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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th March 1841, Edition 4 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE SOUTHERN STAR SATURDAY. MARCH 6, 1841.
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      Untitled Article

      MESSRS . COLLINS AND O'NEIL , AND THE BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS . XEETIVQ 07 THE TR 1 ENBS AND MEMBERS OF THE CilJlISTJAX CHARTIST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM , TO COS 5 IPES TH * STAT £ M £ > 'TS THAT APPEARED 15 THS SORIHXUS STAR 0 ? THE 27 IH F £ B , 18 U . A mating , ttrcsisting of 234 of the members and Menus of the Christian Chartist Church , ¦ was held in tfae chapel . Mr . Hill , sen ., was voted to th « b&ir . Mr . Toll read the statements in the Stir , and the Aainuan calied upon Mr . Style * to read an answer to them that had been drawn up by the Committee , which -now r ^ nuuned to be adopted , or rejected by the meeting . Mr . Styles then read the following sddress . and also a letter from ill . Vincent , subjoined : —

      Statement of Facls in Answer to an Article thai ar-pesred in the Koribfern Star of February 27 i » . l&il .

      TO THE EDITOR 07 THI FORTRESS 5 TA 3 L SIR , —We consider it our doty to contradict an anonymous article in the Star , coataining several ailef ed facts and insinuations against the leaders of the Christian Chartist Church generally , and Messrs . Coliina « nd ONril in particular . In your introductory remarks , you intimate that yon hare r-. ctived letters complaining of an unfriendly - ¦ pirit manifested towarus the associated body of Chart ' iU , by the leaders of the Christian Chartist ¦ Church . "Wo reply , that never in one tf our jueetiegs hare ¦ sre alluded to them , much less spoken , unfriendly of tbtm . When they attended our » et tings , they were h ^ zril -with the same attention and friendliness With which ssy of our oirn members -vrtre treated ; aod laniy , to show that the statement was utteriy tails , ill their intimation * ithongfc handed in irrogulariyi have be-. n given from the pulpit and il&sk . - with the greates ; frankness , with the exception of the one afterxnentloE ^ d , f&r reasons that we shall immediately explain .

      Tht only groind of difference that his ever existed is , tfcat most of the members of the Church are nut in the National Charter Association , it b . ing , in their ? pinion , : in Its old constitution , ) illegal . lie anocyuious commuiiicatioi ! that follows , be ^ ii-s with the non-announotment of thr soiree . The facts -of the case are not correctly stated , they are thtse : — Tbt-ir ictisnations had generally been handed in irreguliir . 'y ; instead of handing them to the GuwnnUee , before the nj&etiag commenctd , th ^ y were stnt in , in the middle , or near the close of the lecture or sermon . In this iEjU-Bce , Mr . Barrett had been tilting in ihe Chapei for . a q-miter of an hour before the meeting « omn 3 e ^ utd ; the Committee wsre , as usual , sitting in the Ybitrr at the same time ; the parti ts &aw each other ; - ' icring this time bo intimation was pressnted ; bnt , as u- ^ as ] . Bear the close » f Mr . Rairke ' s lecture , it was bar . I .,. ! to tb . 6 Ctairman .

      It Wis not given cut ; Mr . Barrett rose , and asked Why it vr » 5 no : ? Mr . O Neil , tiie Chairman , asked him two qa&stions . First—Why vrss it not . handed in to the CnMnirtee ? Second—" What authority he had for sUting uiat Mr . Tinccnt would be present ? adding , that if he answered tliese questions , U should , as nsual , be tirtn out . The first was net answered ; and , after much equivocation , it apptar '_ -d that the coming of ilr . Vincent was without authority , they not baiius received an answer from him .

      Mr . 0- > eu said that tie impression made upon his mind by the announcement of the soiree reid by him on Sabteth Isst , as veil as upon the minds of all who heard it , was that the gentlemen mentioned were to be preseai ; so ranch so that he was perftctiy astonished at hearing ca the day after , from Mr Collins , that Mr . Tincent Wis not to betbere . He iiBmetiiately S 3 W that a fals = usa had been made of Ilr . Vincent ' s name ; he felt sorry that he had been the means of aidicg the Spread of the falsehood , and he therefore would not do It now .

      To show , howeTer , that he was perfectly willing to J intimate asvthiog fouadtd on truth , from whoeTer it came , Be would giTe oui thtir second announcement ( for there were tiroi , viz , that Mr . Dean Tayljr would preach next Sanday , at Lawrence-street , adding full j particulars & 3 to time , su :-jtct , and admission money , j That iit . O'Xeil sivisrd those present Dot to pur- S -chase tickets is a b&K falsehood , and that any steps ! have been taken to make the soiree a failure , is equally ; fi £ * e . ' The insinuation against Mr . Collins is a maleTolent j attempt to surround with suspicion a character j which they have cot facts suffi ^ ent to injure . Mr . ' Yineent ' s letter , sent by him upon seeing the slander in the S&r , is suScient to uisprov * it- Thslast state- i meat is rot only utterly false , in its first part , but '

      throuznent : ts style is tueh as to evince clearly a diabo- t Iicai arxirty to follow out the above nufcnnded suspi- i eon . Tat oniy meeting publicly held in Birmingham < for Frost's restoration , was the one allude < i to on Hulio- i way IIbad , on the first of January . There was none ; other for Mr . Co . lins to attend . As to Mr . Collins '* interwt in btislt of the exiled patriots , let his two j last jouraeys to L ^ ugliborough and Bilston speak . It ' is stated , as if to produce an impressioa of carelessness , : tbit Ml . Collins anJ Arlhur O-Xeil came en to the i ground half an hour after the time for widch the meet- j ing TTas alTertisid . It is well kuowa that demonstra- tions rairij commence at the tune intimateo ; the charge is altogether paltry , and the fact is that Tery few were on the ground when they arrived , and the busiLess -did not cvriiiiieaoe tili more than half aa hour sf £ er

