appointed agent for the sale ot the Star by the Association for one quarter , ( observe , I was selling on my own account before this , ) which agency I fulfilled ; at the expiration of that time I was not re-elected , but continued to give onehalf of the profits for four months longer ; at that time , through bad debts , &c , of which I have many , I was reluctantly ( to make good my payments )

      compelled to relinquish giving one halfpenny , without the Association would stand and make good those deficiencies . In some instances , I have had a number of papers left on hand , which , if I had to ro ; ke good on my account , I should have little or nothing left for all my trouble . 1 had postage of letters , as also postoffice orders to pay when remitting money , ic . to , which , when taken into account , made my profits very smalL Up to the time of giving up half the profits , I bad paid into the hands of the Secretary from £ 3 10 s to £ 1 , and have not seen any account , with the exception of once , and that noticed in the Star . "

      He further adds—• ' A number of the members here ( Bradford ) investigated the affair , and passed a vote of censure on the parties who sent the paragraph in question to tbe Star , but it was not inserted ; thus , it appears , that a man is to be ruined with impunity—an attack is allowed to he made , bat publicity rafused to the person attacked . " With respect to the last sentence , I must say , that the " vote of censure " must not have reached your office , or should it have come into yout hands , it must have been mislaid , as it is well known that your columns are as cheerfully thrown open to the accused as to the accuser . Youra truly , April 27 th , 1841 . Fair Plat .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —By giving the following address a place in the columns of your truly invaluable paper , you would much oblige , Sir , Yours respectfully , P . M . BROPHY . Dublin , April 26 th , 1841 .

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . * ' Cursed be the wretch that ' s bought and sold . Who barters liberty for gold . " Friends , Brethren , and fellow-countrymen , —A fierce , determined , and unwarrantable attack having been made on the Chartists of Dublin by Mr . O'Connell , I beg to call your attention to a few plain facts . Mr . O'Connoli has thought proper to state to the world that Chartism in Ireland * is a transportable offence , but he has not pointed out the manner in which a Chartist Association in Ireland would be illegal . This be has done in order to deter the gulled and starving people of Ireland from joining us , lest they should acquire a knowledge of thjir real state ,

      and the means of redressing it . Before he published our Association in the venal pres 3 of Ireland , he should have been certain that the rules of out Association were such as to warrant the assertion . Mr . O'Conneil dreads Chartism ( although one of its propounders ) , because he knows that if its sacred principles were once known by the people , he would lose his popularity . He has called U 3 " a despicable set , " and says that he knows us all ! Now in what are we despicable ? becausu we are honest and that we have truth on our side ? He knows us all ! what dots ha know of us 1 He knows we are poor working men , and that we will not pin our opinions to his sleove , but that we will think and act for our own and country ' s good . Let Ireland be enlightened in the principles bf the Charter , and the blood-sucking miuions have an end to their traffic in human misery and ia human blood . Ireland has been disunited

      by factious demagogues ; her people have been taught to hate England and the English ; England has been taught to bate the Irish ; and thus a system of rapine , murder , treachery , and wrong has been perpetuated , in . order that the traders in human blood might be able to glut themselves to satiety . The present effort to suppress Chartism in Ireland is another of tbe many hell-burn machinations devised for still making appropriate the motto , " Divide and conquer . " Shall we be divided ? shall wo longer regard each other as aliens iu name and in blood ? shall we hate aud persecute each other on account of our political and religious opinions ? shall Protestant 6 tand in opposition to Catholic , or Catholic to Protestant ? when the common interest of the people of this country , nay , of tho vast empire , demands n unity of the producing and unrepresented millions , to resist by legal and moral means the progressive science of tyranny .

      Wen of England and Scotland . ' yon have done much for the people of Ireland , by your agitation and dissemination of sound political and useful knowledge ; you have sent that luminaTy of truth aud reason , the Northern Star ; that Star has been a comet to Ireland ; it has spread its light through the dark horizon , and dispelled the gloomy fears that honest patriots have had for Ireland ' s regeneration ; from ita hallowed columns has flown - more real truth than from the whole of the " Liberal" press . The schoolmaster ia now abroad in . Ireland ; the bird has flown , and all-the powers of earth and hell cannot impede its progress .

