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    TEHE HUDDERSFIELD MEETING , ( Continued from mir sixlh page . ) more valuable Applause ); and they could mate it , With the small sacrifice of Tendering justice to the people , 100 per cent , more- » slnab ] & —( Jond oheers > To tats another view of the subject—suppose the working population amounts only to 6 , 000 , 00 ff ; a redaction of only is . a-vre « k in . their -wages makes a lou to the country of . £ 300 , 000 per week , or , £ 15 , 000 , 600 per year . Thai , again , only think of -what an addition of 10 a . a -week "Would be on thiH population ; whTj it "JronW create a market greater by far than the home and foreign market pnt together—{ applause ) In this / ease the people ^ rould have £ 150 , 000 , 000 to spend annually on domestic prodnce —{ vehement

    cheering ) . Let us no longer hear those -who lament so much the loss of » foreign market , when here ia a market for them , at the small coat of justice and humanity to their fellow men-- ( cheers ) . He could assure them that Ministers required to know these facts . If he could prevail on some of them to come into the mannfswtnring districts , they would then see the poverty « nd distress of the people , and they would have justice done , for they ¦ were misrepresented , and Ministers "were kept in the dark—( loud cheers ) . O that those who were jcrying about foreign trade , cheap tread , and the want of free trade , would only give their men that which would enable them to purchaie cheap bread—tfoud applause ) . If the people of this country were enabled to spend only one penny per

    4 ay irore tfcsn they sow did , in purchasing goods and victuals , it would amount in the course of one year to no-leas ' a sum than £ 41 , 000 , 000 ; a sum greater than was annually obtained from the foreign market , taking the average for the last ten years —( Applause ) . Dr . Sleigh here read an extract from a paper Bhowing that daring the late turn-outs the general cry was , tbsx all the distresses of the people arose from bad wages there was plenty of employment , bat men had not sufficient wages—( cheers ) . He would now consider two or three objections that might be raised to this plan . Firs * , it -might be considered impracticable , Many BaM it was desirable to have wages protected , but thai it was impxwible . He would admit that at the first blush it might appear so . It was like one seeing

    % high hill at a distance , to reach the . summit of which appeared impracticable j hot as we approach it , the difficulty vanishes , and we wonder at it having appeared to us so difficult , if not impracticable . How many things now practised were deemed a few years ago impraetible ! . Permit me to tell you that for nearly 300 years , various acts of Parliament were enacted for the protection of labour . The fact is , that many of < nxr ancestors had much greater wisdom than theii descendants—( hear , hear ) . The acts I allude to are the 25 ih of Edward ILL , the 36 th of Edward III ., the 12 th of Bichard XL , e . 9 , 10 , the 23 rd of Henry TIL , the 2 d of Henry TriL , the 5 th of Elizabeth , c . 4 , and Junes L , in 1602 . Bat , as trades have become more numerous , an £ science has branched into

    bo many cftnTmela , he would not pretend to say that it would be so easy now as it was then . He would not go Into details , but mention general principles which coaH be acted ttpon . This was a matter -which required serious and mature deliberation , not only of one individual , but of many ; and-if it could be rendered practical -ana operative , an onghtto co-operate ieart and hand in accomplishing it , thereby destroying all animosity between the employer and the employed . The general principles of the plan he suggested were , first , the hours of labour to be legally denned —( hear )—secondly , wages should be regulated according to the quantity ,-quality , and nature of the work ; and , thirdly , local boards , composed of employers and employed , to regulate this ; keeping the price of corn as the

    principal criterion , so that each trade might be properly represented , and thus a cheek given to unfair practices . These were Ids fundamental principles upon which a law might be easily framed for theproteetion of labour . He now came to another objection . Same manufacturer might say it would diminish his profits—we cannot pay better -wages , and if we do it will diminish onr profits . Permit me to say that your apprehensions are totally unfounded . They might say that times being bad made them pay low wages . Naw , he had gone inte Lancashire and examined the people in the presence of the leading manufacturers of that county , asking them if , when times were good , they had better wages ? The unanimous answer was , " Little or nothing . * Of course they could not expect the same

    wages when times were bad . This was provided for la his plan . Bat that good wages would diminish profits was out of the question . Honest wages were the same as seeds pnt into the earth by the agriculturist An anecdote just occurred to him relative to the county of Kent . He saw two fields of corn , one thick with corn , the other , though of the same soiL extremely barren . He asked a fanner who was by the reason ? The answer was , "Because the owner of one field was not covetous , but spent money upon 7 T » ann » i labour and cultivation . " ( Cheers and hear ; . This was the ease with the manufacturers . If they paid good wages , good would be the consequence .- If they paid according to the Teal value of labour find the labourer is worthy of his hire ] , the labourer weuld stand by

    them , and trade be vastly improved ; for if they did not get proper wages ; sufficient not only to keep feody and soul together , but also to cover them with clothes , the grocer , draper , &a suffered . These have i » go for their gdods to the manufacturer , and so all -are ultimately benefited . Giving good wages was sowing seed yielding ten , twenty , and fifty-fold , as he had proved fey facts in reference to the increased value of the home market . Therefore , the objection was not sound—that profits would be too much diminished by giving good wages . But suppose the profits of a few were to be curtailed ? ( Cry of " They want it" ) Was the Lagislatnre or the Sovereign justiSed in sanctioning the principle , that in order that some might make princely fortunes , the mass of the population was to be kept in

    a state of starvation ? Was it consistent with Christianity , that the masses should be sacrificed for -the benefit of the few?—( cries of "No . "; Wai it eonzisteBt with justice that a few should revel in luxury while the mass of the people was destitute of the necessaries of life ? Tola was not sanctioned by She words of unerring truth ; and if an angel "Were to say to the contrary , he would reply , " Thou liar , begone !"— ( loud applause ) . It might fe said by some— "We agree with all this , hut it comes short of "what we want : we want more . " Wanld it be a sonnd or wise principle for a man in a state of starvation to refuse £ 1 because he could not have £ 10 ? It should by rememteied , that the petition confined itself solely to the providing for the

    labouring population honest remunerating- -wages . Hs wished them , Whigs , Tories , or Chartists , to confine themselves to this petition , by supporting which they Would obtain that which was their principal object : " a fair day * wages for a isir day ' s work . " Therefore , he begged them to lay aside their peculiar political views in order to accomplish the object he had submitted to their comadention . It was of the greatest importance to them , that while they were struggling year after yea * for ether things / let them at all events secure this object and hold it fast Jf they accomplished a victory , ft wonld he an event of great and lasting importance . 1 wonder will the Free-traders object to this ? If they do , their fate is for ever sealed in the eyes of the people —( cheers ) . I * t them come forward and prove that they

    had the welfare uf the people at heart , and that they did not wish for the reduction of wages . This petition was the finest touchstone for trying them . They might talk about the Corn laws , but the fact was , the people had good re&vm to doubt the good intentions of the Pree-tra ^ ers . You can now say : " Give us security by adopting this petition , and you may repeal the Corn Lvws as soon as you like . ™ They , dare not oppose it ; for if they did they knew that e-rery voice would be raised against them . He did not -wish to insinuate that they cad a desire to lednce wages , hoi would he attribute any bad motives . No conscientious individual eenid willingly oppress his fellow-men , or wantonly reduce wages , but wonld rather keep them np . Some of the leading free-traders—Earl Fi ' . z-• williMB , Mi . Mnnla , and Mr . Yilliers—said it was impracticable to pay good wages , for they could not com--pete with foreigners but by -refineLng -wages . { Cries of « 'Ko , no , * ' * nd Yes . " ) Some cried out for proof .