      they arrived . The unanimous election of Mr . Collins to tl » cbAii , and the enthusiastic approbation with Which he ^ ras received , clearly - sLow that " tht people" knew not of any " past offences" to forgive ; it is a gratuitoui slander . His conduct , as shuruian , met with the highest approbation , and when the bosis ^ ss of the meeting was ended , one of the Frost Committee proposed a vote of thnTiV ^ which was passed with ecthusiaitie applause . No thought of injuring Mr . Frost his ever been attached to Mr . Collins , and why the parties , now complaining , did not on the spot diisent from that which they say vrj an irrtrpi-T&ble icjsiy to Mr . Frost's chaxacier , is for them t i explain . Wny they stood by without giving their veto against Mr . Collins is passing strange , and more so sonsidi-rinc the fact ct tee vote of thinks p .-oposeu » od carr . ed by them . Seconded by Mr . Hill and carried unaniHiously .

      VERBATIM COPY OF 1 L& . VT 5 CE 5 T S LETTEB TO JOHN COLLINS . 5 , Greenland Grove , Craven-street , 1 st March , lall . Mt dIaE Colliss , —I have read a paragraph in the HoritnTT . Star , to the effect that you had advise *! me not to visit Birmingham . I do not wish mistakes to . go abruid . I wrote my reasons to the members of the Committee at Birmingham who did me the honour Of inviting me . 1 do not suppose you knew anything of the iuaf * r . You could not have done bo when ic Iiondon , because I had not then received the invitation . I am sorry that my name should be used in matters with widch I have nothing to do . Prior arrangements and my own private affairs prevented my ccccpting the land invitation of the Birmingham friends . You are Cnite at' literty to make what use of this letter you please .

      The charge against tou , so far as my visit to Binning % am i 5 eortctrriid , is not true . You had nothing to do in the matur . Sly own reasons have been given in my cwn handwriting . Regretting that any dispute should exist in our own ranks , and hoping that such disputes jnay be speedily settled , so that our giori&us cause may propeuy progress , I am , dear Collins , Faithfuily your ' s , Hexky Vi > "C £ nt . It was afterwards resolved unanimously : —

      " That the thanks and approbation of this meeting be presented to Jiessrs . Csllins and O'Xeil , for their : intelligent , and persevering dtfecce , and advocacy cf j the cause of Chartism , requesting them to go onwaris in j Sieholy cause which they have espoused . "

      Untitled Article

      THE ANTI-CORN LAW AGITATION-SIGNAL DEFEAT OF THE " LEAGUERS . " On Monday evening these worthies met with a complete overthrow . The meeting was held at the Crown and Anchor , an i ;« r--ordhig to the placards and handbills ( whieh were by r mesas widely circulated , probably from prucientia' reasons ) it was intended to be " Annual Crtn « -ral Meeting of the Metropolitan , Central . * nd Distrist Branches of the Anti-Corn I / iw Association . " At an early hour , one of the large rooms of the tarem was crowded by persons , chiefly of tie working « 3 zaB . From the appearance of those persons , and tbe MB&neats occasionally uttered by them before the proceedings commenced , it soon 'became evident that the snooth-toDgned political economists , who have &o kindly taktn tbe interests and welfare of the " labouring tQ&sssB" into their especial protection , would not be permitted quietly to have it all their own way , and the xwolt showed tiat these anticipations wttre

      wellfcunded . At about half-past seven o ' clock , Mr . "Waxburton , UJ . ( who was announced to tike the chair , ) otered the room , accompanied by a great number of tbt " leaguen ; " saongst whom were observed Mr . wmsexs , M . P ., Mr . Hawe « , M . F ., air . J . A . Roebuck , Be . Bowrisg , Mr . Alcock ( ex MJ > . for Ludiow and extanftirt « tn far £ ut Surrey , ) and » poste of those wellytld * rV conseqnently disinterested gentlemen who mren themselves by going about the country 4 s lecturers . M * ^> potition wM oflEered to Mr . Warburton taKng the t&aii , and a momentary gleam of self-satisfaction was araarent on the faces of the Honourable Gentleman ' s

      •¦ ppOTters , who had evidentlv apprehended an opporifion t » Umine by the appointment of another flbairmao . But this pleasant feeling was destined to be soon changed into one of deep mortification . The rhairniMij however , with the eye of a " wary , coul , Id » oidier , " at once saw the position and strength of ihe enemy , and consequently appeared by no means as Ifh * were sitting in an easy chair . In the outset of his pening address Mr . "Warburton , by way of 4 epre-• Ktiog tbe introduction of any other topic than that of tbe Cam Laws , read the rules of ths AsaoeiatUn at the fcim * it wae originaUy formed , which , after a few of kb * vasal claptrapiEius about these game lawi being

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      " inimical to the welfare and interests of the labouring c-asses , " i : c ( a postulate , by the bye , which the nii-jority of the meeting , by their cries of " no , no , " seemed to think was not demonstrable either by argument or by proof ) , ended with a declaration that their attention was to be on&ned to the one sole object—to wit , " the repeal of the accursed btead tax , " and that they were not to enveriain , nor pexmiiiob * eatsrtained , any other subject whatever at any of their meetings , or at the meetings of the Committee . ( Here there were loud cries of " Oh , oh , " and laughter from the Chartists .

      Having reminded the meeting what the subject was which they had met to discuss , the Hob . Gentleman concluded his few observations by imploring order and a fair hearing for tbe gentlemen who would address them ; and after tbe report should be read , and tho resolutions proposed , it would be competent for any gentleman in the meeting— ( loud cheers from tbe Chartists , and the Hon . Gentleman quickly saw bis mistake )—fo r tLose who were members —(• ' Ah , ah , " and " It wont do , Warburton ")—for any other gentleman ( this re- « orrvction of himsiif apptased the angry ChartLete ) to address the meeting .

