Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 21st October 1843, Edition 3 of 4, Page 2, Untitled Article

Page 2
Page 2
2 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • The Repeal Agitation.—Yesterday (Sunday) the following notice was extensively posted at the Horse-Guards and around the metropolis, and shows
  • Text (6)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      THE IfilSH MOVEMENT . ( Coniinusd from our First vage . J «« Oar Liberal -contemporaries "will donbtlesB Br ^ r jod ridicule all this preparation for "war , and ask . ^ ft Intended to propose any alternative ? We answer boJaly—Yes . The freemen Journal affects to laugh at legal proceedings , as tboushthe law bad sot beat outraged . or its provisions violated .: 'But for the prosecutions , ' it says in its publication of this morning , « -we think the good foBr . of the Castle Trill keep letting than done . ' We eaa-assure out cotenporary , in wtemn

      seriousness , that pe / ss , and that he ¦ will find himself to be TriBtyk * " - iPcace has its duties as veil as wars and ve are well assured that both trill be attended to . The arm of the-law is long as well as powerful , and it -will reach these who little dream of the consequences to wfcach they have rendered themselves liable . It is -not only the prominent leaders in the Tebellion that ¦ will be made to feel its gripe—the secret abettors of the treason are known , and — hut we are , perhaps , going too far—a few day * win -de-Telope aS .

      " One word to- Mr . O'Connell . At the meetfag at Tara he dfiflel the Government to go to law . Tbey accepted bircartel , and he sunk craven before their pro * damation . "At KsBore he renewed his defiance , and threatened the country trith an outbreak hi the event of Ms being east into prison . " Tina , theD , he has defied them to law , and ¦ threatened them with consequences . How he has met the first step is on record . There is no doubt he will be afforded the opportunity of the second ; and may yet fee placed in the position of beeoadsg—a t&odyr ! . ' ¦ . ' " In relation to the " offer" of the 20 , 000 "Hano-Tfirisn troops / 7 thus pompously set forth by the Mail the Dublin 3 foniior has the following ^—"Wehave at present about 24 , 000 regular troops in Ireland , with a -well-drilled and disdDlined . Constabulsry-foree of 9 , 000 tffeetive men , makirg a total of j £ 33 , 000 .

      " The 70 th Kegiment , from Portsmouth , arrived in this city on Priday night . Tour battalions of the Guards are also , it is said , in readiness for-service in Ireland ; and , sot satisfied with the large force already in the country , and with the available force that is in ^ England , the P * el G-overnment , according XXr the Mail , ba-se tSpet&dan amngemant -with that * beastly , bigoted , Monarch , * the King of JIanover , by which the serviees t& SO , 000 Hanoverian troops are to be placed at their disposal for serried in Ireland ; ai > d , adds the Moil , 4 thase troops are . ready tor embarkation at a few hours ' uotlee , and in four days , -with Use aid of first-class steamers , they could be landed on our shores , and at whatever point their services miiht be . deemed necea

      " 2 Tow , cad as we think of the Government , we do not believe that , even if such a proposal wss made by tbe truculent Monarch of Hanover , it would be accepted by JUnustent . 2 ? o doubt the King of Hanover would delight to have a civil war raging in Ireland—thai he might be subsidised' —that he might make merchandise of his troops , as many a paltxj German Prince did during the late war . " But there will be no crri ] war in Ireland . No doubt there are some wild enthusiasts who talk of pikes and

      pixemen , and fancy they could conquer with an unarmed , iuKdiselplined peasantry , against well-armed aad highly disciplined soldiers . Ko -doubt , we say , some of the young blood of Ireland would be ready to peril liberty and life in fiahting not for Repeal alone , tot for separation . However , like Warsaw ' s "last tampions , such choice spirits ars ' few though undis- > mayed / The people at large may sympathise with them ; but the peasantry of Ireland are now too thoughtful and Bober to be marshalled foz destruction at their command .

      *• We have no apprehensions whatever of any insurrectionary movement . The country -waa sever in a I&s warlike humour than at present . It sosy serve the purposes of faction to represent ua' on the verge of a rebel lion ; ' and it may pander to the base passions of the Orangemen , for tie Mail to hold out a hope of the Xeomanry corps being called into action to fraternise -with the Hanoverians ; but we do not see what good purpose it is calculated to serve , or in what manner it is likely to advance the real interests of our country , in the present eventful crisis , to indulge in sush false ' represenUtkms , sod hold out to a bigoted and savage faction the likelihood of their being permitted to slake their thirst for rapine and slaughter in conjunction with HanoverimbsBdita . " - The Times of Monday thus discourseth i—

      " Ministers have followed up their proclamation by issuing warrants against CConntll and eight other leading Bepealers , on the charge « f 'Consjilracy and ether misdiiseaBooTx * On Saturday last the defendants gave ban to answer this charge oa the first day of the' approaching term . " We will not atop here to anticipate g » perplexities or deUys which this course of proceeding may unavoidably involve . The accused will ec joy All the benefits of a constitutional trial , and the issue of that trial is at the present moment a doubtful , but also a secondary , or Tafhf * V ) 'Hnywfctgr ^ ia

      fpnyJdpTntffm" The chief point which attracts oar observation is tbe TesolntiOTjol Q »_ 6 pvgrDment to _ attack the agita-«« - » HtmSL -11 tbe -ordinary power * o * tbs l »\ r , erajfloyed against the leaders vt the anS-Brituh party , should prove ^ r . KnflS ^ Bri ^ to appease that most lamentable irritation by which Ireland has been too long harassed , then we have n » doubt but that Ministers will be prepared to exercise extraordinary vigour , ether on > their , own responsibility , ar by the permission ef Parliament . ** At present soch canaderatioM are , if not irrelevant , at least premature . The Cabinet is , in our estimation , to be applauded for the intention which it has evinced to . save the Monarchy from the slow fever of grrrwraftfti sedition , and to be congratulated on the imof

      mediate and apparent tn ^ cts its new and lea lenient treatment . The French papers indeed—as some of our English contemporaries—have chaekled in the assurance that the proclamatien of Sari Be . Grey will not put down the Bspeal agitation . "Unquestionably it seeded , no ghost to tell us that However meanly men may think of the moral qnslities of 2 Ix . O'Connell and MscEqae , and of toe intellect or determination of his humbler followers , no one , we presume , could suppose the Bepeal agitation te be of so wholly factitious a character as to be blown to pieces by the mere whiff of a proclamation . We should as wisely think an eneay routed when we had driven in hii vanguard . The history of the proclamation affords tu nther an earnest of triumph -than any final

      " « fitory . It is valuable because it shows , ot seems to show , that the Government have life and de : ermination to grapple with the agitation , and that the agitaton ! ~ bs . ve not Sft or determination to grapple with the Gaverament . It turns the tables . Hitherto 4 he impression has been that Government durst not forbid that which O'Connell commanded ^ that they might deprive . magistrates , refuse patronage , exhort , recommend , or deprecate , but that they did not dare—Sat their knowledge of their own weakness forbade Uiem—boMly to say , This thing which 70 a have announced shall not be : we forbid it , and we will

      preventife . Andj on the other hand , the impression has been eqnally strong that O'Connell , with his teetotallers , did and weald dare to go to the utmost limits of what ha mamtaTned to fee the law , in spite of the Government ; that if they pressed the matter to issue he would Mcept it—that be would , as be boasted , meet them'foot to foot ?; that be would do the ferbidden thing , and try the consequeucses , whether by an appeal to the courts of law , or by a more terrible appeal to phy « cal force ; that ha would defend himself by a jury of his countrymen against a Ministerial interpretation of Jaw , or by an * army of frieaa-eo&ts' against the instruments of illegal power .