    He could give it He could give tha words of Eari FItzwilliam , and Mr . Munfz , who did not say it was their desire to reduce wages . He wished to do awaj with the Lnprestion that he was censuring only the manufacturers , and declaring that only the agriculturists were good . Ho such thing . They were all fallible . It was only by fair , honest discussion , that truth would "be elicited ; f er they might depend upon it that any subject which could not stand the light and fair honest discussion was not a right one ; neither was that a good cause -which required vituperation or falsification . Truth courted investigation—coveted it , in an honest , straightforward manner . He now returned them his wannest acknowledgments for the kindness and patience with which they had listened to his ebserva Som on a subject which he thonght best calculated to promote their interests . He was ready to answer any questions , and to give a reason for the views and doctrines he had stated . ( Dr . Sleigh eonclndei amidst most enthnsiasiio and lengthened applause . )

    As-soon u silence had been obtained , Mr . Glekttxznsa rose to move the adoption of the petition submitted by i > r . sieigh . This he did with the greatest cordiality . Tn « principles enunciated by Dr . . Sleigh , it * a » wall known to his own friends , had been the principles for which he ( Mr . G ) had eostended tot many years ; therefore he did not rise to propose the motien because he waSj as some said , one of tbe tools of the Tories . He happened ta sign the requisition to Dr . Heigh , which he did because he believed him to be a good man , and one who wasj both by his speeches and * rKingB , well able to lief end the rights of labour . Prote * &fm 1 m labour was s principle to Which they most sU ^ tgree and act upon before the country could be beneutted

    or the great masses of the people improved They all kneW g ^ ^ p ^^ pies already in operation hadbeen nuking them worse and worse ; many of those in business being quite sick of it , aot'knowing what to oo . How many different principle * had been pat for-Tfard by other political parties , saying that if this and » at had been done , trade wonld be improved and the workmen better-paid . But he would say , that bo leng « the condition of the labouring classes was getting worse and wane , something most be Hoi » fc » protect «» Industry of the poor man—( hear , hear , and eheew ) . They all knew ihafc s ^ great deal of tiie -work now done , was performed by fem&let and children ; tot ! that a great deal of tbe work fannerij

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    done by men at from 223 . to 25 s ., was now done by boys from thirteen to seventeen years of age , who obtained no more than 9 a . or 10 s . —{ cry of "Say 6 s . " ) They were sure this would not support any family . When boys were the bead of a family , as many now were , they were looked upon as supporters of a family , because their parents were entirely dependant on them—( hear ) . This was an unnatural state of society and ought speedily to be amended . It was high time , tbe legislature should adopt some plan by which the head of ev « ry family should be properly provided for ,

    have proper remuneration for bis labour , and be provided with employment before his wife and childrenthat he should not i > 3 compelled by circumstances to send his wife or children to a factory or a coal mine , or other department of labour , to provide for him when he was willing , able , and streng to do it himself—( hear and cheers ) . These were his views , and though he and many others had been opposed by some for standing in defence of the principles of the petition , yet he hoped every one present would give his support to the petition . He envied not the feelings of that man who opposed it .

    The motion was seconded by an individual in the bwJy of the meeting , snd the Chairman rose to pnt it to the vote . Before doing bo , however , he asked if there was any person present who had observations to make , objections to urge , questions to put , or amendment to move ; and paused for a moment or two to see If any snch would present himself . None such appearing , the vote was taken , when the great body of the assembly held up their bands for the motion , and less than half-a-doBsn against it This was the more extraordinary , as it was well known that a strong muster of Leaguers bad been made , for tbe express purpose of opposing the conveners of the meeting . A considerable band of them occupied a portion of the orchestra ; and their behaviour there was veiy indecorous . They laughed , and jeered , and taunted , and sneered , and interrupted : so much bo at one time , that Mr . Hobson

    lose to call public attention to it , remarking that snch condnct came from parties whe bad preferred load complaints against interruptions of their meetings . He begged to remicd them , that they were there " on their good behaviour , as it were ; " and begged of them to give an example worthy of being . foil owed to those whom they had formerly denounced as disturbers of publio meetings . But sneering was all they dare venture on . They dared not to oppose the adoption , of the Memorial . The " fix" that Dr . Sleigh had put them into , of appearing , if they appeared ; at all ,: as the undisguised enemies of the labourer , Jlxtd them to their seats 1 They stirred not The Itnowing ( met did not even bold np their hands against it This was only done by two poor things belonging to the gang ; two , who have not brains to see an inch before their nose ; and who mechanically oppose every resolution that does sot say " Rapesl the Com laws . "

    As soon as the motion was earned , several « f tbe Free Tradas in tbe orchestra , addressing a number of Chartists there assembled , asked in a sneering , taunting tone ; " Where is the Charter V " What has become of theChaiter ? " "Are not we to have tbe Charter ?" Is the Charter to be forgotten ?"' Mr . HobBon immediately rose from his seat , and advanced to the front of the platform . While he was standing there , The Chairman read , the second resolution : — " That the petitfon now adopted be committed to tbe care of Dr . Sleigh , and that he be requested to use such means as may appear to him best calculated to have the same effectually laid before her Majesty . " This was moved by a gentleman in the body of the meeting , seconded by Mr . Hawktaed , put to the meeting , and carried .

    Mr . Joshua Hobsox then said , he had to move a resolution that had not been prepared by the conveners of tbe meeting ; ^ aH he apprehended it wonld meet with the support of a large portion of the meeting ; and he was happy to say tfaafc it would meet with the approbation of a considerable number of gentlemen present , who did not often grace the meetings of working man . Tho'e gentlemen had betrayed considerable anxiety that a certain " question" should not be overlooked . He was happy to inform them that he bad not" forgotten' ' it ; that he had embodied it in the resolution he should move ; and he , therefore , from the anxiety they had displayed , claimed their support No doubt that some one « f them would second his motion when they heard it ; and be hoped that they would take care not only

    that the " question" was not then overlooked , but that it had iHEia support - " in f other place . " ( Loud laughter . ) Assuring the gentlemen present , who bad evinced such a laudable anxiety as he had alluded to , that theirntmost wiahshould be gratified , in the introduction of the " question ' they were so Anxious about , he must congratulate the assembly on the extraordinary conversion made that night in their presence . Nothing could be more certain ^ than that the -principles embodied in the memorial jut adopted , and so forcibly advocated by Dr . Sleigh , were totally and wholly opposed to the doctrines holden and enunciated by the gentlemen he then had in his eye . He had therefoie a rifht to assume , that the speech of T > r . Sleigh had either converted them , or that they bad not tbe manliness

    or the courage to bring their own doctrines before the assembly , in opposition to the principles of protection to labour , fiom a consciousness that their no doing would dqf the cloak of friendliness with which they Haa ciottwl memsei-re , sad e&tu *> *« w « mo before ths meeting confessed exemiu of labour—( loud cheers ) . The position that Dr . Sleigh had pnt tbe free traders into was a mest trying one . They felt that they dare not oppose bin ; though bad they been true to their own principles , they were bound to do so : but their doing it , would have torn ihe veil from off their " reeraant linibV '; and they wonld have stood before the labouring men in all their hideous naked deformity—( great cheering ) . With the great principle of Protection to Labonr . he ( Mr . Hobson ) most