      Men of England and Scotland , you have the best wishes of the Chartists of Ireland ; go on in the holy cause prospering and to prosper . Irishmen , let your solieitude for your country direct yonr energies to the all-important principle of Universal Suffrage ; recollect that on your exertions depend the fate of Ireland ; her destiny is in the hands of powerful demagogues , which the spread of Chartism alone can moke null . Remember your friend and countryman , Feargus O'Connor , ( the disinterested and uncompromising patriot . ) has been reviled by these demagogues , because of the purity of his intentions in furthering the moral and physical condition of the working classes . May he live to see the death of tyranny and despotism . Let union be your motto , the Charter your banner , truth and justice your guide , and you will soon se « a speedy downfall © f the enemies of Ireland and Britain . Hurra for the

      Charter , and No Snrrender . Peter M . Brophv , Secretary to tbe Charter Association of Dublin

      Universal Suffrage In The United States.

      UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN THE UNITED STATES .

      After all that we have read ol late concerning the American cities and people , ( says a reviewer of Combe ' s Notes on iiie United Stuias , in Tail's Magazine , } there is little now left for ftlr . Combe to tell of mere externals- His attention was given to objects not lyiDg on the surface . He reached Philadelphia about the time that the riots at Harrisburg— the town in which the State Assembly of Pennsylvania meets—were going for ^ Mcd ; those dtst&rbauceB which to us at home presaged a dissolution of the Union . Even in America , be states that tha excitemeat was very great , and all over the Union the proceedings attracted much attention .

      " The Senate adjourned in confusion , and the mob organized ' a committee of safety , ' which directed their proceedings . Disovder reigned for several days , during which nsither branch of the Legislature could hold a xegv&u Session ; ' the Executive Chamber and State Department , " says Governor Bitner , were closed , and eonfusion and alarm pervaded the seat of Government . ' The militia were , called out ; and obeyed th » summone . # o * « " In any European country , a tumultuous assault on the Legislature , if successful , would probably have been the fotemmer or a revolution ; but here it is of far ikfebkR IKportakce . In the United States a revolution can scarcely mean anything but AN abandonment OF freedom . The suffrage is already all but universal ; and the people elect , either directly or

      indirectly , not only the Legislature but every officer of State , The wildest imagination , therefore , cannot devise a more democratic form of government ; and as there i » no aristocratio class , having separate interests and distinct feelings from the people , who could usurp power , a revolution could lead only to a despotism . The States , however , are very far removed from that condition in which a despotism becomes possible . There are no poverty-stricken , suffering , and ignorant nniltitades , whom an aspiring tyrant can beguile to lend him their physical force to overthrow the liberties of their country . A large proportion of the electors are owners of their own farms , while even the humblest class possesses property and some degree of Intelligence , All are reared in the love , not only of freedom , but of power .

      Untitled Article

      " A democracy is a rough instrument of rule , in the present state of education and manners in the United Stat ; 8 , and I have not yet met with a British Radical who has had the benefit of five years'experience of it , who has not renounced his creed , and ceased to admire Universal Suffrage . But the coarseness of the machine , and its efficacy , are different questions . It is coarse , because the mass of the people , although intelligent , complied with the European masses , are still very imperfectly instructed , when their attainments in knowledge and-refinement are contrasted with tbe powers which they wield . It is efficacious , however , because it ia sound in its structure and its mainsprings are strong . " Bat "how admirably are those drawbacks counterbalanced by the manifold advantages ! In the following sentences , we have the rationale of . democratic institutions ^—