      " TbistKu the pepnlar impression j and it gave to the Bepeal party all that impetus and vigour which is ever shown by those who think that they have nobody to call them to account Bepealers felt they ¦ would not beTmniabed , -snti-Bepealers that they would not he protected ; and both looked to O'Connell as a man of living and-growing power , who was to b « , if he wai not already , the praetteal governor of Ireland . This impression was strengthened by the shamefully hesitating and qualified tone m which the only Ministerial ad , the deprivation of the Repealing magistrates , was defended by some Ministerial speakers in the House of Commons . The H = peal Movement , directed by a single leader , was advancing boldly and rapidly toward * a single object The supporters of Hie British connexion—those connected by Wood , by sentiments by afibction , by religion with the Saxon '—felt their hands enfeebled and their efforts

      isolated , and therefore paralysed , for want of that guidance and organization which , to them , Government atone cosld supply . The weak joined the movement from fear—the bold from Tiope—the idle because it was less trouble to acquiesce than to hold aloof—the active because thare at least was soaietbing stirring—the disaffected gathered themselves in strength under Mr , O'Conaell ' s banner—and the -contented Conservatives began to view his power u a fail accompli , whiea it was new almost uneonBStaidonal to disturb . This , till within the last week , has been tfee position of Ireland , ^ nd none could tell bow long it was to remain so . fcn this posture ofafliirs it was that , Wfeen air . CpommU hyi completed h » arrangementi , iafl boat * his orders , had- ' arganlcBa . fcls IsTiea , liad almost coaeoctedhis speech fbrens-of ids Hiigbfiert seviewi , wfen Government ^ suddenly aid , VEnis shall not be , ' and Mr . O'ConneD i

      "The blow thus struck hu not , of eoetae , crashed &speaL ~ Ths idea is frivolous , it-hu not even repaired all ths « vils which b * xs seemed { BeeeaazSy or not , we * will . Bet now stay to inquire ) from Jong acquiescence . Bat it taa -done this—it has ravened the postorelof afiair » --it has exhibited the Govemaeat aa men who have courage and an intention—it has shown that they are prepared to use for the defence « i the Constitufcion the poweca which that ConsUtuUon . gives them—it Jtias shown that these powers are efficient in their hand * . . Taken in connection with { ths concentration of military force upon Ireland , thst preparation for the wool , which has Jong been in progress , of which - Jhe rramlts were in a meuuie displayed to tfafl "Dablln -malcontents on the great 4 ay of ( CloBtarfS , aM ^ which ^ famished »* pledge that what : was said wai meant , that Government had not issued j their command iriiboat having- conEted tie coat and ? provided for tfce mM & ? &&& > £ consequence;— ;

      Untitled Article

      "" ^ 'xed , \? e say , in this cothc ^ x \ ob , the late itep in ad- ; T -anoe leads men to h » pe that past inactioa is no omen j of future indecision—that Government have acted -on j a plan , and are not merely to support a brtiium fulmar —but that , having accumulated their strength &t great « xpenB 8 , and after great delay , they are now prepared i to put it forth firmly and effectually for the restoration I of order and security . Be it so The success of their [ first 'enterprise is an eneonragemant to them to proj ceed ; an encouragement to us to trust our interests in thefe hand . It gives them a claim on our confidence ; { it'exposeathehollownesa of that bugbear which they i ^ ve te vanquish . * The disconcerted retreat ; thesus-|< BicionB , the apologies , the crest-fallen blustering of i their adversaries all tell one story . Positions are i changed . The star of the British empire is culminat-• ing , and Mr . < TConnell totters .

      " This person is at this moment playing the losing game ; but yet the game has . to be played out . B ; proceeding agassst him in the consitntional mode which they have adopted—and which we acknowledge was the only method which a British Ministry could adopt without incurring much odium , and therefore paralysing their own efforts—by proceeding against him in this way , it may turn out that they have restored tbe balance of power between themselves and him—between the British Government and an Irish f&ctiOD—between the party of the union and that of separation . It must be their business , then , so to frame their measures that this equilibrium stall only be temporary—that no momentary triumph of the accused—no future chicanery—no veibal . juggling

      —no special pleading—shall be permitted to shield iU-disguised or triumphant conspiracy from the interference of authority . Let us not , in two or three monthsj . see ' simultaneous' substituted for ' monster ' meetings , horsemen * for ' cavalry , * 'groups' for 'troops , ' patriotic societies' for Repeal Associations . ' All these things are to be grappled with , not in their various torms , but in their root . It is not by such subterfuges that a Government should be foiled . They most strike , not above , below , beside , or round about , but at the evil—at the person from whom , or at the principle from which , it proceeds—or at both . Need we promise them ouz hearty suppsrt in any such course which tends to vindicate the efficiency of law , and protect the rights of property and integrity of tfee empire ?

      •• To filter would be infatuation—to falter would ba . to shew that even undeniable and complete success cannot tempt them to be really formidable . Their present advantage is hollow , unless it is the germ of future and 'important successes . To stop short would be to expose its nothingness—to dissipate the yrtslige which now attaches to it—to habituate the Irish people to view with contempt the exertions , as they have already learnt to despise the acquiescence , of authority . Ministers have delivered their fire ; let them charge while the enemy in frightened by the unexpected sound . No second volley will ever frighten them scy much again . " The same Journal , the Times , of Tuesday , repudiates the ** Hanoverian Invasion ' in the following terms : —

      " For our own parts we can only say that we hope , |» ay , that we confidently believe , this report to be utterly unfounded . Nothing at the present moment could be so unnecessary , nothing so unpopular , nothing so illcaleulated to effect its ostensible purpose , as the landing of foreign troops in Kingstown . Nothing can ever justify sods a step , except the acknowledged and undoubted deficiency of English troops , as during the time of a continental -war , or after a very considerable reduction in the peace establishment . Even then , although constitutionally justified by the emergency of the occasion , it is a measure fraught with danger , and seldom unattended by lasting calamities . It combines the aspect of foreign invasion with the severities of native despotism . It excites an insurrec tion merely to crush it by unusual and intolerable cruelty . The object of Government ia to preserve