      Ta « Secretary iMr . Sydney Smith , it was tmderrtood ) then read the report It stated that the association had had enormous difficulties to encounter since its first meeting on the 3 rd of August last , arising first from the apathy of the middle classes j and secondly from the hostility of the political portion of tht working classes— ( cheers )—both of which causes , however , were fast disappearin ? , particularly the latter —( loud eriea of " No , no , never , ")—for the working classes bad now become most active in their co-operation with the association . ' , H < ro there vm still stronger expressions of dissent ) The report then went on to state that the txeruons of the lecturers had been attended with snper-tniinent success , and that they had been veil received in every part of ike kingdom . ' ( This was rather too barefaced for even those who were not Chartists , and , therefote , this veradott * statement was received with great laughter from ail parts of the room . )

      After a few unmeaning generalities , the report alluded to what it called a new feature in thalr proceedings , nimtly , the publication and dissemination of upwards of 20 , 000 copies of the evidence taken before a committee of the House of Cumtnocs , for the purpose of edifying the agricultural labturen , and affording an abundant supply of waste paper to the butter and bacon shops throughout the country . The committee thtn rtfrnvd to ' . be fact , that a manifesto against the Corn Laws had been signed by upwards of 150 influential mtmhcis of the Uuuse of Commons , from which they argued much good wiien the subject should again be brought bsfore that branch of the leglslsture . Several puts of the report elicited much disapprobation from tht meeting , pai-ticulariy those passages in which it was assiittd , thut the ' totiil repeal of the Corn Laws woui-i conduce tothe welfsre of ihe land , " -tbe correctness of which piece of Anti-Corn-Law dogmatism was vehemently disputed . The report having : been read ,

      A > ir . Hakkisos moved , and the well-known Mr . Pb . 01 ? secoLued , a resolution that it should be received , printed , and circulated—and now came the " tug of war . " A ChartUt named Wall , got upon the table , and was received with uproarious shouti of applause . The " lt-nguers , " one and all , looked dismayed . Wall observed , that the question for the working classes to consider was , whether their wages were te be lowered or not ( Cheers . ) The sole reason why the manufacturers had come forward was , because thoy knew that owing to high wages they wtre not able to compete with the foreign manufacturer—i cheers )—and hence it was that

      they were deslr . 'us of reducing the wages of the labouring class by a repeal of the Corn Laws . ( Cheers . ) He c-jnteniled , tht-efure , that they wsre net agitating for but against the people —( cheery ;—in fact , they hatl no other end in view but that of personal aggrandisement i Loud chwrs . ) He then moved , by way of amendment , in opposition t » the report , to the effect that they c : uld not expect , however , the Repeal of the Cora Laws until the people were fairly represented , ic , and ailvLiing the presentation of a National Petition to the Queen , praying her Msje » ty * s interference oa the subject of a recognition of the principles of the People's Charter .

      Auother Ciiartist , named BOQQIS , seconded the motion in a speech which was really sensible , moderate , and mu ; h to the purpose . It abounded with plain common sense truths , which were so unpalatable to the ieajjuers , that they had tlio kid taste to permit their c ' . zo / turt < ut -. TLoai there were not a few in the room ) to ciidcavuur to clamour down the speaker . From thi ^ point of the proceedings all was confusion an * i noise . Tue Chartists observed the interruptions , and , on the Uj tu . ' ionis principle , seemed determined thai none of the i ther side should be heard . In vain did Mr . RotLuck anvl Dr . Biwricg avow themselves to be Ch . vti » ts : they obtained not from the offended audience the " charity of their silence , " and , after beTer . il fruitless attempts to gain a hearing , tiey retirc-d to tbe back-ground discoiufited and chagrined . Mr . Villiees was a Hf . le more successful , for he ww listened to with some degree of attention .

      Several Ciurtiits then addressed the meeting , and at length the amendment was put and carried by an inrucnse majority , amidst the most tumultuous cheering . The Hon . Chairman and his supporters seeing that tlie ¦ ' gam * wasop , " i \> rtkis time , at least , then retired , leaving the remaining business in stain quo . There was a long siring of resolutions to te submitted to themeetiDg , but the " leaguera" appeared to think , and wisely , too , that they had quite enough for the nonce . Chagrin aiul mortification vrere vis . bly depicted on the countenances of the CD-. irnian ani those ar > und him at the signal defeat - they had sustained at this the very commtDceuient of tb ^ ir London campaign for 1 S 41 . It seeius to be clear that they have nothing else to expect at acy future meeting they may venture to hold in the metropolis ; and therefore one would be inclined tu whisper in tbeir ear , in a friendly way , " discretion is the better par ; of valour . " —Momti . a Herald .

      The Southern Star Saturday. March 6, 1841.

      THE SOUTHERN STAR SATURDAY . MARCH 6 , 1841 .

      T 32 NATIONAL CHASTER ASSOCIATION OF GREAT BRITAIN . THE AMENDED SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION . Ah ^ kg the many good things ¦ which O'Connell has said , we remember one saying of his : that " the dcxi best thing to being ri ^ ht you rself is to put yoor enemy completely in the wrong . " We fuJy accord with this doctrine ; and hence we have ever been most anxious that the operations of the people should be conducted peacefully and legally :

      knowing that if their moral strength was well marshalled , and their numbers well organised , they were invincible and irresistible j —able to carry any measure of a wholesome and sanatory tendency , without violating any of those forms and appearances of law wiih TThicb . the harpies have feDCeti round tho carcase of corruption , in the hope of feasting undisturbedly thereon . There is no power in any state Euccessfully to resist the righteous demands of a people , unued in purpose and opinion , and so organised as to enable them to express their opinion and to prosecute their purpose as one man .