    cordially agreed . It was the principle for which the working c . asss s had been long contending . Ever sioee the introduction of the present ruinous system of paper money , taxation , and free-tradeism , the labouring population had contended for protection to labour . Their struggle for the accomplishment of that object , had assumed many phases , many aspects ; but the one , sole leadiBjj cause of all their efforts had been to secure wages wherewith to obtain the necessaries , the conveniences , the comforts , and some of the luxuries of life . Why * ' h « mld it not be so ? Why should those who create all property , as Dr . Sleigh had conclusively shown ; why should the labocb . kh . alone be deprived of the enjoyment of that which he himself created ? Why should the mass of the population be deprived of

    thesbsolnte necessaries of life , and left to drag on a miMrable existence—for it was not living ; why should this be the condition of the working classes , when those who merely set them to ^ woik , those who merely directed tbeir operations , should be able in a few years , as their own town could testify , to riBe from the hovel to the mansion—from the small cottage to the large house at Qledhdlt Bank ? He again asked why tfee LABOUREBS a ' one ; those who had given valuo to property ; who had created tbe property that others possessed ; he r < ked why they alone , should be in the condition they now -were ? It was because labour was unprotected I —it was because 1 ABOX 3 B alone was unprotected . And he felt sure , that no man , nuless he had a front « f brass , ¦ would dare to come upon that platform and contend that

    this state of things ought to continue ; that PROPERTY , tb © offspring of labour should be protected ; while XABOPB itseif , that which crested property , should be unprotected . With tbe geeeral principles therefore , of Protection to Labonr , so well advocated by Dr . Sleigh , he in common with the working population of England , cordially agreed . With them , protection to labour was no new qnestioD . As he h £ d before observed , tbe working people bad always sooght to obtain that protection . All their struggles had been directed to that end . Indeed it might be truly said that irom the day protection was jost , up to the present hcur , a continual struggle to regain it bad been going on . That struggle had presented many phases ; assumed many shape *; bnt it was directed for the

    accomplishment of the ene object ; protection to labonr . When machinery -was first introduced ; or rather when file tide of invention" and " improvement * which bad now set in so overwhelmingly ; when this title first appeared , and was but as the ripple « pon the beach , as it were , the working people paw thai their property in labour was threatened . They saw the beginning of a po-wei which would deprive them of labour , and consequently of the means of living . At the first blush of the thing , they looked upon the machines themselves as their enemy . They determined to rid themselves ef it They determined to destroy that which threatened to take from them the means cf living . They did destroy . They combined together to destroy . This waa

    the jirsl phase tb&t the struggle to obtain protection to labonr presented itself in . Yet it was unsuccessful . ' Machinery was demolished ; yet that demolition did cot prevent its general introduction . It was a desire on the part of the labouring maiiy to preserve for themselves the wages of labour that dictated the breaking of machinery . The labourers failbd however : and why ? Because labour was unprotected ! Because CAPITAL ^ as Wronger than labour ; for CAPITAX had the power of the law -, labour had not . Capiial ¦ used the pawer of the law : la % &ur was forced to yiuld . Machinery was introduced ; and very Eoon it-was seen that the fears and apprehensions of the labourers were but too well founded . Wages could not be maintained . Employment became scarce . The oomfcrts of the labourer were diminished . To remedy this ; to prevent the detTBtcord course thus eDteTed upon , the labourers presented the warfare to obtain protection to labour , in antther aspect . They confederated together . order to

    They combined together , in k «* P *» P wages , and formed trades' unions . For a time the unions were formidable to capital ; but it eventually overcame and put them down ; and why J Capital had with it the power of tbe law 1 Labour had not ! That was the great secret Capital seized upon four er five labourers in the agricultural county cf Dorret ; and Capital sent them across the seas ; tanBported . them ! thus breaking np the unions of the wcrkmg classes , and leaving them more at the mercy of Capital than before . The " improvements" in machinery weDt on . Mncb labour was dispensed with . It was found that many of the operations could be performed by tne labour of infant * . Infant labour was . " cheap . [ U . the swetts of that word " cheap" 1 That word aetermines every question new-a-days , relating to . labour . So tfeat it be " cheap " , all ether considerations weigh as nothing in the scale 0 To obtain that " cheap" iabcui , the ctilv ] which ooght to have been at gehool was

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    dragged from the care of its mother , and placed in the position that tha father ought to have occupied . It was forced to labour ; and labour too for periods so long that many sunk beneath the heartless oppressions to which they were subjected . There were however nome few operations ; operations requiring the exercise > of mind ; more mind than the infant possessed . To perform these the labour of the female portion of the population was called In . It was called in because it was " cheap /'" cheaper" than male labour . The daughter of the working man , nay , even his wife , and the mother of his children , was dragged from his home , to work for his support , while he was left idle to walk the streets . Did the working people quietly permit this ? Diil they tamely sit down -with it ? Did not they try to

    remedy ; it ? O , yes ! The struggle to obtain protection to labour hereupon assumed another shape . The working people directed attention to these instances of crying injustice . They asked for protection to * the infant labourer . They showed that the system was reversing the ordsr of nature . They Baid : " We boast of our civilization : we boast ef this being the 'land of BiV , es ; ' we are so full of religion , that we freight ship-loads of it to China , and to the nethermost ports of the eatth—( loud cheers );—we boast of these things ; we talk of savegism , where woman , is made : to do ' all the work , and the ' lords of the creation stalk '¦ : about in perfect idleness : but what ha ? the factory system done for us ? Has it not introduced the worst features of Savaaeism ? Are not our

    females . and our little-ones forced to do all the work , and vx forced to remain in unmanly idleness ? Are not our children , loo , almost worked to death ? Prat PROTECT these I Pray shield these !" Such was tbe language of the working men ; and to accomplish this measure of protection for the infant enly , England was heaved to its centre . A mighty struggle was made . In that struggle , be was happy to say , ; Hadderefield had taken its part . Nay , in Hudderefleld the warfare commenced . It was in that town that the banner for the protection of infant labour had been teared . But waB the struggle successful )! One would have thought that this simple request , a request , not that adult labour should be protected ; not that female labour should be

    prohibited ; but simply a request that infants should not be permitted to be worked to death : we would have thought that such a request as this , and so preferred , would have met with universal Buppurt . Ah , no i Capital was arrayed against labour . Capital conld not dispense with " cheap labour . " Capita ! was afraid of profits being diminished I Capital could not let go its hold 1 The agitation is favour of the factory child , great as it was —( and great it was )—was set aside by Capital , because Capital had the power of the law ! The demands of Labour were set at nought . It is true that they could not be silently passed over . The agitation was too powerful for that ; but it is equally true that a measure of mock protection was passed by Capital , and passed , avowedly ,

    because it was known that it would be " impracticable " — ( hear , hear ) . This effort of LaboUE , then , to obtain " only a modicum of protection , was unsuccessful . But while this effort haA been progressing , Capital had not been asleep . While the working people were thus seeking for protection , that raoBfc hellish and infernal law alluded to by Dr . Sleigh , the Poor Law Amendment Act—( cry of ' Poor Law hell" )—was passed for the further subjugation of labour at the feet ofCapital —passed for the getting more effectually at the wages of Labour . "Ah" ! ( exclaimed tbe speaker , turning round and confronting tbe anti-Corn Law men on the platfarm , one of them being a Guardian notoriously in favour of the law ) , " let us never forget that that law was passed for the avowed— the AVOWED purpose