      Ireland to the empire ; to subdue its ambitions efforts at independent nationality ; and , eventually to bind her by the firmer and more indissoluble Jinks of seif-interert to the establishment and defence of our common name and nation . This can never be dene by the sabres of German mercenaries . The Hanoverians—as the Hessians did—may irritategall—savage the Irish people—but they cannot subdue them . No ;—if the worst come to the worst—ifwhich God in his mercy avert!—the sword be once drawn , aad the scabbard flunj away , it is not by foreign arms that Irish daring must be encountered . We have been , as a nation , calumniated and reviled . As a nation , let us defend our honour . England has been pronounced incapable of maintaining her sway in Ireland . Were her Government to employ foreign troops in the attempt , what confirmation would it not give to the braggart falsehood . " *

      Untitled Article

      matter bad taken ninth deeper root . Oihei leaders besides O'Conuell either appeared on the stage , or skulked behind the scenes ; and , above all , it was evident that the great mass of the Roman Catholic peasantry had thoroughly taken the matter to heart . The people were bunting with Repeal . It was not in the least necessary to put searching questions to them in order to get at their sentiments . You could not make the commonest inquiry without bringing on a Repeal discussion . If yeu asked the price of pork or flab , in the streets , the old women were Bure to say something of this sort , after they had answered your question : — "Well , Sir . when are we to have our rights ? when will our Parliaments ^ in College -g reen ?" The people , in Bhort , were determined to have

      Repeal by fair means , if possible—but , at any rate , Repeal . They had , moreover , fully made up their minds to the sacrifices consequent upon a popular rising , and had familiarised themselves to all the contingences of an insurrection In an extraordinary degree . There was not a single important point connected with the subject on which they were not prepared with a good military answer ; and , in whatever part of the country the question might be asked , you were sure of receiving the same answer In substance , and , generally speaking , in nearly the same words . This last-mentioned circumstance proves , to demonstration that the plans of operation with which the beadB of the peasantry were filled did not originate with themselves , but that they had emanated from some common source , and were , in fact ,

      the instructions of superior minds , which bad been carefully prepared to suit the exigency ot the case , and had been afterwards disseminated by means of some established organization among the people . When the rebellion of 1798 was spoken of , the remark invariably made was to this effect : "jhose days , Sir , were the days of drinking whisky . Our people lay drunk in the ditches , and the troops obtained an easy victory . But now weare a sober , temperate ,. and religieuft people . " If I heard this remark made once , I heard it fifty times . If the superiority of disciplined over undisciplined troops were adverted to , the answer was always of this

      kind : — " O , Sir ! you don't suppose we shall give yen the advantage of fighting a pitched battle with us . We shall rise in our counties and baronies , and do all we want ( which means , makings clean sweep of the ProteBtants ); and when the troops arrive they will find the people quietly at plough , and we fchall be doing our work elsewhere . " Reference was also constantly made to cutting off convoys and detatche'd patties , by lining the hedges with pikemen and closing upon them , in the way that was practised with Borne success during the rebellion of 1708 , and consequently , ou toe occasion of several well-known conflicts with the police .

      Workman were employed in boring loopholes in the walls of the first barrack which I happened to pass . A person who was with me pointed with his thumb to the people so employed , and said , ' * Pretty nonsense that , Sir . When the bojs riaa they will pull the soldiers eut by their shoulders . " I asked him to explain himself , and he went on , to say that the walls of the barracks would be scaled in every direction by night , and that the people would tumble iu over by thousands , and iqueezi the troops to death , if they did sot take

      them out and throw them into the river . I believe this to be a perfectly correct military idea . The contour of many of the barracks is very extensive . The walls are low , there is no ditch , and if the people had tumbled in over by hundreds at night , when the raking fire from the bastions' would have less effect , it is possible that before oar preparations were so complete as they now are , the RwailanU might have carried some of the barracks . I afterwards found that this plan of attacking the barracks was generally diffused among the people .

      There is another horrible prevailing idea , which r « -ally startled me the first time I heard it I was waiting for my car early in the morning in the street of a small , sulky , ill-conditioned town , when , seeing a farmer ' s wife setting up s potato stall , I asked her the price of her potatoes . She gave me a civil answer ; but two men were standing by , one of whom said , without my having previously addressed him , or having made any remark calculated to encourage the observation : " We shall eat wbeaten bread ntxt year , Sir . " I was really nnable to make out his drift , and told him goodhamoaredly th&t I fras rery gl&d to hear it , but begged

      to know how the charge would be brought about . " There "will be fewer of us , Sir , " was the reply . I then began to understand bis meaning ; and , as I encouraged him to speak- out , be proceeded to say that there were 8 . , 000 of them ; that the land was not able to bear them ; that 1 . , 000 or 2 . , 000 iflight be spared with advantage , and that the country would be for the survivors . . 1 afterwards heard the same idea , either in whole or in part , in a variety of forms ; but the burden of the song always was " Protestaut and Catholic wQl freely full , and the land will be for the survivors . " !

      Their commissariat also wai arranged . Every man was to bring so many ; days' potatoes , and butter and bacon , if he could afford it Amidst all this warlike preparation I was surprised to hear nothing of drilling , or of ( he manufacture of arms , and I made various inquiries upon the subject It appeared from the result that it formed no part of the plan of the popular leaders to drill the people in an ostensible military manner in that stage of their operations . The tactics they had resolved upon , which are mainly those of a . guerilla warfare , did not require a high ttate of discipline ; and to have assembled large bodies of men for the purpose of training them would have led to a premature explosion . With regard to aims , the answer I always received was , that there was no want of arms already in the country ; and that aa the people were all of one mind , when they rose , they would convert everything into weapons of war .

      Their reliance seemed to be on the Btock of firearms constantly concealed : in the country ; on their national ¦ weapon , the pike , which may be manufactured by any common blacksmith , ; in large numbers , in the course of a single day ; and ou the pitchfork ( scarcely less formidable than the pike ) , which is in every cabin . But their main reliance was on their numbers and unanimity . The people of Zurich effected their Strauss revolution with their red umbrellas ; and the people of the south of Ireland seem to fancy that if they rose as one man , everybody must qoail before them . If you spoke to them ef the army , the remark commonly made was— "But , Bir , you forget that threefourths of the army are Irishmen ; and every Irishman is a Repealer . "

      If you spoke of the Protestants of the north , the answer was : * ' The Presbyterian tenants will not stand by their landlords . Lord Roden called a great meeting on the subject , and he was obliged to give it up , because the tenantry were prepared to come forward with a demand for fixity of tenure as the pricerof their adherence . " . It is remarkable that on no one occasion did I hear it stated by the Roman Catholic peasants that they could beat the Protestants of the north . What they always said was , that the Protestants wonld not turn out at the call of their nobility and gentry . Rsference was also constantly made to assistance which they expect from foreign powers , and from Wales , Scotland , and the manufacturing districts ; and the remark invariably made was , that although the affair might commence in Ireland , it would not end there .