      Of this the factious are most perfectly aware ; and hence their highest dread has ever been the organisa tion of the people , and their greatest care te provide against its existence . It is only by a well digested plan of organisation , generally understood and acted on , that the power of the people can be tfficiec-. ly made manifest . The isolated struggles of individuals , or knots of individuals , or separate societies or localities , even though all directed to the same end , are but like water thrown by bucket' . uiia out of a mighty river against the walk cf a citadel , which expends its force in impotence ,

      producing a splash and nothing more ; while a national organisation , enabling the whole people to move at the sams time , and in the same direction , bending their energies againsl the same point , is like the mighty rushing of the whole torrent , against which ne obstacle can stand . The vast importance of this subject baj been always seen , both by the people ' s friends and by their enemies ; and hence , from the dine when tne House of Commons was first sought to be emancipated from the direct controul of the crown , and placed in its due position as an independent branch of the legislature , to the present moment

      a period of about 250 years , an incessant struggle has been going on , between those who wished to organise , and those who wished to destroy , the expression of the people ' s will for right . This struggle has been carried on wiih more or less of spirit , as the parties anxitus for right , and understanding it , have been more or lees numerous , talented , or influential . It would be easy to run over the entire history ; but it would comport neither with our space nor purpose to do so . Suffice it that the

      lynxeyed jealousy of faction , watched every movement ; and , haviDg in their hands the power ef lawmaking , met every organised movement with new and more close restrictions ; till il was thought that , effectual provision had been made against any possibility of any national organisation existing , oiher than such as might accord with the designs and purposes of the dominant class . The laws , now in force , in reference to political societies and national organisation , are comprised in

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      two most sweeping and comprehensive statutes , the 3 d Geo . Ill , chap . 79 , passed in July 1799 , and the 57 Geo . III . o . 19 , passed in March 1817 , and bo well are the meshes of these two insidious and infamous statutes spread out , that it was doubt-Jess deemed to be impossible for any " national " organisation to escape them . And , so it would be , in the absence of a national organ of communication . When the-scoundr ^ s hatched this

      infernal piece of viJlany , they did not calculate upon a Northern Star rising in the political and social hemisphere , and shedding its rays over the entire surface of the Empire . That advantage the people will sow feel , as , by means of it , they may be enabled to make the plan of organisation now offered them , as thoroughly efficient as it is perfectly legal ; and thus baffle all the arts of all the enemies of freedom .

      In calling attention to the plan of organisation propounded by the national meeting of delegates , and to the mode of working it , we begin with placing before our readers so much of the provisions of the law upon the subject , as were capable of being brought to bear upon ths former plan . Freemasons , Quakers , and all societies of a purely religious or charitable character , and im which no other subject shall , under any circumstances , be discussed , are specially eifempted from the operation of the acts above named ; and with such exception only , by the u sited force of these acts , every society the members of which , or any member whereof shall * either verbally , or in writing , subscribe , or assent to , any test or declaration , not required by late , is an unlawful combination and confederation . See

      the carsfnlness with which villany has drawn tbe net strings ! Not content with prohibiting such oaths , tests , or declarations as might be against the law , the words not required by law extend the prohibition to all voluntary declarations ot whatever charaoter ; even a declared determination , by the members of any society , to uphold the law , might by this clause be construed , as illegal . This made the very outset of the former systom of organisation illegal . The i ; h paragraph , oa " The conditions of membership , " being as follows : —

      " 5 . All persons will become members of this Association on condition of signing a declaration , signifying their agreement with its objects , principles , and constitution , w £ en they uhall be presented with cards of membership , which shall be renewed quarterly , and for which they aball each pay the Bum of twopence . " Now this signing a declaration was quite unnecessary : every man desirous of being a member of the Association , of courBe , agrees with its objects , principles , and constitution . The " 6 ' igning " ia no

      protection against spies or traitors , whom the good sense and vigilance of the members will as easily detect without the " signing " as with it . In the new plan of organisation , it is , therefore , omitted . Every Chartist is supposed , necessarily , in virtue of his being a Chartist , to desire the objects , to hold the principles , and to approve the constitution of the Association . This is the first great improvement of the amended plan ; by which the fangs of the legal harpies are removed from one limb of their prey .

      The next has relation to the abolition of the classes , ward divisions , and local officers and councils . By the Acts before named , every Society composed of different branches or divisions , acting in any han . nkr separately or distinctly from each other , or of which any part shall have any distinct President , Secretary , Treasurer , delegate , or other officer , on ast person acting as such , elected or appointed by » r for such part , or to act IN any office for such part , shall be deemed and holden to be an unlawful combination and confederacy . This , of course , brought all tho classes , all the Town Councils , all the ward divisions , officers , and Councils , all the local Treasurers and Secretaries , and all the Riding

      and County Councils , within the meshes of the law . Because in all these cases the several parts of the Association acted separately and distinctly from each other , having reference to their own local arrangements only , and without any roference to , or auy overt cognizance thereof by the whole Society . The Council for Bradford , for instance , was a distinct Council for that locality . It was elected by the members resident in Bradford only , and its functions were clearly referable to a part of the Association , separate and distinct from tbe other parts . In like manner , the Treasurer and Secretary for Bradford were officers only for that part of tho Association , and not for the whole ; and so on of all the other local officers .