    of reducing the labourers of England to live on a COABSER sort of food i Ah I lot us never forget to remind the friends of that Act of th » fc fact— ( Loud applause ) . Let tbe fact be continually trumpeted forth , and let every working man treasure it up in his innermost heart of hearts . " But was the fact bo ? They should judge . In the printed instructions prepared by the Whig ministers who brought forwprd that act—( hear , hear , from Dr . Sleigh )—and given to tbe barrister who drew up that act , were these words : — " Among other things it is desirable to bring the people of England to live on a coarser sort ot diet' '—( Hear , hear , from Dr . 8 Ieigh ) , That was one , of the objects which the framers of that law had in view , and believe me—( Cries of " a chap here sayB that is not true "—' rever

    mind him , he is a bastiler" )—believe me ( continued the speaker ) those who passed that law knew how to frame the machinery to accomplish tbeir object A gentleman said it was not true . It was convenient for those who bad supported the measure , thus to try to get over the fact ; bnt their saying it vas not true did not make it so . They should judge from a plain statement of facts , whether it was true or not The barrister who had these printed instructions delivered to him by the Whig Ministry , was so horrified with tbe hellish proposal so nakedly put into his hand * , that he caused the fact to be knowa—( A cry of ¦••¦ He did right . " ) He mentioned it to two or three friends , and they communicated it to

    the late William Cobbett Mr . Cobbott conld sot believe it ; not that he doubted that the intention existed . He knew enough of the Whigs to believe that the intention was there : but be did doubt that any set of men on this aide bell would have so undieguisedly stated it . " He expressed these doubts ; and [ sought to i »~ tu iwuDcuims acnt tu bis ooaaaiut examination This the barrister did not feel bimself at liberty to accede to ; but he intimated that if Mr . Cobbett would call upon him , he should peruse tbe instructions . He did so wait . He taw tbe instructions . He copied the words . He then went into the House of Commons . He there stated tbe

    fact in the face of the House . He challenged contradiction . He moved for tbe laying of tbe instructions on the table of the House ; and Lord Althorpe , the then Whig Ministerial leader of tbe House , did not dEre to deny Mr . Cobbotfa statement ; but contented himself with getting his majority to silently tote that tbe instructions should not be produced . Jfot true , indeed ! Wb « , in tbe face of tbeBe facts , dare doubt its truth . There was enough in tho facts just detailed to produce conviction in the mind of every man that such was indeed and truly tho case . For a considerable period tbe matter thus rested . But at bet tfee whole truth came out Mr . Walter was returned for . Nottingham . Ah , if Nottingham had done no other good than this , it had showed the Whigs in their

    true colours . ' A copy of a private document , the document on which the Poor Lr . w Act was founrfedj was forwarded by the Whi ? Government to Mr . Barnes , the then Editor of the Times , under tbe pledge of secrecy At tbe death of Mr . Barnes , this copy came into Mr . Walter ' s possession , under no Buch pledge . He declared tbe fact in tfce House of Commons , and dared Sit James Graham to deny it Graham bad formed one of tbe Whig Ministry when tbe instructions wexe issued . Graham , however , " cocld not recollect anything of it—he really could not recollect" After , a few good hints , and apofce or two in the ribs from Mr . Walter , Graham admitted that he " had an indistinct ncollection of something of tbe sort "—( laughter . ) Mr . Walter then moved that the instructions be laid

    on the taole of the house , when Graham contented himself , as Lord Althorpehad done , by availing himself of his majority , and voting that they be not laid on the table . Mr . Walter thereupon said he did not want a copy of the instructions for himself ; for he iheo held a copy of them in his hand ! THEN Graham knew all about it—( much laughter)—and even twitted Mr . Walter with a breach of confidence ! All therefore that Mr . Cobbett ha d asserted , snd supported by the facts already detailed , was thus proved to be true . Such was the nature of thePoor Law Act . ' Such was its purpose : such its object When tbe working people discovered this ; when they saw that it was intended , by such means , to get at the wagts of labour , they rose in hundreds of thousands to protest againBt it . They

    denounced it as an infamous , execrable , and anti-Christian measure ; and they demanded its obliteration from the statute book . Capital , however , could not give it up ! It wss too powerful a lever in the hands of capital to reduce wages ! Capital would not part with it : but CAPITAL passed a Rural Police Bill to cram it down tbe working people's throats ! 1 And why ? Because Capital had the power ot the law . and the working classes had not If the working people hid had this power , the principle of protection -would never had been divorced from the laws of England ; and the New Poor Law Act -wouldnever have been passed . This be was entitled to say , from the fact , that Irom tbe moment Protection had been lost to the ; present b » ur , the labouring people

    had incessantly sought to have that protection restored . It was right , then , that they Bhould tell Dr . Sleigh that this waa not the first time they had advocated the principle of protection to labour Tno workiDg people bad always done so . It was true , as he bad before stated , that the contest had assumed numerous pbasts : but it was always the battle of labour against the encroachments of capital Hitherto LABOUR bad been unsuccessful . He had told them the cause ; namely , that capitax waa stronger than labour . Capital had the powtar of the law , and labour had not . He would bs the last to throw any impediment in the way of the exertions of Dr . Sleigh—( bear , hear ) . Sucb was not his purpose : and he sincerely trusted such would not be tbe effect of his ( Mr . H . ' s ) conduct But

    it was right , coming as the Doctor did for the first time among them ; it was right that he should fccow their exact position , their exact feelings , their exact wishes ; that neither he ( Dr . S . ) , nor they , should be deceived withr each other . Then , -what earthly chance -was there that the present movement , so happily begun that night , would be more Buccb&sful than the many former movements in which they had been engaged ? For himself he must confess he saw no chance . If he might judge from the relative position of parties In power , he must certainly come to the conclusion that protection forLABOV&wasnotafavquritedoctrine with anyof them . It was true that the ^ present Premier , at ths

    commencement of his rule , had it in bis power , had he bad the moral courage to have undertaken the task , to have laid the foundation for the regeneration of England . Bnt he had not the courage . He chose rather to throw himself into the arms of the free-traders ; those whose embTaees are deadly , and who have secured tbe annihilation of Peel . Had the Minister adopted the other Course , he would have indeed been great : but as it was , he had succumbed to a power , he dare not set at defiance ; and he had paeeed a large sweeping measure of free-trade , the confessed effect of which had been to augment" the evils under which we groaned . Conld it be otherwise ? Could the principles of free-trade , however applied , fcave any other effect ? Had not all their j

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    experience of free-trade , from its first introduction to the present hour , established the fact , that exactly in proportion as those principles had been applied to practice , the poverty of the people and the difficulties of all classes had iacreawd T Sach had been the effect of freo-trade T . w * J never haTO iad A " '' Wever have had 16 ! . ^ y » * " * ' not the last fifty years seen the system of protection continually frittered away ; continually aropped , piecemeal by piecemeal ; and the system of rree-trade as continually and regularly introduced ? —( bear , hear ) . Not had it ! Where Is the system of peotection ? la it not all-but-superseded ? What was the condition of the labouring many sixty years ago , when the system of protection waa in full vogue ; and what la their condition now ? Do not the