      Yet , after the people had been talking in this strain , if you said that you were sorry to fin i them in such a temper of mind , the answer always returned was , " Sir , we have no intention of going ts war . " " Not going to war 1 " was the natural rejoinder , " why , you have been talking nothing but treason and rebellion for the last hour , and now you say that you do not intend to go to war . Whatdo you mean ? " No , Sir , " was the regular reply ; " we do not mean to go to war with the Government ; but if the Government goes to war with us , then all the boys will rise . " This again required explanation , and on inquiry it always turned out that their real meaning -was as follows : they have unlimited faith in O'Connell ' s practical talents and in

      his knowledge of the law . They are persuaded that he will not take any step which will be contrary to law . They looked forward to the assembly of the 300 as the crisis ou which the whole question depended . If the Government interfered with the meeting of the 300 , they considered that the first aggression would then decidedly be on the part of the Government , and that was to be the signal for their rising . It has been carefully impressed upon them that they are not themselves to take the initiative , ' but that they are to leave the Government to put itself in the wrong by making the first attack . It . may also be observed that they never speak of their rifling as an insurrection or rebellion ; but that the term always used by them is " going to war . '* The genius of the Irish is decidedly military . ¦

      It is due to the people to say , that while they have rebellion and maasacre on their lips , they are , nevertheless , decidedly advancing in sobriety , indU 8 try > and , except in the case of the horrible Tipperary murders , in good order and respect for the la wa . Faction fights have ceased to exist , and shillelaghs ate rarely seen except in the police-offices , where they are used as firewood . Repeal has been for some time passed their master-passion , and everything else , even what are generally considered the milder virtues , has been pressed into the service . The motto which is put most prominently forward at their Repeal meetings is " He who commits a crime gives strength to the enemy . " Although the organization of the ^ Temperance Societies preceded the Rapeal Movement , that organisation has been adopted into it _ Xae congregation of each Roman Catholic

      chapel generally forms a temperance Bociety . The Repeal Wardens are . the officers ; the temperance band , the members « f which are dressed in uniform , are the rallying point ; and when it is determined to show the strength of the country , the . male members of the temperance societies are marshalled under their respective bands , and colours , and marched out to the monstermeetings . . The people appear to take a pride in displaying their fixity of purpose and the supposed moral excellence , of their cause , by an obvious abandonment of their previously " habitual vices . . They feel ashamed when a drunken man ; appears reeling in the street ; and I have seen them rebuke mendicants ( Whom they have observed in the act of importuning a stranger . Intoxication is now rarely seen in Ireland . I visited three crowded fairs , and did not see a single instance of it ; and I did not observe more than six or seven drunken

      peeple ail the tune I was in Ireland . There is nothing new under the sun . The esme untoward quiet preceded the breaking out of the last rebellion . The following well-known passage la almost as applicable to the present crisis as it was to that of 1798 : — »• I appreiecd we

      Untitled Article

      shall have a roo ^ h winter again , though we have bad bo still a sum-, aer . The people about ua are too hush and too prudent ; it is not their nature ; there's something cor . alvlng among them ; they don't break one another's 'aeada at ftlrsss they uaei to do ; they keep from whiskey ; there most be some , strong motive working tills change npon them—good or bad ; 'tis hard to 3 ay which . ' * God forbid that I should undervalue the existing symptoms of an improved morality ; but nobody will deny that it will be an advantage if we can have the morality without the rebellion .

      I am also . bound to say that , although the people talked to me of blood and murder as familiarly as young ladies talk of puppy-dogs and kittens , I did not meet with a single instance of incivility . I was told more than once , that if the boys were to rise , my life would not be worth a bad pound note ; and certainly , at two or three places , the people were in such a gloomy frame of mind , that , after one or two trials , I did not venture to ask them any questions on the subject Ibe only privation I suffered was the absence of the free Sow of genuine Irish humour with which ; travellers in Ireland in better times

      have been delighted . The people were , bb a general rule , in too serious a mood to indulge in jokes ; nevertheless , the fun which every Irishman possesses wtuld occasionally ooza out If you asked them what they would do if they did not get Repeal , they generallj looked glum ,- and talked rebelllously ; but some would say , after a little consideration , Why , Sir , I suppose we shouid do without it , " or , "I Bttppose we should do as we did before . " Not to get Repeal always Beemed to be quite a new idea to them ; and when the impossibility of it was pointed out , it seemed to have the « ame effect upon their minds as a violent shock might have been expected to have upon their bodies .

      Hitherto I have been speaking only of the Reman Catholic peasantry of the south of Ireland , They are naturally an amiable , good humoured , and contented people ; but they are very ignorant and very excitable , and they have been systematically plied with mirepresentations to a degree which was , perhaps , never practised before . I never saw a poor people in such a miserable state of delusion . The Roman Catholics of the middle class , both in town and country , have also generally given in to the movement The popular torrent was running too strong for them to withstand , and they have , one by one , been carried away by it Some are influenced by mistaken patriotic motives , but the generality have merely yielded to the necessity of their situation .

      The case is very different with Eome few of the gentry , both Protestant and Catholic , who have given their sanction to the movement . Their independent fortunes place them in a situation which enables them to speak out when all others are obliged to be silent . Their liberal education , and the : general information possessed by them , must have convinced them that the Repeal cause could be seriously and effectively prosecuted only by means of a popular insurrection , which would bring destruction upon the south of Ireland , and which would not , after all , succeed ; but , although these gentlemen do not hesitate to give their sanction to the movement , and to hound on the people to their ruin , nothing is further from their intentions than to risk their own neck and fortunes . When the time

      arrives for showing colours ' ( which God forbid , it over should arrive ) , the poor deluded people will be astonished at the number of influential persons upon whom they now count who will pair off with the Government If the gentlemen alluded to wish to preserve a character for common honesty and good faith , they will aide with the people in the case . supposed ; but , as they joined the movement from the selfish motive of obtaining for themselves a temporary popularity , they may be expected to prefer their own safety , and to sacrifice the people when it comes to thepoiat I do not like the plan of giving unprincipled ot foolish ambitious persons the opportunity of reaping the honours without suffering the pains of martyrdom . It ia desirable that no martyrs at all should be mode ; but , if they must be made , let them at least be real martyrs .

      There is another estate in the Repeal ranks , of the existence of ; which people in England have no notion . These are the young men of Dublin . They profess to be Irish politicians of the Eramett and Lord Edward Fitzgerald school ; and , as far as the difference in the circumstances of the two countries admits , they answer to the jeiutcs gensde Paris . They are public-spirited , enthusiastic young men , possessed of that description of crude and imperfect information on political subjects which Induced several ot our present Whig and Conservative leaders to be violent Radicals in their youth . These young men of Dublin supply all the good writing , and history and political philosophy , such as it Is , of the party . They also supply the poetry .

      Popular ballads from the same workshop , of a general description , but of a coarse and simple kind , are openly Bung in the streets of the towns and villages , and form not the least important put of the system ot measurea which has been adopted tor the purpose ot inflaming tha people . October 11 . Puilalexues .