      Having declared the ca 3 es in which political societies shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies , these Acts provide : —That any member of any such society , and every person who shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or intercourse tcith any such society , or with any division , branch , committee , or other select body , president , treaturer , secretary , delegate , or other officer or member thereof , as such ; or who shall by contribution of money or otherwise ^ aid , abet , or support Buch society , or any member thereof , as such , shall incur certain penalties . The penalties are of two kinds . " 1 . By summary process on information before ONE Justice of the Peace , on conviction , a fine of twenty pounds , or three month's imprisonment in the common gaol . 2 . BY INDICTMENT , ON

      CONVICTION , TRANSPORTATION FOR SEVEN YEARS . " Thus was it doubtless hoped to render anything like a national organization for political purposes utterly impossible , without subjecting all the parties therein concerned , to the full penalties of this master-piece of class-legislative villany and cowardise . Indeed , our own opinion was , aftor having carefully and often looked through tho acts , that there was no possible mode of escaping their provisions , otherwise than by taking advantage oi some one er other of the forms and names

      incidental to some one or other of the special exemptions therein provided . And , as we most . conscientiously believe the Christian religion to inculcate all the doctrines of truth and righteousness , personal , social , and political ; as in fact we hold politics to be part and parcel of Christianity , and inseparable therefrom , being mixed up with , springing out of , and sustaining all its principles and doctriues , we were desirous to have seen , for the first time since the age of the Apostles , a true Catholic and Christian church , acknowledging , in all the fulness of their comprehensive import ,

      the precepts of that religion which being hitherto talked of , but neither understood nor practised , has been , and is now being made , the most fearfully effective tool that ever tyranny employed for the destruction of man ' s liberty , and of all clear recognition of the principles of moral right . We hold the principles of Chartism to be religious principles , and every Chartist Booiety to be consequently a religious society ; and we were desirous to see them eo declare themselves , and leave to the vilo herd of despots the option of openly and manifestly trampling under foot their own laws , or of crushing

      along wuh Chartism , Methodism in all its varieties of aspect , the association of the Baptist churches , the Society of Friends or Quakers , the confederated unions of Unitarians , the newly-organised and admitted association of " Rational Religionists , " every other religious society whose creed , forms , discipline , or worship , should involve declarations of principle not required by law , or the several societies of which should correspond with each , other , or appoint deputies to meet each other , or in any other way transgress the almost

      all-comprehensive provisions of these two acts . This was our opinion : it has been our opinion long—in fact , throughout the whole movement : we were sorry to be unsupported in it by O'Connob , for whom , and for whose opinions every true Chartist must have respect , amounting almost to veneration ; but we permit not even the respect due to hi m to shacklo us in the entertainment and the expression of our own honest sentiment ? . We ask , however , for no deference : we are quite contested to hare our opinions estimated by the people , and to acctpt for them just

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      so much influence as they are thought worthy of . Tbe National Delegates refused to shrink from the direct avowal of thoir political objects and purposes ; olaimingtherighttoconBidertheirprinciplestobethose of religion , they would not take advantage of that right to place themselves in any other position than the bold and manly one of meeting the enemy in front . Their voice eaid , almost unanimously , " Let us go right oe—legally , if it may be—illegally , if the law be such as that we cannot comply with it—but let US AT ALL EVENT * GO BIGHT OH . " In the Spirit of this determination they sat down , with the law before them , but without any assistance from its

      paid mvatifiers , to exercise the Bhrewd judgment of plain working men , the clear heads of teetotal Chartists , and the earnest anxiety for the "following of peace with all men" of Christian Chartists , in the concoction of a plan of national organisation which , while it conducted the people ' s operations on a straightforward and avowed basis , should , at the same time , render strict submission to alJ , even the most tyrannous , requirements of the concentrated essence of tyranny , which lay before them in the two Acts of Parliament so oft reverted to above They have succeeded , we believe , to the very letter ; aud right glad are we to congratulate them and the people upon that success . ^

      The entrapment of the local Councils has been wisely provided against , by the amalgation of all those into one body , as a General Council of the whole Association , provided for in No . 7 , of the new plan . The entrapment of the local officers has been in like manner provided against , by making them not local , but general officer * , acting respectively , not for a part , but for the whole , of the Association . While their election , not merely by the members resident in their own locality , but by all the members of the Association , guards effectually against the wily trap of a part of the society acting separately and distinctly from the other parts .

      The Bradford Councillors are to be now considered , and indeed are , not local Councillors for Bradford only , but members of the Goneral Council , by whom the whole Government of the whole Association is conducted , and whose residences happen to be at Bradford ; the Bradford Treasurers and Secretaries are , in like manner , not Treasurers and Secretaries for that locality alone , but Sub-Treasurers and Sub-Secretaries , acting under

      the diroction of the General Treasurer , and General Secretary , and performing such duties as may be necessary to assist them in conducting the affairs of the whole Association . Thus , every officer acts as an officer , not for any part separately or distinctly , but for the whole . Thus , every meah of this most elaborately aud cautiously constructed legal net , has been avoided by the wisdom of the delegates .

      Of course , and of necessity , the plan , to b © legal , is exceedingly general , and it may be somewhat undefined , in ita details . Wo observe some of its provisions which are liable to abuse , and which may , unless precluded by tho prudence of tho people , give rise to some inconvenience in its working ; but on comparing these most carefully with the tortuous enactments of which its concoctors had to steer clear , we are fully satisfied that no

      other way , or , at least , n « other way so good , could have been adopted for securing the double object of the delegates , the aotive operation of the people , and the eviting of all collision with the law ; and we know too much of the people not to feel satisfied , that when these points a < e fairly laid before them and explained , their watchfulness and prudence will come in to the assistance of their leaders , and take care that that shall not be crippled in operation which has been devised so well aud wisely ,

      We have studied the plan most carefully ; we think we understand it ; and we have no doubt of being able to show the people that , though its form is apparently more general , and its details Ie 3 s bracing , than the original , but illegal , plan of organisation , it may be made in working to superadd to the immense advantage of beiug perfectly consonant with the law , every practical advantage possessed or provided for by the old plan . For this purpose , as we have been requested by the delegates to call to it the attention of tho people in a Beries of articles , we shall return to it , probably more than once . We ehall take up its several

      clauses , and shew the people how we understand them—how we think they . should be applied in operation—what means we advise ior the avoidance of any mbonvenience which might otherwise arise , from any necessary laxity of expression forced on its authority by the tyrannous mandate of the law ; we shall show them how , bu far as we understand this document , they may , by n careful and universal adhereuce to its provisions , ;; o on , certainly , safely , legally , successfully , and triumphantly , in the prosecution of thosegrtat principles , to which thebenevoient and just of all classes are pledged and bound by their adhesion to the rules and principles of moral right .