      " . In . the United States , the people have the power to tyrannise , if they please , over the wealthy , the educated , and the refined ; in Britain , the aristocracy and middle classes have the power to trample , if they choose , on the masses , who have no control over the legislators . So far as my observations extend , the people in the United States have not perpetrated onetwentieth part of the acts of injustice , by their legislation against the rich , which the aristocracy in Britain has dona by their legislation against the poor . "I freely confess , that while I lived nnder the British institutions , and enjoyed the advantages which they confer on the upper and middle classes , I , like many

      others , had a less lively perception of their one-sided character . Even now , af tor contemplating the greatly superior condition of the masses in the United States , I am bound to state my conviction , that this democracy , in ita present condition of imperfect instruction , is a rough instrument of Government , and that , were I to consult my personal comfort merely , I should prefer ta live in England . But viewing the results of both , as a citizen of the world , and as a man bound to love his neighbour as himself , and perceiving that the one tends naturally to the elevation of tho few , and the degradation of the mauy , while the other tends to the improvement of all , it ia impossible not to wish success to the American Republic . "

      Untitled Article

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Stroud , April 26 th , 184 X . Brothers , —Having seen my name , among others , in a vote of censure passed at Derby upon persons who approve of the plan of organisation proposed by my friend , William Lovett , I deem it necessary to say a few words to you on the subject I must say that I feel surprieed , after the many proofs I have given of the intensity of my devotion to-the people and their cause , that any individual could for a moment suppose that I had so far fallen from the path of duty as to take part in any movement other than Vie movement of the people for the attainment of their political and social rights . The whole of my political life is before the country When an apprentice , ten years ago , I opposed the Reform Bill , on the ground taken up by Henry Hunt , namely , that no suffrage short of Universal Suffrage would ever satisfy the people .

      Long before the Chartist agitation commenced I contended ; for Universal Suffrage . I moved amendments alike at Whig and Tory meetings in various parts of London , in favour of that measure . I overthrew Whig vestry meetings in Slarylebone and St . Pancras upwards o'f three years ago , to the no small mortification of the Whiglings in that neighbourhood . I was one ef the first to take part in the Charter agitation . I waa one of the six working men appointed to draw up that document . I went through Yorkshire , a part of Lancashire , a great part of the West and Wales , almost entirely at my own expence . I expended , in two years , Two Hundred Pounds of my own Money , besides loss of time , 'relations , aud friends I formed numerous associations in places where " liberty" had never been heard of . I denounced alike the tyranny of . Government and the fawning sycophancy of the people . I exposed the base conduct of the Whigs , and the still more monstrous conduct of the Jtnava O'ConnelL I established the Vindiealor in the

      West , and I appeal to those who know me there to bear witness to my exertions . I became a member of the Convention , and was soon arrested . I was sent to Monmouth prison for twelve months . I have never complained of my imprisonment , though I was treated like a dog . Attempts were made in prison U get me to compromise matters . I was told " if I would but do so , I might be let out , and further imprisonment be avoided . " I spurned the recommendation . I'told Mr . Vaughan , a magistrate of the county of Monmouth , ( a Catholic , ) '"that I would sink or swim , with tha Chartist party ; aud that I would see the enemy d d before I would do ought hut despise and oppose them . " I * as served with a copy of a seco . nd indictment . I then refused all compromise . Copies of three mohe INDICTMENTS FR 03 I WILTS AND GLOUCESTER WEBE then served with the view of alarming me . I laughed them' to scorn !

      After a confinement of eight months—a portion of which Was passed in the condemned cell—I was brought to trial a second time—and sentenced to a further imprisonment of twelve months . Since I-left prison—though under bail—and with " indictments " hanging over me—I have again taken part with the people for tha Charter , I have lectured in Banbury , Northampton , Kettering Leicester , Loughborough , Nottingham , Arnold , 'Sutton ^ in-Ashfleld , Derby , Cheltenham , and Gloucester ; and I am now in Stroud , the pocket borough of Lord John Russell . To each of these places I can point with pride . In each I have denounced all compromise of our glorious principles—in each have I exposed the knave O'Connell—in each I have denounced the Whigs—and in Nottingham I recommended the Chartists to vote for . Walter rather than return LaRPENT the nominee of OConncll and the base Whigs . I SUBMIT THAT IN THE ABOVE I HAVE GIVEX