      Untitled Article

      and cheering ) . I am to be the drag on the wneel that it may go steadily down the plane of liberty . It is my duty now to restrain . It was my duty formerly to excite . My reverend colleagues have left their trade of preaching for agitating , and I now take up the gowns which they have thrown from off their shoulders ; and aet about sermonising you . " j O'Cjnnell . although the author of all this mischief , h , nevertheless , now our ' chief ground of reliance for the preservation of the peace . Aa an English gentleman was lately driving in the neighbourhood of Dublin , his attention was attracted by G . P- O . ( frem the General Post Office ) on all the mile stones ; and he asked bis car driver what it meant . " O , sir , don't you know what that means ? God Preserve O Connell to be sure , " a prayer in which I heartily join .

      The danger is , that O'Coanell has so filled the imagination of the people witb the idea of their Parliament in College-green , that the only way in Which he is now able to keep them quiet is by confirming the delusion ; or , in other words , by assuring them that he will sot flinch , and that they shall have their Parliament whole and entire . He ought to have recollected Wolsey ' s dying advice to Mr , Kingstone : — He ia a Prince of royal courage , and hath a princely heart ; and rather than he will miss or want any part of bis will or pleasure , he will endanger the loss of the one-half of his

      realm . Far I assure you I have often kneeled before him , the space sometimes ; of three hours , to persuade him from bis will and appetite ; but I could never dissuade him therefrom . Therefore , Mr . Kingstone , I warn you if it chance you j hereafter to be of his Privy Council , as for yoor wisdom you are very meet , be well assured and advised what ye put in his head , for ye shall never put it out again . " One of the greatest delusions which have been put into the heads of the peasantry is that they are a nation . The idea his been sedulously inculculatod— "I We are many . " " Whatever a nation wills , mast be . " 1 *

      The poor people forget , or they have never heard , that although positively many , they are comparatively few . The Roman Catholic peasantry of the south of Ireland are greatly outnumbered by the rest of their countrymen , including the loyal and well-affected Catholics and Protestants of Ireland , and the great body of the English and Scotch people . But mere numbers form only one , and by no means the most important , element in a military question . The sea is entirely at the command of the British Government No part of Ireland is much more than fifty miles from the sea . Oat ships of war and steamers would command the maritime towns and coast , and convey troops to the flink or rear of any rebel force that might be assembled in any * part of the country . There is do part of Ireland in which an insurrectionary force could take up its position , and say , " We are safe here . " j

      The country is , also , for ; the most part , very open and weak , iu a military point of view : there are no fences which would oppose a serious obstacle to the niacflgavres of regular infantry , ! and in most parts » f the country cavalry migbt act in numbers sufficient for a contest of this description : The island is , also , now perforated in every direction by good roads ; it is true that there are some mountainous districts ia the west which would afford strong positions ; but the question would not be decided in the mountains . As Us as that district is concerned , it would be sufficient to watoh any rebel force that might assemble there , and it must soon melt away of itself for want of provisions , j Ail the strongholds of the country are in the bands of the Government , and its officers and troops are fully prepared : i

      It is a vain expectation of the Roman Catholic peasantry of the south that the Protestants of the north would not declare against them . Aa surely as the south rose in rebellion against the Government , the north would rise ia support of the Government The spirit which prompted the ever-meYnorable defence of Londonderry , and excited the Enniskilliners always to rush to the attack with the ferocity and exultation of a tiger bounding upon his prey , jia by no means extinct All minor differences will be jabsnrbed by the portentous consideration of the maintenance of their religion and liberties . The northerns are quite as ready to fall on , as the Roman Catholic peasantry ; and it will be seen that such is the case the moment the restraint which is at present imposed upon them by the Government is removed . They declare that , if the Government would

      only leave them to themselves , they would conquer the rest of Irelapd without any assistance ; and those who know the intelligence , the vigour , the dogged perseverance , the high and courageous spirit ef this clots of people , will not consider ; this so empty a boost as it might at first sight appear . They possess all the high qualities af the English and Scotch nations , with the addition of the determined , and it may be , in some instances , ' the ferocious spirit which an unsettled state of society , and the frequent contemplation of danger , naturally produce . To let loose this power is certainly a dreadful alternative ; but it would be far more dreadful that our well-affected countrymen in the south should be left to have their throats cut at the leisure of the insurgents , ' and that a destructive warfare should be allowed tobe protracted . \

      But say the southerns , we mean to carry on a guerilla warfare , and we shall accomplish our objects without anywhere opposing a front to your troops . This is the greatest delusion of all . The ignorant people think that the loss of a million or two ef their number Is the utmost extent of the sacrifice which they would have to make—that they would wear us out by delay , and that the survivors would be left better off than they were before . | - The actual loss of life is the least of the evils which is entailed by a popular ! war ; when the contest is merely between the Governments , the people look on while the Tegular armtea ' fight it oat ; and after a campaign or two , the matter ia decided without much injury to either party . Even in our own civil wars .

      although infinite evils were entailed upon England , the contest was in the main between the regular armies on each aide . But if an insurrection breaks out ia Ireland , the straggle will be between the people and with the people . Every townj every village , every farmhouse will be a aaene of conflict ; the industry of the country will be suspended ; the stock of food and the means of future production will be destroyed : within six months there ; will be a pestilence , to say nothing of the widows and orphans . There is no European country which ! would suffer so severely from tb . 9 efftjots of a popnlar war as Ireland , because none ia more populous and none less provided with varied resonrces . In order to find a parallel to the effects of such a warfare in Ireland , it would be necessary to go to those districts of India which have been the scena of murderous and long-continued contests . In

      the struggle carried on in the south of Ireland in the reign of Elizabeth , which is known by the name of the Desmond War , the people ] died by hundreds In the ditches , with grass in their mouths , with which they vainly endeavoured to satisfy the cravings of hunger . This has been repeatedly referred to by O'Connell , as a proof of the atrocious cruelty of the English . It was no such thing . The D smond war was a strictly popular war , such as we are now threatened with ; and the necessary consequence of such a war , In a country circumstanced as Ireland , is that the sources whence life is sustained are dried up . In such a cose the miserable people have no choice given them between famine , pestilence , and the sword . They fall under all three . Will it now be said that the lossjof a million or two of lives would be the only sacrifice which the people would have to make , and that the survivors would be benefited by the change ? }

      Even the most sanguine cannot expect that France and America will fall on the moment the peasantry in the south of Ireland choose to rise . Before the French and Americans became sufficiently excited to force their governments into the contest , if they ever reached that point , the contest would be j decided in Ireland . They who rest their hspes on foreign assistance greatly underrate the spirit and power of England . England maintained her ground for many years against nearly the whole world in arms ; and she is prepared to do so again , if the occasion requires it If the south of Ireland were

      to rebel , the loyal and well-affected Britons , both at home and in many of the dependencies of the empire , would take the preservation of the peace into their own hands . The great bulk of jthe British army would be precipitated on the south ; of Ireland . The shores of Ireland would be surrounded with ships and steamers of war ; and such is the trust reposed by capitalists in the good faith and resources of the government of the United Kingdom , that any sum of money which might be necessary for carrying on the war for any leneth of time would be forthcoming on demand .