      Thus shall we put our enemies completely in the wrong , by i ' unciug ourselves round with the provisions , not merely of moral , social , and religious * but of legal right ; taking all these upon their own showing . The National Charter Association of Great * Britain , may then bid defiance to tho Government . It shall stand ; it shall prosper ; it shall nourish ; in despite of all their power , aud in despite of all their sophistry , or they shall do one of two things—they shall make a special law

      for its extinction , as was done with the London Corvtsporidnig Society—( the very law now in amended operation , by which it was hoped to extinguish all political societies for ever)—or they shall at once throw off tho mask , which , we have no doubt they will do as soon as they may deem it expedient , and , trampling under foot all semblance of reapect for the laws of their own making , try tho temper of the people by a further experiment of undisguised brute force .

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      LORD MORPETH'S IRISH FORTIFICATION , OR " KEEP-OUT-THE-FRENCH" BILL . We said , last week , that a denial of administrative improvement may lead to an increased demand for organic change ; but little did we think that individual folly could so speedily lead to party absurdity as has been proved by the debate , during four mortal nights , upon Lord Morpetu ' s " keep-outthe-French" Bill .

      We did not wait for the result , or even for the commenctment of tho grand tight , to approve what we thought just , and reprobate what we thought unjust in the measure . We did not take our cue upon the subject from the collective wisdom , but , as we shall presently show , we urged every siugle point which has been made matter of controversy , pro and con , before the battle commenced . Let us again repeat the object of the Bill .

      It is , then , no other than to lure Ireland into passive slavery , while the Whigs fill themselves and feed the Irish patriots , so long as a balance-ofpowcr-party of the latter can confer the means upon the former . This compact was entered into long since , but the great difficulty in its observance , upon the part of the patriots , arose out of the general disgust to Whi ^ a and Whiggery . However , rogues are seldom at a loss for tools when a principle is agreed upon , and aa it was impossible to appear satisfied with positive and substantial tyranny , the aid of an unsubstantial and ghostly enemy gave to the substantial tyrants that negative support to which their own acts imposed a positive barrier . *

      The magician , in exhibiting his phantasmagoria , very prudently shows the pigmies first , and , as imagination heightens and domand for novelty increases , he mends his hand , until , at length , he introduces his giants and monsters . So with the Irish patriots . The " keep out" cry commenced with the buggabooism of Old Cumberland , and dread of him , added to some idle stories relative to the conformation of the Queen , gave xise to the cry of " Keep Cumberland out . " By degree ?

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      however , the oonstant apparition of old blue beard on the wall , magnified familiarity into contempt , and the magician , f or that figure , substituted another , and with another change of note , '' keep bat the Tories . " Familiarity having deprived this apparition of ita terrors also , and the experimental tours to the North of England and the North of Ireland having failed in giving freshness or increased hideousness to the monster on the wall , it is at length , replaced by % panoramic view of France , and the note is changed to " keep out the French . " Thus making eaoh new apparition dance to anew and appropriate tune .

      Now , all we require to perfect the panorama is a good sea view , with Danikl in the foreground , with a loan of Neptune ' s trident , suMounded by his dupes > and singing to the tune of— . " Paddy Bums was a man deemed of mighty great knowledge , Sir ; ¦ ¦ Behind a great farie ditch , in the bog , be kept hu college , Sir , " the following words : — Daniel by the water side , and Russell on his knee , A roaring out together , " KEEP OUT THE SEA . " We have ventured this paraphrase upon the two lines in the original , which run thus : — " Master by tbe fire- » ide , and Sh&neen on his knee , A roaring out together great A B C "

      Having said so much upon the magical performance of the jugglers , let us now turn to some consideration of the realities which were seen on the wall through the awkward guise of Whiggery , and also , how , and by whom , and for what purpose , and with what hope of success , the Mokpeth measure was really introduced . We find this Bill brought into the House of Commons , —mind , the people ' s House , not the House of

      Peers , —by the son of the Earl of Carlisle , Lord Morp £ tu : we find the leader of the Opposition and first speaker , to be the son of the Earl of Debbt Lord Stanlbt ; and we find the debate closed by the son of a Duke , and the brother of a Duke—Bedford , Lord John Russell . This remark will have no effect upon the House of Commons , nor yet upon the " Establishment , " but it will have its due weight with those for whom we write .

      We are led to believe that the purpose of this Bill is to extend the franchise ; and the statistical accounts read in proof of the progressive decline of Irish constituencies would strengthen this belief ; while the hope of its success was said to depend upon tbe decision upon the second reading . To discuss the real purpose and probability of success , is now our intention . The ostensible

      purpose of the Bill is to do away with perjury , by allowing disinterested officers to attach the value to property which shall confer a vote , instead of leaving its value to the oath of the holder ; thereby removing all questions of doubt as to sufficiency . This is the principle of the Bill , while the Irish and the English people foolishly suppose that the enfranchising of every holding , rated at £ 5 to the poor rates , is the principle .

      Hear Lord Morpeth upon the subject , who is the first speaker of any importance upon the government side ; he Bays , " The question of amount belonged , more properly , to the committee than to the second reading . " Now this at once takes the popular principle of a £ b franchise out of the bill , and makes it a bill for defining the Irish franchise which has yet to be settled in committee , and which has been forestalled in the debate .