    Jree-traders themselves say , thit the labourers are starving ; that our merchants are on the verge of banftruptcy ; and national ruin threatening us nil . Not had it ! Why , 1 % wat but the other day A * ! , , the -Anti-Bread Tax Circular , a boast tnat all the laws affecting exports had been done away with , now that Government had passed tbe Machinery Exp ortation Bill ; now that Government had given up the only remaining advantage that we passessed over the foreign manufacturer ; and it also boasted , that there was but one law affecting imports to force from tho Government ; and then we should have full free trade . Not had it ! We have had a terribly close approximation to it : and the effect of the pretty large sample has

    Men to give no great relish for the sack . Not had it ! Why , that will be the excuse when we are fully and completely ruined by its means . The ftee-tradera were just like the vendors of Morrison ' s Pills They prescribed them as a remedy for all the evils that flesh is heir t » . You took a good moderate dose . It worked badly . It scoured you out . Still more waa prescribed . You took more : the operation was more alarming . You sunk beneath tbe evne ; poisoned right out j and even then the quack who had administered to yon , said that you had died because you had not taken enough t Tbe people had been quacked quite enough with freetrade , to let tbtm know what it was like . For himself .

    he must say , that he bad seen enough of the effects of the doses already administered , as to make him much disinclined to have the dose repeated or enlarged —( much laughter and cheers ) . Not had it J Why , Huskisson , the Free Trader , had at one fell swoop , in 1813 , sweeped away hundreds of Acts of Parliament from the statute book , every one of them embodying the principle of Protection ; and he had enacted in tbeir stead a measure of Free Trade . [ Addressing tbe gentlemen who had cried out" we have not had it , " Mr . Hobson said : ] " You surely got that / you surely had it ! What has been its effect ? Go aud ask the SpitalSeld ' s weaver . A ? k him how he likes Hnskisson ' fl Free Trade . "

    Huskisson a Act was a portion of that system , which , we are told , is to produce " cheap bread , " "high wages , " and " plenty to do . " By-the-bye , it bad produced " plenty to do . " But , as for the cheap bread and g « od wages ; if [ free-trade had produced these good effects , how was it that the working olaaaes were in their present position ? How was it that the Free-Traders themselves found them bo utterly destitute of all that should render life agreeable , ns to " wish that Almighty God would put an end to their sufferings before morning ? Oh , yes ! we have bad enough o ! Free'trade to be able to judge of its effects ! And by the bye , talking of Mr . Huskisson sweeping away of measures of protection , called to hia mind several Acts of Protection affecting their own trade which

    had thus been got rid of ; with how much advantage to the public they should judge when they heard the facts . Tois case would completely illustrate the two principles— " protection , " and *• freedom of ACtlON . " He would take for that illustration an occurrence which had recently taken place . It would bring the whole matter vividly before them . Everything , at the present day was determined by the term " cheap , " If only " cheap , " no matter how produced , or at what cost of human suffering . If it could only be sold , that was all that was cared for . A number of Sheffield manufactures , great advocates for " freedom ot trade , " found it out that cast iron was cheaper than steel . They aco jrdingly made a number of cast iron knives , and they stamped them—( your free

    trader is never very punctilious about honesty )—they stamped these cast metal knives as " shear steel "—( laugbtsr ) . They went on in this way for a considerable time . Immense numbers of cast-metal knives , razors &c , were thrust on the foreign market , which , according to the free-tradera , of all others ought to be maintained . Knowing the importance of the foreign market , one would have supposed they would have been content with imposing upon the "chaw-bacons" at home ; those who did iiot know a "b" from a bull ' s foot ; and that they would keep the steel for tbe foreign trade . But " cheap" overruled every other consideration ; they sent their cast metal abroad , as well as sold it at home . The foreigners thus found us out ; they discovered us

    to be a nation of rogues and cheats . They put up furnaces of their own ; set their own labourers to work ; manufactured cutlery for themselves ; nay , have even sent that cutlery into oar own markets , and undersold aa there . Such had been one effect of the principle of " freedom ofttade . " . Now for the value of the principle of " PROTECTION . " It fortunately happened for the interest ol . the trade Of Sheffield , and for the character uf tho nation at large , that an Act of Parliament existed oo frfia statute book , an act which the free-traders had not yet been able to get rid of , making it highly penal to pursue sucb dishonest practices . The effect of these practices upon the trade of Sheffield bad been such as to cause that town to experience more distress and privation than any other

    town in the kingdom , during the long distress that has existed ; and at length the attsntion of the Master Cutler of Sheffield waa irresistibly drawn to the necasity that existed for some stroDg efforts being made to retrieve tbe character of tbe town end trade from the odium brought upovvthesa by the " free-traders . " He therefore availed himself of this act of protection ; caused searches to be made in the warehouses of the free-traders cutlers ; seized heaps of cast-iron knives , r&zora , scissors , and other articles of cutlery ; brought two of tbe manufacturers before tbe magistrates ; fined one of them more than thirteen hundred pounds , and tbe other four hundred : took the hoops of spurious cutlery into Paradise-square , and there publicly destroyed it There was a full

    illustration of the two principles : " freedom of action" leadtug to knavery , cheatery , roguery , loss of character , and destruction of trade : " protection" interfering to save the public from the frauds of the cheats —( hear , hear ) . There used to be on tbe Statute Book laws of ft similar nature to that wbich had been brought to interfere for tbe protection of the trade of Sheffield , which protected the manufacture of woollen cloths . He ( Mr . H . ) was not very old ; but he could well remember the time , when « very piece of wooUen cloth manufactured in that district , used to have a piece of lead at the end of it , a seal , setting forth the length that such piece of woollen cloth ought to measure . He could also tell when searchers used to visit the fulling mills to measure the goods . All this was protection : it was to prevent the

    pieces being " pulled" or ' ^ stretched" too long or too wide upon the * ' tenter . " Now , however , that was done away with . ( A cry of " question . ") Some one cried «* question . " If that gentleman thought he could handle the question better thaa him ( Mr . H , ) , be had better try ; bnt be thought what he was now advancing was very much to the question . Tbe question that night was " protection . " He was showing that they once had protection ; he waa showing , too , how that protection bad operated to the public advantage ; and he thought that was very much to the question—( loud cries of " Go on ; go on" ) . Weil , then , contemporaneously with the Act which prevented the undue stretching of woollen goods upon the tsnter , was another passed to prevent the manufacturers mixing flocks with tbeir wool .