      And let not these poor deluded people Count on the British soldier abandoning his colours . Some drunken men , who have had liquor : given to them by the Repealers , may roll down the street , shouting eut in the frolicsome thoughtless atyle lot such people : Hurrah for Repeal C bat it came to ; be a question whether they would be true to their Sovereign , and to their own pledged faith , even these persons would do their duty parhupa as effectually as their more steady comrades ; and as soon as the first blood is spilt , see who will be the greater tiger ot the two . j

      And will there be no defections in the rebel camp ? They are now apparently united , because the popular current runs so Btrongly in tone direction that all are obliged to yield at least anioutwird conformity to the prevailing idea . But wait , ! I say a ? ain , till the time comes for showing colours , ] and see how many of the gentlemen , who now cheer you on to the brink of the precipice , will jump down with you . Are yon so mad as to imagine that several persona whose names will at once occur to you , will evp dream of hoisting the white cockade ? Even among those who will break out with you , U it to be expected that all will remain true ? There is an old Irish adage : Roast an Irishman on the spit , and yon will be sore to get another to turn him . " Many-will soon weary of the contest . Oibers will begin to doubt j whether it may be eventually attended with success ; and there will be no want of persona who will gladly avail themselves of any opportunity that may offer to making their peace with the Government at the expence of their former associates . ; PH 1 LALETHES . Oct . 11 , 1843 . i

      Untitled Article

      PARADISE WITHIN THE REACH OF ALL MES WITHOUT LABOUR , BY POWERS OF NATURE AND MACHINERY" . Letter VII . TO THE EDITOR OF THJB NORTHERN STAB , Dear Sir , —The contents of my former letter * , which you hod the kindness to insert in your valuable and popular journal , and especially Noa . V and VI ., in which I embodied an address to the people , and a memorial to both Houses of Parliament , by J . A Etzler , have produced a lively inquiry amongst your friends in various parts of the country ; and preliminary branch societies , for tho purpose of examiniBg and popularising Elzler ' s ideas , with a view to carry them out practically , are now being formed / In different places . This shows evidently that the time for a new popular movement has arrived , the tendency of which is far

      beyond politics . The question is no longer how much power and patronage belongs to a king , a lord , a general , a soldier , or a constable . The duties of sub * jecta and the eights of governors « eaae to absorb the minds of reflecting and thinking men , —which are , and have been in ail ages , the creators and leaders of publio opinion ; and in their stead , the question—Which ate useful and which are useless members of society ? the mode to increase the former and decrease the latter ? the question , how can men live without being obliged or compelled to work from morning till late in the sight t the question , how shall society tw formed , that all our , natural wanta can be supplied without injury or fraud on any of our fellow-men ? the question , how is it possible to fulfil the divine command , " tbon shalt love thy neighbour as thyself , '' are now only deemed fit to occupy our attention .

      Men , collectively , are progressing new ijeas . New improvements and inventions nave the ?;* effect upoa society : at first imperceptibly ; bat so-jn all powerful . Our present state of society is so different to the state of society two or three hundred years 330 , that the customs and laws of that time must appear ridiculous in tha eyes of this generation . For instance , counsellors and judges in wigs look now like mummies or Pdncb and Judies , and fall entirely to produce the desired effect of conveying aa idea of sublime wisdom , except in tha minds of the most ignorant Wisdom is as foreign to the wig of an English judge as it . is to the tail of a Chinese mandarin , although both are deemed sacred by those who wear them .

      Bat how is it that antiquated laws and customs ok not abolished as soon as they appear ridiculous ? How is it that institutions are kept up against our own interest and welfare ? Because it is more difficult to get rid of bad habits than to contract them '; and because it is more difficult and dangerous , and at the same time leas useful , to remove rotten timbers from an old house , and put new ones in their places , thai to erect a new house and abandon the old fabric entirely . State doctors of the old school , are tike their colleagues in medicine ; extremely fond of blistering aad occasional bloodletting , instead of recommending a radical cure and conforming to the laws of nature . It is useless to apply a fontaneil to draw out a distemper , if we do not remove the cause which produces it

      The cause of our social distemper—the fundament upon which all our laws and enstoma are based , ia physical brule force . The representatives of this principle are the army and navy ; the next branches are judges , hangmen , constables , and prisons . The heart-blood of the nation is consumed by these vampires . To talk of liberty , as long aa these circumstances last , or to believe that liberty and those circumstances can co-exist , is an outrage upon common sense . But it is unfortunately true that the only animals who associate with their destroyers , yea , even respect them and even bow down before them , are men ; and that this is considered natural and necessary .

      " Misfortune ii nothing but stupidity . " This sentence , written by a man of a thorough understanding of the world , is true in every sense . The stupidity of the people is their misfortune . They possess all necessary materials to make themselves free and happy ; but they do not know how to use them . They maintain involuntarily their masters ; they forge their own chains ; they produce annually millions for their own oppression ; and they do not know how to etve themselves at a much cheaper rate . A very small minority

      wields the power , governs the nations , live in ease and splendour , and generally also in profligacy ; and at their feet lay begging those that maintain them . The angela in heaven must weep at thia spectacle of stupidity and degradation of men . How long will this state of things lost ? Just so long , and no longer , than the time , when men cease to ehut their eyes towards £ hose powers which are stronger than armies and navies , and which could , if necessary , annihilate the heroes of mere destruction , and their frail machines of soft flesh and bones .

      " One hundred intelligent men will defeat all the glories and heroism of mere sanguinary military chieftains , and do more than armies of millions , whose soft flesh and bones cannot resist a few small unfeeling machines , driven by some of those gigantic powers ( pointed out In my " Paradise" ) on land or on sea , and render all bloody heroism abortive , ' and wars impossible . " —Etzler ^ s tlechaniccd'System , pagt 67 . But our mission is not one of bloodshed and'war , but of peace , of universal liberty . We do not wish to excite meu to revenge , but we Will show them a way to live in quiet and happiness . The time will come , and Is not far distant , when soldiers and wild beasts , lawyers , policemen , and all such vermin will be removed from the faca of the globe , and men enjoy their birthright , their destiny , to live in peace and plenty , to partake of tha riches of nature , and be unmolested in the possession

      of the results of their own exertions . And this change in society will be brought about without violence or war . Physical force men and military heroes will perceive that their efforts to compete with peace men , provided with necessary machines , would be as useless as the efforts of competing with manual labour against spinning jennies , or running a race with our poor legs , and heavy lungs against a locomotive on a railway , which travels at the rate of forty miles per hour . As soon as it would be mechanically certain , that ever ; soldier , every man , who attempted to withstand such machinas would be crushed to atoms , no one weuld be so insane as to attempt a trial , and enlist as a soldier . Soldiers , and especially kings , dukes , and generals are as fond of their lives as other men ; and they would soon forego the honour of being war men , if they had to encounter peace-men of the right sort .