      The principal speakers upon the ministerial side were Lord Morpeth , Lord Howick , Mr . Macaclat Mr . Cuas . Buller , aud Lord John Russell , the rest were all froth . Sheil fought a shake in the main with Sir James Grahah , whom he generally selects as an antagonist , perhaps to insure a safe butt for a little personal ribaldry ; and Daniel spoke his Repeal speeoh , his Corporation speech , his anti-Tithe speech , and his Appropriation speech orer again . Upon the Tory side tho speakers were Lord Stanlev , Sir W . Follett , Sir J . Graham , and Sir R . PfiRi . ; the rest of the Tory pack merely filled up the cry .

      We have stated Lord Morpeth s opinion as to the £ 5 rating , which he admits may amount to an £ 8 rent ; now , it will be borne in mind , that we established it , before the debate , at £ 7 19 a . Lord Howick said " the quo 3 tion was not whether the House would adopt the amount of £ 5 , or any other particular detail , but whether it would adopt the assessment to the poor rates as a test of franchise ; and , probably , the whole objeot might be attained by requiring that the voter should be rated for a certain amount beyond that for which he might be rated in the shape of rent ; that is , for a bona fide surplus belonging io hiuself . " Hence , then , it

      appears that instead of the stumbling block of a fourteen years' tenure , which is already in the way , the Committee may introduoe the donble title of a bit of fee simple , which alone can belong to a man ' s self , and a certain amount paid as rent to a landlord . Now we Imagine that twopence fee , and sixpence , or any amount , of rent , would be tantamount to the geueral disfranchisement of Ireland , as no farmer has a fee simple property to any amount . Bat the Noble Lord went further , and said , " that the importance of settling the question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our foreran affairs . "

      Lord Howick . once before eaid that it woHld be time enough to listen to complaint when fires took place . He might just as well have said " go it Chartists , " but the Chartists were too wise . However , as we shall presently show , the invitation has now become t general and pressing to be longer declined . Mr . PiaoTT , the Attorney-General for Ireland , argued that the amount of rating , which should carry the franchise with it , was matter for consideration in the Committee .

      Mr . KfcucAULAT , who , we undieguisedly admit , is far in advance of every member in the House if he had back , said that he eonld not consider the question about the amount of £ 5 as anything but a question of detail . He certainly made a most slashing speech , in which he mangled the whole of the present system of representation , without meroy ; His , and Mr . C . Buller ' s , were the gems of the debate upon the Whig side . Buller concluded his speeoh thus : — " He did not apprehend actual rebellion daring the life of Mr . O'Connell , who had taught the great lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which never broke out , but was always to be apprehended . " Go it again , Chartists ! growl away good dogs !

      The next , and last speaker , upon the Whig side , was Finality Jack ; and he admits that the amount is no part of the principle of the Bill , but mere matter of detail for the Committee . But what further does he say ! Why , hear this ; he says "it was not fair to twit tho Whigs with surrendering to threat of outbreak , when the Tories yielded emancipation to a like apprehension . He was not a believer in the theory that the Irish would , under exasperation , transfer their allegiance ; but it made much difference in the strength of our negociations with foreign powers , whether we were supposed by them to be a united or a distracted people . " So that all that is required to make Russeix . surrender to fear is to make him a believer ! Surely we can do that for him 1 !

      What Bay you to all that , brother Chartists ? Are your eyes now opened to the motive of the " Establishment , " in making you appear a weak , a disunited , a cowardly , and a contemptible party in the opinion of foreign nations 1 Mr . Slanet , who also spoke , and voted for the second reading , hinted that he thought the £ 5 Q Btandard , as in England , would be a very fair amount of . principle to introduce in committee .

      So much then for the juggle of a £ 5 franchise , which , in committee , will be augmented to a £ 59 or £ 60 holding for a term of fourteen years , and a few restrictions in addition to those already in existence , and then the real object of the Bill will have been achieved , by an additional hurrah for a thing that

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      never was intended— " the Whig £ 5 franchise andu . mistake at all at all . " ' . Let us now turn for a moment to the Tory oddo . sition , whieh was vigorously led by Lord Starlit who spat fire for three whole hours , covering ^ land and ererthing Irish , with his lava . He ces tainly made * powerful speech , one which a Whk cotemporary designates as " a heavy shock to th ! enemy withoot being of serric * to bis own party " This , tons , appears ratitf paradoxical ; UitnL apart from the Irish venom of the poisonous riper we find the following bit of English princi ple , * , ' contained in the Reform Bill , and whicb . no doubt . the noble spit-fire would gladly apply to Ireland insure her peopU ' s independtnee ; he says : — -

      ' , ' In England , hevai happy to say , a confnry « hi « of things existed . There , it was very geneially \^ stood , the tenant , in bis political acts , was guided k » his landlord—( Ministerial cheers /—there no unriQW ness existed on the part of the landlord togive sndi leases as should carry with them the elective franebis& In England , such was the good understanding o& thj « subject , that it was always easy to calculate tha result of a county election as soon as it was known how til great landholders intended to vote . ( Cheering from thl LUwrala . ) .. " *

      Every one was aware of this before ; bat there i ] something very shocking in the open and unblmhin » avowal of guilt ; and so all those who were perfectly cognizant of the fact , and many who actually owed to it a liberty to be there , set up a most withcris » shout of virtuous indignation ; just as a doc k fall of criminals at the Old Bailey would , if anj nm , sheuld have the presumption to call them rogues . Here we beg , once more , to introduce onr oft told tale : " So long as one man ' s property constitutes another man ' s neglect to vote , so long will Tote and property belong to one and the same person . "

      It will be borne in mind , that in introducing ftb subject to our readers some weeks ago , vre stated that Morpeth ' s Bill was not a voluntary act of grace towards Ireland ; that "it was merely intended a 3 a match for Stanley's , lest the Nohk Lord's nag should have a walk over . " That w « were right , io this opinion , as well as upon tht amount of bonafidt value , which a £ 5 rating would be required to represent , is proved by theNobi Lord ( Morpeth ' s ) own admission . In apologisiw for the imperfect documents which he submitted t « the House in support of his Bill , he said that hi had been hurried in his preliminary arrangementi , in order to have tke start of the Noble Lord , Sta * let , in the race .