    Mind , againBt mixing . / Zecfcs with wool . They knew the sort of stuff that was now mixed with wool— - ( loud laughter and cheers , and cries nf " Aye , we do" ) . Nay , he waa wrong ; they mixed a bit of wool with it—( continued laughter , and loud cheers ) . They now manufactured wool / en cloth out of all sorts of filth , foisted it upon the public as a good article , cheated the public most egregiously ; for when the goods came to be worn , they were found to be of no service at all—they were »« nought but muck " -t- ( loud laughter and cheers ) . He had himself Been within a few days a pair of trousers which had been made from cloth purchased at the warehouse of one of the first merchants in Huddorafleld and which , when put on . had split up in all directions . This cloth when purchased " handled" very

    nicely . Shoddy" makes your elottt to handle softly and nice ; but is totally unfitted for wear . The trousers in question were , he believed , in the hands of Mr . Ferrand , M . P ., that fearless exposer of " devil's dust " practices , who would most likely exhibit them in the Honse of Commons and thus gain for Huddersfleld manufactures a most unenviable notoriety . Would they bsiiere it . " —( cries of " Yes , we do , we do" ); would they believe it , that at the time be spoke of , when " protection" was interwoven in hundreds of Acts of Parliament , and before " free trade ' had begun to be introduced , there were Acts on the Statute-book which rendered every manufacturer who pursued such practices , and who manufactured such stuff , liable to searchto have tbe " mucky" woollens seized , and himself fined

    three times their value ? There was the principle of protection ! Who would cay that that principle , bo embodied in legislative enactments , would not be a benefit now ?—r ( lond cries of " Hear , hear ") Why the manufacturers of " devil ' s duet" woollens were iufiaitely worse than the Sheffield cast-metalcutlers . True , both were cheats : but the cneatety of the cutler was not so great as tbat of the "devil ' s dust " manufacturer . When a man bought a cast-iron knife for a . eteel one , he could throw it away when ha found it useless , and buy another to suit bis purpose . He has not to expend more money upon it to enable him to enjoy its use . Not so with Woollen cloths . Before they

    can be used , they must be made up into articles of cMhing . For this purpose tbe tailor had to be employed ; and a good amount : of money spent , even after tbe first purchase . When so made np , they were found to be utterly worthless , though-bought tot bonajde woollen fabrics—( cries of bear , bear , hoar ) . The cheating manufaaturer thus cheated his customer , not only out of the price of the woollens themselves , but also out of the tailor ' s wayes ! He was therefore so for worse than the Sheffield castmetal Jcnife-manufactuter , wtw had beeu flued more than £ 1 , 800 ! And once we had l « w to protect the putillc against such roguery aa this . Was that of no importance ? Would not that be better , tban th «

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    present system otfi-ee-iraAe ; free to cheat ; free to take in ; free to ; impose upon ? Look * t the case of tha man thus cheated 1 He was done out of both cloth and tailor ' s wages . He conld not w » ar the filth . If ha attempted it , it either weat quick , m aggotty , on his back ; . ot jit split up in all directions —( biar , hear , and much laughter ) . That was one benefit ' . hat they had obtained by free-trade . How did they like it ? —( hear ) . He ( Mr . Hobson ) was not fond of it Still they had ] not had it ( They had had so much of it however ! Aye , and they bad bad more . They had bad another measure of free trade , passed last session but one ; another sweeping measure ; a measure that had sweeped away hundreds of Acts of Parliament . Indeed they had bad more than enough of free

    trade to enable them to judge of its effects . What had those effects been ? They should now see . ' He had then laying before him on the table , documents published by the House of Commons itself ; which documents showed what had beeu the efecls of free trade . The table then before him showed the extent of our foreign trade for every year , for tha last fifty years ; the amount of wages paid for the sama period ; the amount of taxation borne ; tho price of food ; and the extent of crime . This then was the touchstone . What were the lesBona this table taught them ? This document showed that fifty years ago , when we had only one-fifth of the foreign trade we now have , we received nearly as much money as we do now for the whole five-fifths . That waa

    one of the results of free-trade . Had trade extended ? In 1798 we exported £ 19 , 000 , 000 efficial value . The official valae ia the measure of quantity , not the measure of price . For £ 19 , 000 , 000 ( in quantity ) we got £ 33 , 000 000 in price . Lost year we exported if 100 . , 000 in quantity ; being more than five times the former amount . And yet the free traders wete crying for extension of trade 1 Was not five-fold increase enough ? Weil , this £ 100 . , 000 ought "to have brought fa £ 165 , 000 , 000 , had we been paid as we were fifty years ago .- and why should we not have been paid the same price ? If we bad been , the manufacturers would only have had the same "ale of profit , and the labourer a proportionate amount of wages , which would have made ^ material difference in their relative

    positions . Besides the taxes at the period he spoke of were £ 80 , 000 60 O >; now tbey were 66 . , 000 . There was therefore every reason why they should have had tbe same rate of price , to enable them to meet the double amount of taxation . But what did we really receive for the £ 100 . 000 , 000 ? Why £ 47 , 000 . , instead of £ 165 , 000 , 000 . This proved that they lpst by tho foreign market Was it , therefore , any wonder that ' jWith extended foteigu trade v ? e should have wide spread rufn in the land ? But what were the revealments of other portions of this table ; and be it remembered , that It waa a document issued by the House of Comiaona itself that he was quoting from . ; By it , then , it appeared that tbe weaver , fer weaving twolve yards of a certain description of

    cambric , received , in 1798 . 153 . ; for the same amount of woTk , in 1831 , he got only Is . 7 Jd . I !—( shame ) . Yes , extension of { trade and decrease of wages had gone hand its bandi At tbe present time the Weaver only received 9 ci . for the twelve yards . Never let that be forgotten . There was an effect of free trade ! Bat there was another portion of the picture wanting , to complete the whole . They bad heard a great deal of late about crime ; and about the necessity of education , to prevent men from becoming criminals . What was tbe Btate of this case , as far as related to crime ? Wky , that just in proportion as foreign trade had increased , wages had decreased , and crime had augmented ! Was this doubt 3 d ? 1 Here was tbo proof . In 18 * 35 the number of committals '; for crime waa 4 605 ; in 1841 they were

    27 , 760 ! ! Here was another most curious fact in connection with the application of free trade principles to practice . Trude had increased . Of that there could be no doubt Wages had decreased . Of that there j could be no doubt . Even the free traders : now admitted it . They had borne testimony to I the fact , that the Wages of workmen bad been bo reduced , that they , on visiting them , found them so destitute " as to wish that AlmightyGod Would pnt an and to their sufferings before morning . " Crime had increased . Of this $ ie figures he hod just quoted were ample proof . It was thus proved that inj the exact proportion in which free-trade principles had been applied to practice , had ruin overtaken us . The facts he bad adduced plainly-showed by the

    that ^ we were ruined foreign market ; h aving to give " five timia the amount ot produce for little more than tbe same amount of money . Dr . Sleigh had shewn them bow this operated on the home market , through Low wages ; and thus through the operation of this accursed system , they were RUINED both at home and abroad . Bat what hope were there , that this system of things would be changed ? What hope was there that Sir Robert Peel would incorporate tbe principle of Protection to Labour in legislative enactments ? He ( Mr . Hobson ) must jdeclare that of this , he had no hope . Sir Robert Peel had given bis adhesion to tbe opposite principle . \ It had had been the fate of England to receive from the hands of that man , greater blows than from the hands of any other statesman . Sir Kobt