      The mischief which has been done to society by adopting physical force as a guiding principle is incalculable . It has not only retarded'the progress of the m-vle sex , by brutalizing it ; but it ia the cause of individual and collective tyranny over women , "tha wondrous master-pieces of God's creation , " and their many insufferable miseries . They ate therefore most interested in the discovery of new powers , which they can direct and uso as easy as the physically stronger sex . Their emancipation ia impossible as long as physical force rules human affairs . Universal liberty demands liberty for all—men , women , and children ; and none deserve liberty but those who desire universal liberty . In . answer to various private letters from your friends ( and in anticipation of similar letters ) aud the questions " What can , what shall we do , " fcc . &c permit me to

      say—1 . That all persons who are inclined to popularise Etzler ' s ideas for their own and the welfare of their tellow men , and wb # wish universal liberty , and are ready and willing to examine all proposed improvements , be they political , social , or mechanical , irrespective of names and persons , sects and parties , under the broad banner of universal principles ( not men ) , the guidance of Providence , and the assistance of the Scriptares and nature , ahold form themselves in preliminary branches or auxiliary societies in whatever place they be . 2 . That the number of members be unlimited , three being sufficient to commence a branch . 3 . That the members be numbered and recorded according to the priority of adherence .

      4 . That each branch make , preliminarily , such regula tions as beat suits the majority of the members , and in accordance with the industrial charter ' < locate the people on the land in joint stock freehold , and let machinery work for , and not against , the people , " 5 . Tkat the secretary of each branch send a statement of its formation , < ta to C F . Stollmeyer , he acting , pro tempore , aa general secretary . The object we have iu view , and the measure which we intend to bring forward for the amelioration ef the condition of our fellow men , is colonization at home and abroad , on as large and comprehensive a scale as the want and desire for it will manifest itself . I am , sir , your obedient servant , C . F . STOLLM EYER . - No . 3 , Northampton-terrace , City-road , London , September 30 th , 1843 .

      The Repeal Agitation.—Yesterday (Sunday) The Following Notice Was Extensively Posted At The Horse-Guards And Around The Metropolis, And Shows

      The Repeal Agitation . —Yesterday ( Sunday ) the following notice was extensively posted at the Horse-Guards and around the metropolis , and shows

      that the most deemed steps are apouc oeing laaen by the Ministry to put down the agitation for a Repeal of the Union in England as well as in Ireland : — " Notice to the Out-pensioners of the Royal Hospital of Chelsea . —The Lords and other Commissioners of Chelsea Hospital haying had their attention called to the conduct of certain out-pensioners who have attended meetings held for the purpose of effecting a repeal of the legislative union with Ireland by intimidation and a display of large numbers collected together , feel it to be their duty to caution all pensioners against attending or countenancin g suoh meeting ? . Any pensioners who may attend anon meetings after ibis notica will be liable to the loss of their pensions . By order of the Lords and other Commigaioners .

      "BiCHABD Neatb , Secretary and Registrar . " Bojal . Hospital , Chelsea , Oct . 10 . " [ The same notice has been placarded round Leeds . ] Thb Latb Fatal Duel . —The Coznmander-in Chief bus directed Lieutenant Munro's immediate return to his regiment . It is generally supposed that Lieutenant Munro will not surrender at all to take hb trial forth © murder of Colonel Favrcett ; bnt that his second , Lieut . Grant , will give himself np at the next sessions of the Criminal Couxi , —Liverpool Times . ' . France , —Marshal Souit is about to qnit the Ministry .

      Untitled Article

      We now turn to the Whig Chronicle , and give from its pages two most important communications , apparently from the pen of a disinterested party , who has been journeying through Ireland , and picking np " news bj tne way . " We look upon those conununie&tions as of far deeper import than they , on the face , seem to be . Their appearance in the Chronicle , bearing the character they do , is most suspicions . The Chronicle pretends to be in opposition to the Government : but he has already called for coebciom ! In the article with which he accompanied tbe news of the Proclamation , he said : —

      " Firmness vieotra , even COERCION if you tcttl ; SUCH POLICY H ! THE PRESENT POSTUEB OP AFFAIRS IS IKBLAKD MAT BE DEEMED WISE 4 ND NECESSARY . The people of EDgland are opposed to this mad project of Repealing tbe Union . They are , with reason , opposed to it . In its realizition they see tbe breaking up of this great empire , and areprtpdred to support AST HEascbe of arty minister that may be necetsary to prevent the calamitous result , A policy of conciliation is what tbe justice and the common sense of the people ~ wisb . Prove to them that that is of no ^ vail , akd a POLICT OP COERCION THEY " WILL tolerate . But what they do not wish—what tbBy will never tolerate—is tbe cowardly , sanguinary policy whicb lures men , step by step , within range of death , and then , without notice , nrnn « ifcfl his battery before there is time to retreat "

      . Here it is ; a naked , undisguised call for Cobscioj * . The communications he has since inserted , and which we shall presently give , have been published by him to justify the Minister in seeking for power to place Ireland under Mabhal Law J ! Being published in the Chronicle , an opposition Journal , they are a god-Bend to Peel : while the pretended revealments of the state of feeling amongst the'Irish people are just those calculated to alarm , and serve the Minister ' s purpose 1 From the Chronicle- the statements have been extracted into the Timesj'vrhh approving comments ! And thus the game is carried on . The people are amused by . political distinctions and sham Jighls between the two factions ; -while the factions understand each other , and play into the hands of the vrielders of power , eo as to " put down , " " crush , ' the "democratic spirit , " that would obtain advantage tor the people .

      It is not unlikely tb % t Parliament will be convened during theoori month , and have proposed to . them " extraordinary measures" to aid theMiniBter in crushing rebellion . Ia that case , we shall see good use made of the following alarming intelligence from the Whig Chronicle 1 To the Editor effhe Morning Chrmide . JiO . L Sir , —As EBglish travellers have bsen as rarely seen in Ireland this year aa white men in Timbuctoo , some of your readers may be glad to nave an authentic account of the actual position in that country , from one who for six weeks past has seen , read , thought , and spoken nothing but of Ireland . Up to the last day of September , in last year , tie boatmen on the lakes of Killarney obtained seventy-four days' hire . Up to the same date in this year they had obtained only twenty-five ; tbe difference being owing to tie falling off in the number of English tourists , of whom only eight or ten parties had visited the lakes this year .

