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    • THE NORTHERN STAR, j SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1842. !
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      PCOS MANS COMPANION , FOR 1843 . IN the Press , and will be Published in the latter end of October next , the POOR MAN'S COMPANION , and POLITICAL ALMANACK , for 1843 , by Joshua Hobson . Particulars of contents in future announcements .

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      TEE COUNCIL OF THE NATIONAL COMPLETE SUFFRAGE UNION TO POLITICAL REFORMERS OF ALL SHADES OF OPINIONS . "We atoiress you , fellow countrymen , deeply impressed "with the moral obligations of men and citiiens , ' wb-sse duties nave been imposed oa ub by an authority greater than princes or rulera , comm&ndin ? ns to " do iinto oS bk « as tre < cou ! d icish them io do ttnto vs , " consequently requiring us tf lend iha . t aid , -which ourselves wool d desire , to extricate from their condition the millions of our brethren who , by the oppression or Deflect of niiers , are plunged in the lowest depths or misery , groping in ignorance , and daily sinking in « ime . " ito&t that CVcistianebli

      Tboarh -we believe great - gation c&lla np 3 n all men to assist in freeing their brethren from the power of the oppressor , yet , at this crisis , -we address ourselves especially to you , the Reformers of the United Kingdom ; becatrsa it isf « you—tie active and intelligent spirit 3 of . profession—you , -who desire to see justice established where justice is etftfaroned—it is for you in yocr energy , \ inion , &nd self-sicrificing resolution to determine , Trtiether < nu country shall rise in freedom , knowledge , and happiness , or-sink as & had of beggared serfs , benesth the paralysing power of a corrupt and selfish oligarchy . Ih tfaos addressing you , we desire not to arouse your passions , -we ltcmld only awaken tirc nobTer feelkigs of justvee , humanity , and Christian ck . * y , considering our cause too sacred to be promoted fey violence , « r bensfited by wrong .

      To yon we used not depict the ¦ widespread misery of our country ^ : most of you are faoiliar -with it in all its Bidremng t jnrts , and vast numbers of you are already its ricti-ns . Bat we ask yon , wi& all the sofeer earnestness of "men and Christians , wbether yen wiH unite with * ls in one general bond of brotherhood ? " and by -persevering , peaceful , energetic means , resolve , at any personal hacrifi . ee , to stay the progress of our national debasement—to check the ravages of starving poverty —to remove the . dragchaine of monopoly , the qverburdeaing pressure of taxation , the progress of crime , the raoe-destroying-carse of wrr , and , under the blessing of beaven , free aai country torn the accumulating evils of corrupt and semsh legislfcfcioii ?

      Fellow counlrymen , we are not desirous of interfering with your present local crrangements , but -we call npon yon to mefct U 3 in the spirit of truth and justice ; to determine , -with singleness of purpose irhai is best to be done to > jra £ thtpolitiui artdsoclal 'deliverance of oar coimUi / . and having once determined to concentrate oar all cur energies to the accomplishment of such a glorions consummation . This we think can be-doce , _ without the aina ' igamaiion of societies between whem differences cf opinions and modes of action exist ; this can be done lega . if , constitntiocally , and effectively ; all that is necessary for its accomplishment is union , energy , and self sscriS . ce , or . c ' J . poirds of agrecatiKt , and forbearance , toleration , and Christian charity , where dirlVrenctss of opinion to

      exist-But in the election cf representatives to meet in such a Conference , all party spirit nniEt be excluded , all efforts for forcing individual views through t-e power of numbers icnsi be avoided ; a victory obtained by Eceh intolerant , overbearing policy , would be to defeat our cbjrct— tbat of having a fcir- ' y constituted ' Natiosal Co > f £ SGNCE , a body in whom ail shades of Reformers among the middle and working classes may place cantidfcDce , and under whose peaceful and legal guidance we may unitedly contend , till we have secured the blessing and fruits of freedom .

      We are aiw > desirous that the fc ~ amj Conference shall be the means of effecting a better understanding and closer union between the middle and working classes , than has hitherto existed ; feeling convinced , that so long as the enemies of the people can ~ keep them divided , so long will they beta be victimised by a corrupt ted liberty-hating aristocracy . We call , therefore , opon the middle classes to send their representatives to confer with those of the working classes , to see how far they can remove the cause of animosity , apprehension , and disunion ; bow far arrangements may

      ba uia-ie to secure our mutual objects speedily and peccecz , 1 }' , and thus free ourselves from the grasping insolence cf faction , guard against the storm of anarchy , be secure against military despotiim , and unitedly raising ep the intelligence and virtues of the democracy on the basis of free institutions , hasten the consummation of that happy period , when " our swords shall be bea : en i : ; to ploughshares , and eur spears into pruning ho-jks , " and when every man shall sit down in p « . aca ani security to erjoy the fruits of honest industry .