      SOME PROOF OF MY SINCERITY TO THE PEOPLE . I now coxae to the one point on which I am censured , and which , in the eyea of my Derby friends , Las rendered . me a " fallen" Chartist ; and fordoing which , in the opinion ef some , ( without even waiting till they hear me , ) I am to be denounced as a " traitor , " thief , imp , pimp , Whig , Tory , OConnellite , and the Devil knows what . Now , how stands the case ? When in Leicester , I received a circular from Mr . Levett , " addressed to the Political and Social Reforaera of Great Britain . " I found on reading it that ff ^ fras based on the admirable pamphlet , written by Lovett and Collins , when in Warwick gaol . I found that it proposed the establishment of an Association to erect Halls , and to establish libraries for the use of the working classes ; and , feeling it to be a part of my duty to countenance anything which would have a tendency to place tbe working classes in an improved position , morally and intellectually , as well as politically —and havin ? perfect confidence in the integrity of my

      friend Lovett—I signed my name to it , at the same time good humouredly telling him , " that I did nob think the plan could be carried out in consequence ef the general poverty and slavery of the people ; but that if my humble name could be useful in the slightest degree towards the erection of but one Hall in which the people might meet , free from the influence of persecution , he was welcome to it . " I deelare most solemnly that I had no other object when I signed that document My whole soul was then , and is now , in the Charter—and if any man had dared to request me to advocate anything short of Chartism , I should have publicly denounced him as aknave . Why , ia London , J heard Lovett tell Hume that he never woiM join in an agitation , for anything less than the Charter—and I told Hume to his teeth " that he and his party had ruined themselves ; titai I was glad of it ; and that they , never could dupe the working classes again ; that we would goon with the Charter until it triumphed . "

      I knew of no *• conspir acy "—I know of none . I am a member of the " National Charter Association , " and have been sir . ee it was remodelled . I ever have been with the people—I am . now—and I ever shall be . I am pained to have to write this letter—but justice to my own character demands it . I appeal to all whe < know me—to those who have heard me since I left prison in public or in private—I appeal to one and all , to say whether I have ever swerved from .-the one great object of my life , that of obtaining political power for the working millions . I shall write no woi « . We can only be judged of by oar actions , and vox professions . I point to both fearlessly ; regarding neither the frowns nor the praises of my frieads , bat as incentives to further activity in our glorious cause .

      With my heart in my pen , I am , Brother Chartists , Your unalterably devoted friend , Henry Vjucent

      Untitled Article

      Alleged Death from Starvation . —An inquest was held oil Friday , the 23 rd , on the body , of an aged female , named Coleman , who lived at Newstreet , St . Nicholas , Bcrmondsey , and who was supposed to have died from want . It appeared the deceased was addicted to drinking , and that she died fiora natural causes . Her intemperate habits reduced her to extreme poverty , and the parish officer of Deptford , said the Guardians had forbidden him to give her oat door relief . The jary returned a verdict , " That the deceased died from natural causes ; at the same time they could not separate without deprecating id the strongest manner the system of the New Poor Law . " One of the jury , who contended that a verdict of died from starvation should be returned , refused to sign the inquisition .

      The Armstrong Liver Puts are recommended as an Anti-bilioUR medicine , to every sufferer from bilious cbrnplaJiits and indigestioB , or from an inactive liver , and are procurable at all Druggists , and at the Nortitern Star office . It is only necessary to see that -the stamp has " Dr . John Armstrong ' s Liver Pills' * engraved on it in white letters , and to let no one put yon off with any otiter pilto . ' '•• N . B ; The Pills in the boxes enclosed , in marbled paper , and marked B ., are a very mild aperient , and are particularly and univereaUy praised . They are admirably adapted for sportgmen , agriculturists , men of business , naval ana military -men-f as-they contain ho mercury or calomel , and require neither confinement to the house , nor restrain * in diet *

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      ^^^ ^__ __ THE NOR THE R N ST A R . 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 1, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct704/page/7/