      Having crossed the south ot Ireland in a variety of directions , and conversed witb . people of every descrip tion , from 4 he nobleman to the peasant , I feel tkat I am not guilty » f presumption in enabling my countrymen 1 to participate in tbe result of my observations . One I peculiarity of the present extraordinary state of tbe I public mind in Ireland is tkat everybody speaks out \ The Roman Catholic peasantry appear to be so confident ! In their numbers and unanimity as to consider any con-! -cealment of their plans or intentions quite an unneces-\ sary precaution ; and , as I was merely an English tourist , I of whom they had been accustomed to see many hun-I dreda in the course of every year , they opened their minds to me with greater freedom than they would have done to any of the offidal or military persons resident in Ireland . On my part , as I had visited the

      country at a crisla of no ordinary Importance , I regarded romantic scenery and the other usual objects of a traveller ' s attention . as of minor importance , and applied myself earefully to the study of tbe popular mind . , Before I left England I took great pains to form a Just opinion as to the real nature ef tbe popular movement in progress in Irelani ; and fliB conclusion I came to iras the same which has , I believe , been arrived at by the best informed persons in this country . The whole appeared to me to be a gigantic piece of blarney on O ' ConneU ' s jaarfc I believed it to have its root in tie vulgar , but nevertheless very powerful motive , of saving himself foam pecuniary ruin . Betides this , every demagogue is , from the necessity of his position , OWiged to go forward . He is by profession a fisher in Boabted waters . The demagogoe sinks into Insignifl-Sto tran ^ Sl ^ 01 ^ 011 M PUbUc 8 ffidra MtUe * 0 WD

      nrLw ^ f' ° d 0 Bbfc ' ^ aUtted ** » Psetting the : l 2 SS ^ 2 !? S ? ^ « etHn * some instalments for £ ? £ l ^ Si ^ 5 rewd ^ eaon Uke © "Connell , who fcasattendea Parliament year s after year , and -who ^ a S ^ J *??**? Te 8 Mrces of the BrlHih nation , andtheflxed determination of the great nujoritrfr numbers , wealth , aud intelligence , KvSbStto ™ dismemberment of fee e ^^ b ^ seriou ^ eUevf krtte ^ bihty of Bepeal , Uao imlikd , toJewSj " It Boon became apparent to me after my arrival in Ireland , that although this view of the case Wra ? fectly correct as far as O'CocneU wm concerned toe

      Untitled Article

      To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle . NO . II . Tbe most serious fact of all connected with the present agitation has yet to be mentioned . There cannot be a doubt that the great body of the Roman Catholic priests have gone into the movement in the worst , that is , in the rebellious aense . Many of the priests of the old school , who had been educated in France and had

      seen the world , held out for a time , bat they were given to understand that if they continued to take this line , the shepherd would be deserted by bis flock , and they were forced to yield . Two or three splendid instances are still mentioned of priests openljL professing their determination to submit to any consequences rather thau give their sanction to a movement which they know to be of the most dangerous and pernicious character ; but the curates and young priests brought up at Mayaooth Lave gone into it heartily , almost to a man . These young men are generally the sons of email farmers and other persons of a similar rank in life . They , therefore , bring with them strong feelings and limited and one-sided information from borne ; and at Maynooth they are brought up , like our young

      Newman ite clergy at Oxford , to regard the church as the sole object for which they are to live , and think , and act . The ; have no property , no families of their own , to be compromised by a rebellion ; and as it would be inconsistent with the character of their sacred profession to appear at the head of their flocka in the field of battle , theyran no personal risk . They may ; gain , but they cannot well lose , by the result of a conflict Some , more heady and enthusiastic than the rest , might even lead their flocks to battle ; but whatever their conduct in this respect might be , there cannot be a doubt that the prevailing spirit of the priesthood is correctly represented by the following expressions , extracted from the speech of the Rev . Mr . Cantwell , parish priest ot Tramore , at the late monster meeting at Lismore : — " He could support O'Connell with his voice , bnt he would

      support him with more . Look at that arm ( said the Reverend Gentleman , stretching forth his right arm ) . After tbe magnificent scene I have this day witnessed , I'll die a death , or see Ireland free . ( Tremendous cheering , waving of hats , fee . ) " The priests have given to tha Repeal movement all the weight of a religious cause in the eyes of a superstitious people . They form the medium through which an understanding is kept up among all classes of Repealers , and throogh which practical instructions are conveyed to the people . Tbe women and children are seat out of the chapel after service is over ; and the men are lectured on political subjects , aud have treasonable papers read to them , often for an hour together . I did not consider the movement as really alarming , until the conviction was forced upon me that the priests had gone into it in tbe worst sense .

      The primary object of the priests is , no doubt , to get the temporalities of the Established Church hut they have also a further object , which lies much nearer their heart , which is to make Ireland a Catholic country . ' Everybody in the south of Ireland , both Protestant and Catholic , admits that if an insurrection were to succeed , the Protestants must either conform , er quit the country . O'Connell does his utmost to keep the religious character of the movement in the back ground . The same was done by the leaders in the movement of 1798 ; but the moment the rebellion broke out , it aseumed the character of a religious war , and the few Protestants who had been inclined to join it , at once Withdrew 1

      . v ** uu » V » V » . , The object of the people is to get plenty of work , and to obtain a favourable permanent settlement of their rente ; but they have a further object , which they look to as the inevitable result of a successful insurrrection , which is to get rid of the landlords altogether , and to divide the laud among themselves—not merely the forfeited estates , ' but all the land ; at least all which is in the possession of persons not thoroughly devoted to their cause . The result is , that we are standing oh the verge of a religious and agrarian war , which would unite the horrors of th ' e Jacquerie aud St . Bartholomew .

      O'Connell has for some time past been aware of this fact , and nobody has been more alarmed at it than he has bceu . He has whipped his horses until they have run away with him ; aud now , to his dismay , he finds that he is not his own coachman . He has a gentleman on the box , dressed in black . If any of tbe more moderate lay Repealers are auked what ia the ground of the confidence expressed by them that there will be no outbreak , they can only refer you to the priests . O'Connell himself is now really as much in tho hands of the priests , as for aa this question is concerned , as We are ourselves . Be has evoked a spirit which is too strong for him .

      Nevertheless , he has lately done his best to set bounds to the torrent . The following expressions , extracted from his speech at Lismore ,, will , convey some idea of his real position : — " My heart is filled with delight at the scene that has been exhibited before us all this day —( hoar , hear ) . It proves that I ought to change my position ; I ought to become a different person from what I was . Heretofore' I was an agitator , stimulating and exciting to exertion , and endeavouring to persuade every parson , by argument , that they ought to exert themselves to the very utmost—( hear , hear ) . I think I must give this up , and become one of the Moderates —( laughter ) . Yes the people and the priests are going beyond me —( renewed laughter , and cheers } . Did yon ever hear two such agitators as my reverend friends who preceded me —( hear , hear ) ? They are outrunning me altogether , and I have become like the heavy schoolboy ia the race . Myownpuplla are beating me—( great laughter ,

      Untitled Article

      Greece . —The Augsburg ] Gazette of the 5 th irjst . states that a protest against the late revolution in Greece may be expected to be made by the Emperor of Russia . 1

      Untitled Article

      p THE NORTHERN STAR 1

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 21, 1843, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct673/page/2/