      In fact , the most unblushing and barefaced ad missions have been made on both sides , and wi suppose the parties , in the outset , agreed like thoa school boys vrho rely upon their expertneBs , and a order to prevent disputes , agree before they coo mence a gam * at marbles , that " cheating is fair . " The Noble Lord Stanley so pummelled the question for three whole hours , that from Monday night till Thursday he left not a word of new spleen ftj a single soul who followed him ; indeed , bo much bc , that the Right Hon . Ex-Leader , who , upon thii occasion , was the very bell of the Fax ' s tail , conk scended , contrary to his custom , to deal largely ij personalities , partly , no doabt , owing to hi change of situation . In fact , take the speeches of Stanlbt , Macaulat , and Bulleh out of tbedebak ,

      and it was

      " One weak , washy , everlasting flood . " Having so far disposed of the Whig and Torj parts , we now come to our own triumph ; and hes again let it be understood , that mask the qoeatioj of the franchise a 3 you will , after argument , tit mind must come back to the only just principlt , Universal Suffrage ; and the justice of which we noi undertake to prove was not only admitted , but toi declared only to wait upon force to establish ii , Hear our proof .

      There have been three great obstacles to Univera Suffrage pleaded by tho enemy , namely , want of pro petty , waut of knowledge , and want of independence , added to which we may throw in the finaliij of the Reform Bill , upon the only principle m tained in the Bill , and contended for by Lord Job Russell . To say that finality could be applied to anyotk part of the measure than the franchise is to tali nonsense ; else would it be tantamount to a super cedeas against all organic change , or legislation ol any sort , differing materially from the old manufacture .

      The finality , then , must be applied to the principle , otherwise it meant nothing ; and add to this , Ru .-sell ' s declaration , that the object of the Refora Bill was to represent property ; and , with thea two , couple his vote and speech , and what becoma of finality and representation of property ! We now take Gborgb Heniit Ward , M . P . fa Sheffield , as the writing advocate for knowledge , his declaration being , that the people of England are not sufficiently informed to make the possession of the Suffrage a safe trust in their keeping . Now , for the hundredth time we ask the Hon . Gcntlemu

      to point out the branch in which they are deficient ; and , for the first time , we ask in what the operatic of Manchester , and tbe artisans of Sheffield , an inferior in political or other knowledge to the Irid classes , who would be apt to be rated to £ 5 on th poor rates ! Will he answer this ! or can b answer this , and ehow that they are inferior ! Wt dare him ; we challenge him ; we defy him . And now comes the old offender—tha stickler foa all these ingredients as requisites for an Englisl voter's qualification—independence aa to property , and as to action , aud the possession of knowledgt

      to direct the voter in its use : such persons onlji have the Editors of the Leeds Mercury deoJaM may be " reasonably deemed" fit for the franchise . Now we admit that it would be folly to call om neighbour to account for consistency of six months ' duration ; the honest hauntinga of the tender conscience of one of the two Editors may be pleaded ii justification of change , as in the case of the ballot But we have yet unfiled before us , within the biii * of mortality , yet unburifd , —and no declaration d change , no confession of error , no Editorial qualms , or retractation ; we say we have nowtwenfj columns of unfiled mortal matter , all Written lost within the half year , to Marshall , Stansfeld , * Co ., and we ask our friends now to reconcile ti '

      then objections to enfranchising the Irish " bc 5 ' tbottebs" ( that was the term ) with the shy , s | Ji and laudatory little articles upon Morpeth ' s iJffi and the old Fox ' s vote thereon . Will he , too , tell s that he only voted for the grand principle * "defining the franchise , " and will he to * with the Tories in committee against the J standard 1 Will he , who thought the Reform B > "final" upon the question of franchisealoae , tell ' that he has been consistent I Will he , who » that he would only extend the franchise in Engls * to euoh £ 10 agricultural voters as , upon enquiry , m * . be found of sufficient independence to make < honest use of it , now tell us that those rated tot *' half the amount in Ireland are better qualified without more information than Lord Mobphh &

      aad confessed to be very imperfect , and with wiu * our member was more than satisfied ! Will auy t tell ' us , or dare to tell us , that the n-an in Ireb ^ whom the £ 5 franchise , or a 5 s . franchise , w » £ let into the sanctuary of the constitution , w 0 , made a worse man by it , or that the constituU * would be the worse for having his aid instead of H hatred and opposition I And will any m » n » " g tell us that an Englishman is not equally entitle * ^ his right with an Irishman t WU

      . „ U * W ** £ ^** V ** IVU . A 41 UUU 1 WU J The readers of newspapers in Eng land are «« J to seventeen of the whole population ; or one ; three of the adult male population , the «« r ^ J it for the other two . They take innumerable »^ and exchange papers , and read all sides of « J » question ; they have their debating clnbs ^ an ^ various association clubs , which l « ad to kno _^ of practical business . They are aU polrt » J > they can all manage their own affaire . j

      In Ireland the readers of newspapers are sewvone in two hundred of the whole population 1 W in five hundred , who Would be enfrano > . dsed W new BUI , ever sees a newspaper ; suc ^ of w » *»

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      _ 4 THE NORTHERN STAR . — __

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct696/page/4/