      Having been appointed to make arrrangements for ; the ca ; :: n £ of a C-jnf « recee to consider the details essen- ; till for the carry Eg out of the principles on which the ' Rational Complete SoiFra . ee Union is founded ; and as i its paramount «* ject is to effect a union beticecu the \ inicd ' z and iccrk . n ; c ' assts . io secure iht jiist and tqual ¦ repressrualion of the . irhote people , we think it our duty tt > submit s « ch propositions for the consideration of ; the Conference as n . ay be best promotive of that end . j " We therefore subiiit the following propositions . for the j consideration of lbs Conference , wnich we call upan you , ths TUfcnatrs of the United Kingdom , to j elect : — i

      1 . To determine en the esssentt&l details cf an . act ; of Parliament , necessary fer securing the just reprf sen- j tatKmortne vrho 2 e ~ aduit male population ef the United K- ' ngrioni cf Great Briciin and Ireland ; snea act to embrace the principles and details of Complete Suffrage , equal tlcctoral districts , vote by ballot , no property j qualification , pavaent of members , and annual par- ' Laments , as adopted by the first Complete Suffrage , Conferecea . . [ 2 T- » determine what members cf parliament shall ; be sppoiatt-d to introtin ;* : tbesaid act into the House of \ Comruons ; and in what manner other membera of the ] House shail he cilled upon to support it . i 3 To endeivonr to asc . rtain how far the friends of '

      OErestrictcd acd absolute frtedoni of trade will unite " with us to obtain such tn act of parliament , provided ¦ we resclve to use our ne * Jync < iniredfrinchis intivour I cf such L-eedom cf tra- ' e , and to vote only for such as i "will p ' . tdge tbfemselvts in iis favour . - 4 . To dtvise the bc ^ t means for maintaining compe- J tent p ^ rlianien ' . sry candidates pletiged to our principles ; the most effectual means by which assistance may be rendered to tiu ; n in aJI elec t oral contests ; and also the btat means for registering the electors and non-• electurs throashout the kingdom who may be disposed to promote cur c > -j = c '_ s . 5 To consider the propriety of calling upon tke municipal electors to adop : imitiediat * measures for securing theelcc'ioa of stivh men oniy to represent them in their local governments , as are known to be favjurable to the principles of comulete suffrage

      6 . To csll upon our frlloTr-ccur . trymen Eeriously to consider ths grc .-it extent to which , in various ways , they wiliiniiy co-operate with tbtir oppressors ; and asctrtain how far they may be disposed to prove their devotion t * the causr of liberty , t y refusing to be used for Vhe puryoses of war , crutltj , and injustice , ' snd particuliriy by tie cikusa cf iiituxicating articles , 7 . To express ibtir opinion as to the propriety of the people giving their countenance and support to all thoie who may seff ^ r from expensing their cause . 8 . To determine tba best legal ani constitutional means for energetically and peaceably promoting the above o ^ -ct 3 ; fjr checking all kinas of violence and commotion by -which the ene&iy triumphs ; for the dissemination of soaad pclltiaal knowicJce , and for spreading the principles of sobriety , peace , sad toleration throujhout the country , and b 7 _ evtry just and Tir tcous means preparing the pec- »' . e ior tht prop&r exercise of tiaeir political and social Hchts .

      9 . To devise mean- ; for raising a national facd for the purpose of promoting the above objects , as we : i aB to protect all persons who , in their peaceful prosecution of ifcern ,. shall become victims of uEjuit laws cr despotic ordinances . In order to convince the middle classes that the "WorkiEg population haTe t » ulterior object inimical to the general welfare of society , we s . dvue that they xn ^ et in the forthcoming Conference on terms of perfect equality to discuss these important proposition ?; feeling convinced that our principles need no other fiiu tfcau rbtir own intrinsic excellence ; having trutfa for Ihiir biiis , and the happiiiess of the human fami . y for their end , and affording the best guarantee for the Btcnxjty uf private property , which we regard as sacied ana inviolable , tQually in the poor man ' s iabour and

      ¦ the" rich rnaa's posstssion . We tbtrefcre advise that pnbiic meetiag 3 be called by advertisement or placard of rot less than funr days in every town throughout the kingdom , inviting the- inhabitants to elect representatives to tcld a National Conference at Birniingfcam , oa Tuesday , the 27 th of December , 1842 , for the purpose cf dtcidlcg on an Act of Pariiament-f-r securing tiie ja > t representaticn of t :: o vfhoie ptopie ; and for dttiriuiiilng on-arch , peaceful . lecal , and constitutional means as may cause j ; to become the law-of these realms . That two repreEoataiives be sent from the smaller towns and bbicuchs , having less than 5 . 000 inhabitants , and four from the larger ones , txctpting that louden , Edinburgh , Siraiicgham , ilancheiter , Glasgow , and XdYerpoul Tn ^ . r send six reprtsentatives , but no

      snore . Thai one half of the representatives shall be appointed by the electors , And half by the non-electors The meetings fox such purpose to be held separate , unless tint both . classes cm agree in having ail the representatives chesen at one meeting , which we earnestly recommend ; but w&ere they do not so agree , the two classes are cot io itterfere with each other's meetings , otherwise the election shall be declared void . That , jboald the authorities iBierfere or trespass on this coMtitatiooal right of publks meeting , bo as to prerent taj meeting from being held , the leading men of the two rfomrrn >« h « n tbec cause omination lists to be made ORt , recommending their cetpectivs candidate * , iach lista to be publicly notified , and left in pnbiic situations to receive the ctgnatnzea of the inhabitants , these having the greater number of signatures to be declared duly elected .