    Peel bad the rare merit , —such as it was , —of b&ving passed the Currency BUI of 1819 ; the Bill which had reduced tbe value of all property ia the kingdom , except tbe . ptoperty Gf . tha- tax , a » te * . ~ - P <« Vn ~ 'BUl , along with the free-trade measures which be had enumerated , had operated to bring as to the verge of bankrvptcyandnviii ; and what tbe Bill of 1819 had late undone , the Tanff of 1841 was passed to perfect and complete ! The free-trade Tariff was a measure exactly similar in nature and scope to the Currency Bill of 1819 , BOTH were intended to reduce tbe Valuo of property ; and both these blows came from tbo-j hand of Sir Robert Peel . What hope therefore was thero that Sir Robert would give them protection for labour ? None that he saw of . -And

    was there any hope from the Whigs ? It was true tbat the Whigs now trumpeted forth the great distress that existed ; but they bad only done So since they were turned out of office In 1831 , at the time that thousands in that very district were shown to bo living upoD ' 2 | d . a-d » y , the Whigs contended that th « country was in a state of moat " unexampled prosperity " . To prove , this , the great John Marab . aU , of Leeds , went to London , and showed tbat he paid his "hands ' an average of 6 s . 11 J 1 . a-week ! Now however tbe Whigs ttumpetj forth distress and RUIN . There was ope fact however amongst all th ' a ruin that struck him ( Mr . | Hebson ) as mosvt curious . All the ruin was amongst tbe workers f very little of the fium got amongst tbe masters ; or if it did they fared

    well with it They know many in « tmces ; lie ( Mr H . ) knew many instances of men who " had nought to begin with / ' who were now rich , and living in great and splendid mansions . Let them look at their own town and neighbourhood . It was a perfect sample of what he now alluded to . Let them look at every mansion in the neighbourhood ; a $ k who had formerly inhabited them ; ^ sk where the farmer inhabitants had gone to ; and ask who live in them now ? Lst him particularised What -were the Starkeys ? How much had they tojbeRln with ?—( cries of •' shame , " from the Leaguers . ) What ! was it a shame for the Starkeys to have gotten ric ^ i ? Was that the ehame ? Or waa it the way in which it had been done ? Ought the Starkeys to be ashamed of their wealth , or their position ?

    If so , why ? There was a large house at Giedholt . Mr . Whitaker had another at Woodbouse , which hi had been obliged to leave ; and who was now in it ? There was another large ' house too , in the neighbourhood of Bradley Mills . Who now lived in that ? What had he a faw years ago ? This was a queer distribution of KU IN . Amidst all the ruination , aud distress and privation that existed ; aud | that there were but too much of that every one was well convinced ; but amidst it all , these men bad tbeir thousands , and their hundreds of thousands : tbongh they had , none of them , " nought ) - to begin with . " Are you- ^ are the labourers bo ? |"| No . " ) Certainly not ! Why not ? Because your iiABoca has not been protected ? ( Loud cheers . ) [ During this portion of Mr .

    Hobson ' s address , the free-traders on the platform , and in the body of tbe ! meeting exhibited great confusion . They could not sit in their Beats . Interruptions of all sons were offered , j Cries of " shame " , " shame "; " no personalities " , were continually uttered by them . At this point Mr . Hobsen turned full upon them , and with great force exclaimed : ]— " I know t&ese facts are galling . See ho-w they wtiVb . eS The cap fits' 1 { T * ememious cheering ) , j " Let the galled jade winck ; my withers are unwrung" ! ( A cry of " blackguardly" from the Leaguers . ) Was it" blackguardly" to tell them that th « y tad men amongst ' them possessed of plenty of money ? Perhaps it would be " blackguardly" to asfe how they got it : but" blackguardly '' as it would be , itiat would be done some day or other . Leaving this portion

    of the question , however , he woufd again ask , what hope waa there that the principle ef Protection to Labour would be carried out by any of the political parties that now possessed political power ? The Peelmen would not do sb . The Whigs would not do so . The Free Trndera would not do so : for their main-man ; their coMiNG-mani ; tbeir man of men ; their topsawyer had lately i shown how he would PROTECT the labour of his ( workmen . Aye ! this fact -was worth knowing . This fact shewed how Cobdea ( there ! the name waa out at last !) took care that his men enjoyed the " cheap food" that Peel's Tariff had given them . This man ; this free-trader ' ; this personification of free-trade princ ^ pjes , bad lately been going nbout the agriculturist districts , persuading the farmers there , that another dose | of Motison ' s-Pills ' -free-trade will cure them ; although they are suffering from the effects of former doses ; and while be was doing that he * was giving a practical exemplification of what fa nieauB by

    " HIGH wages , cheap food , and plenty-tordo . ' * That man has at present plenty of trade . Of that be bas no lack . He Ia doing ( as much as ever he can turn out . He has nearly all Paisley , and several oth « 4 isW « t 8 of Scotland , manufacturing for him tnouselin demius ; for which he pays , on an average , about 8 s . per piece . These he has transmitted to hia printing works . at Choriey ; where he expends about four shillings mere in labour and material . Then he Bells them for 28 s . or 30 s . a piece . —( cry of ' Clever fellb . w" > . Aye "Clever Fellow" I By this means be Is pocketting somewhere about j £ i | 000 a week t He has no want of "demand . " As fast as ever he can turn them out , they are in request ( Nothing will go down with the free trade-trade drapers , but" Cobden ' s prints . '' Advocacy of free-trade has secured for Aim a b . a re trade ! And now comes tbe way in which he , this man , under these circumstances , bad enabled his workmen te enjoy " cheap food . " He has reduced the wages of the pi inters

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    in his employ bd , in every I 7 d / / /—( loud cries of " ehame , ehame , " much cocfusion amongst the free * traders ; and a cry of " it ' s a lie , ] " That fact has been thrown in Mr . Cobden ' s own teeth , and he dared not to deny it . —( Loud cheers , in the mitiat of which a man in the bedy of the meeting said "I deny all this ;•' some confusion ensued . ) Mr . Hobson said "I have it from the printers of Manchester themsslvei *' — ( Hera another man got up and -said he knew tbis to be tha case . ) They now had ( said Mr . H . ) one awertioa against another , and so he would paS 3 on ; bat he had given them bis authority . Let them go to Manchester , and they would not find the matter disputed there . ( A cry of "has thou any cheap boofes to sell ? " ) If I have , I have not come here to sell them : so there ' s thy answer . ( Another cry , 'tThe cause of distress ? " )

    Mr . Hobson exclaimed : That gentienran asfcs for tha " cause . " Wherever has he been ? I have been telling him the causa , showing him tbo cause . One cause I have shown him to be Free Trade . Another eau £ 3 I have shown him to be the Currency ; another Taxation ; another Cupidity ; another want of Protection to labour : but the main cause of all is , as I have conclusivety shown , the want of Power in the formation of la « vs by the Working Classes—( loud cheerj , and a cry of " give us tbe remedy from a Leaguer ) . He weuld try to accommodate tbat gentleman . He would now read his resolution , not doubting but that same one of the gentlemen who had betrayed such anxiety that the " remedy" set forth in it should not be forgotten , would baste to second it Hia resolution then was : —

    " That while this meeting most fcewtlly agrees with the object of it , as expressed in tbe ileiuotiai just now adopted ; and while it would ttladly bail the accomplishment of such object By any party aa a sew era in modern legislation , it must be true , enough to itself to declare tbat it has no hope \ iie . t such object ever will be accomplished until an eutire chance in . tbe character and composition of the REPRESENTATION " be effected . It cmnot shut its eyea to the fact that all efforts of tha working people to obtain protection FOR LABOUR have been derided and set at naught , tho most prominent of their advocates persecuted and imprisoned ; their petitions scoffed at , despised , and scornfully rejected . ; thsir wants disregarded , and their wishes thwarted : and all by a Legislating efcosen by , and representing , PARTY and class This

    meeting has reason to believe that had that Legislature been what it ought to have been , —a rtflWx of she nationrl will , —Protection for Labonr would rever have been lost , or a csurse of policy adopted to give Cupidity and Avarice unrestrained operation over Unprotected Labour ; for the national will has ever sought to maintain Labour in its proper position : and it would appear , either from the amount of gross ignorance that pervades tse legislative classes , or from a total disinclinariaw to give up fancied interest and benefit , that labour uever will be righted or secured in its true position u-.: ti ) labovb hasitsfair share of theRErRESENTATiY-E pcrwEit . ifc is for these reasons and these consiceriiiiijns that LABOUR so consistently and so pertinaciously contends for the legislative adoption of the principle a embodied in the documeut entitled the People ' s Charter . "

    For the reasons that he bad adduced in the coarse of hU general argument , that the efforts of labour to obtain PROTECTION had failed , because of having no legislative power , while Capital had ; and f *> r the want of hope that he had , that this protection would never be obtained until the people had rueb . pw « , that he proposed tbi 8 resolution . He need not dweli longer upon it If he had not advanced reasons enough , why it Bhould be adopted , he hardly thought it wan possible for him to do bo . But before he sat down he must refer to oae thing that had fallen from Dr . Sleieo . Tae Doctor had put a case , that a man requiring £ 10 to make him all right , -would be foolish enough not to accept £ l , if fee could get ifc He bsgged to tell tha Doctor tbat the working people had never refused to accept even £ 1 out of £ 10 . But they had never yet found any parly to offer them the £ ll (" Hew , hear , " from Dr ; Sleigh . ) He intended theae remarks for the gentlemen Free Traders on the platforui ; foe

    when Dr . Sleigh was uttering this portion of his remarks , those gentlemen exhibited considerable glee ; and he { Mr . Hobson ) thonghfc they looked hard at him . ' ( One of the knot alluded to here exclaimed , "You were very silent then . ") Aye , but if he were silent , he marked , the saying ; aud he marked their conduct too , -which showed that he had had his eyes about him . He thought be knew the cause of their glee , when the £ l out of £ 10 waa mentioned , and the folly of refusing it when offered , pointed out . But he told the free traders that they bad not offered even the £ 11 ! They had , however , taken pounds from the working classes . IT Dr . Sleigh could procure for them Protection fob . Labour , he was sure that th « Doctor -would and that the working classes would not rtfuse it On the contrary , they would be glad to receive it ; for it was what they most earnestly sought He begged to move the resolution . ( Mr . Hobson retired amid great

    applause . ) Mr . B . Robimson , a leading Free Trader , and Pooe Law Guardian , came forward , and said that though he disagreed with much tbat Hobson had said , yet he would second the resolution . Hobson had used great personality towards him . (" . I never , mentioned , yon , " from Mr . Hobson ) Ha . had not ; jusntiosad fcira- * . feu * what did " the place near to Bradley Mills" mean I It was well known that he lived in that direction ; and he would ask Hobson to point out whenever he had reduced his wages ?

    Mr . Hobson assured Mr . Robinson that he knew of no such case against him . When he spoke of the reduction of wages , he had given names . As for " tha place near Bradley Mills , " he meant © hove Housa ; and he asked who lived there ; and what was that man worth a few years since . Certainly he did not name Mr . Robinsen : if he had done so , he would have called him Mr . Robinson . ( A laugh , and Mr . Robinson aat down , uttering a grunt . ) A dispute then ensued between two men named O'Neile and Mnrpfey , as to whether Mr . Conden had

    reduced tbe wages of his men to tbe extent of 5 < i . in every 17 d ., as stated by Mr . Hobson . O'Neiie denied , saying Mr . Cobden had agreed to pay the price tha trade committee fixed . Murpby said Mr . Cobden did not so agree with the men . Tbe reduction made by Mr . Cobden was 6 A . in 18 d ., and not 17 < i ., as stated by Mr . Hobson , He knew this to be fact ; for be belonged to the Block Printer ' s Union , and knew eometbiag of the trade ; much more , he believed , than O'Neile did . This statement made a powerful impression on the meeting .

    The Chairman put Mr . Hobaon ' s motion , and it waa carried with great applause . Mr . Henry Lord moved the next resolution , aa ' allows : — "Thatthis meeting cannot separate without expressing their acknowledgment and thanks to Dr . Sleigh , for bis having paid Huddersfleld tbe first visit in bis contemplated tour ; and their satisfaction and approbation at his spirited determination , to go throughout tbe country at hia own expense , on his praiseworthy undertaking , at the same time expressing their hope and confidence that the Doctor will receive such encouragement from the people as will ensure the success of this petition . " Mr . Whitworth seconded the motion , which waa carried unanimously .

    Dr . Sleigh returned thanks for tbe expression of their confidence in him . He moved a vote of thaaks to the Chairman which was seconded by the Bav . Mr . Oldham , supported by Mr . Hobson , and passed with acclamation . Shortly after the meeting terminated . [ Thus ended oae of the most important , and one of the moat enthusiastic meetings ever holden in the town of Huddersfield . The result was mest annoying to tha free-traders . They had gone to the meeting fuiiy intending to upsel it They came away fully aptet . Such a scathing as they got , before their fellow-townsmen , waa hardly ever before administered ..

    They literally writhed under it Their rage has since known no bounds . At their coteries in the public houses and temperance bouses , they have denounced tbeir castigator : their native cowardice driving them to this mode of warfare , instead of confronting him on the platform where hia statements were made . Other parties , however , are in high glee . The workiDg men present enjoyed the treat ; and now they langh and laugh away , aa the recollection of it returns upon them . Nothing baa produced such a sensation as this meeting for many a long day . We wish the free-traders joy of it

    It was important in more senses than one . Tho driving of the free-trading Mr . Robinson , by Mr . Hobaon , to second his motion , was worth s Jew ' s eye . O bow the Leaguers have bitterly complained , when the Chartists have appeared at their meetings , and proposed the Charter . " The Charter had no business there . " " The meeting was called for a specific object" "Call another meeting for the consideration of the Charter . " " The Charter * is inoat irrelevant to ^ the ooject of the meeting . " " I refuse to entertain the motion of the Charter . " Yet this Laaguer ; this man , who belongs to a party who have bo complained , and so acted , could go to a meeting called foe ah ofcieet aa specific aa

    Corn Law Repeal ; and , in obedience to the call oiif other Goose , whose tongue ought to have dropped from her head , when she made that call , seeing the much that she has bad to say about the same course at her own meetings ; at her call he could go . and second an "irrelevant " resolution ! Wht&ajudificaUon ' xilthe Chartists f O ! how we enjoyed it ; Dr . Sleigh ' s object was not " spe * cifi « . " O , no } " What , is the Charter to be forgotten ?" "Are not we to havethe Charter ? ' * Yea , Mr . Robinson ; and yoa , Messrs . Leaguers ; yon &k ? ( heCharter ; and with it you choked yourselves 1 Dare to complain again , will you , of the Chatte * being " irrelevant , " at a Corn Law Repeal meeting !

    AnotbeT thing , too , we must notice . Dr . Sleigh and his friandai did not raise the objections to the Charter , that the seconder of the resolution and bis friends have formerly done , when movedunder similar circumstance * , The Chairman did not refuse to " entertain" it . It was fairly put to the meetiujr , without murmur or dissent ? , from the promoters of the meeting . Here is another contrast to tho conduct of . the Cora Law R-jpealers . j <

    Untitled Article

    Fatal Steam Boat Accident . —Oix Sunday ; evening , -a wateitoan ' s skiff waa run down fe thfr lazmea by the Royal Tar , a Greenwich steamer . Quo yonng man named Tucker waa drowned ; and his companion , named Wright , had a narrow eeoape .

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    —~ =============== ^^ THE NORTHERN STAR- _ T

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 7, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct671/page/7/