      That the places sending representatives make * rr = ngemenU for defraying their expense * . That , as our Irish brethren are prohibited , by excln-* : Tt : and oppressive laws , bom sending representatives x ¦ : uch a conferesoe , ws especially invite , and will in . ve u viiitoTi , all who approve of the object of cur meeting , and who chare toe confidence of the people of that conn toy . St > n'd the police or the authorities of any town , in theii ubbire to ktifle public opinion , wilfully icterrnpi

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      or unjustly interfere with the right of public - meetings , called for legal objects , we advise that the people In thost places cause proper evidence t « be Vaken of such interruption , bo that the question mav be ^ q ^ ^ higher courts of law ; bo that Englishmen may learn whether those rights of which they are proud to boast , the rights of publicly asxmbling , ctn < i reasonably declaring ikeir opinions , are sacred and inviolable , or whether they depend on the fiat of Borne local magistrate—on a portion of those who hate liberty—or a servant of Government armed with staffand sabre . Believing that the abovs objects are perfectly just and legal , being in conformity with our ancient constitution ^ usages , being the only rational and proper means for ajcertaintag the public opinion of the coantry upon any great question affecting the general welfare , -we especiaKy invite your co-operation and support .

      We reaain your friends and fellow citizsns , the mem bers of tbe Complete Suffrage council . Signed oa their behalf , Joseph Stcrge . Bliminghaai 9 th Month , ( September ) 12 th , 1842 .

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF SCOTLAND . Feixow Countrymen , —Oar country is now in that state that calls for the active exertions of every one that kas its welfare at heart . Borne down by the bondtge and injustice of class legislation , and its manifold wrongs , the convulsions that at present agitate it tell that the momentous crisis of its fate is at hand ; in which its native strength and energy will subdue and expel the disease that afflicts it , — or it will sink under it and b » destroyed . If ever our principles were needed , no excuses but those drawn from imbecility or dishonesty can be offered ; therefore , we address you with the conviction that you « . re men who will not idly survey the destruction of your country ' s happiness without an effort to avert it .

      Millions of our countrymen are starving , and while writhing under the fangs of hunger , feel also th « mental torture of an enslaved , insulted , and degraded condition . They have asked for bread , and received bayonet stabs , musket shots , gabre wounds , and the bludgeon fractures of the most cowardly and vile , yet blood-thirsty ruffians . Sir James Graham has usurped the power of the legislature , and made the vagabond mercenaries of the land judgeB of the law—while the political partisans of the bench are labouring to subvert the constitution by declaring the Queen ' s proclamation to be law ; and thus laying prostrate the rights of the people at the fest of an unprincipled Home Secretary and corrupt magistracy . We are

      convinced that only by the establishment of our principles can we be relieved from this misgovernment . Our principles are widely spread through the land ; associations from them are numerous , but we have no common centre in "which our powers can meet and be united ; each locality is left to its own individual exertions and knowledge ; thun the means of union are wanting , and the efficiency of our agitation impa i red , the proof of which may be seen in the la : e occurrences in Scotland , where , when the whole country was agitated with the question , " What shall we do" there was no authorised or known source through which the opinions of the various localities could be gathered , which led to much misunderstanding and iDJury to our cause , and to individGal 3 .

      When the year commenced , your delegates met in Glasgow , and laid down the plan of an-efficient organization and communication . They elected a National Secretary , on whose office depended the proper working of the system . It can be no misfortune to say that the office is vacant now , for it never was filled . Whether from want of confidence of the people in the person appointed , or a want of desire in him to fill it , the country knows bsst ; but that it never was filled all will admit . If necessary when he was appointed , the National Secretary is more necessary now .

      In compliance with letters w « have received fro a various places , and the desire that we know exists in others , we have taken it upon us to call a meeting of delegates , to be elected at public meetings , and to meet in Whitechapel , Edinburgh , on Monday , the 3 rd of October , at two o ' clock , to take intoJwmsideration the best means to give efficiency to our agitation , and establish our principles . Among these considerations will be the organization , the election of a National Secretary , with or without a council , hi 3 or their powers and duties , the best Beans to improve our present organization , and to extend it ; what we should do as to the infringement of the rights of public meetings , passive resistance , and the way and means to carry on our agitation . We trust that all parts of the country will respond to this call , and send representatives of honest intentions , sound judgment , and stern determination , Tnos . Blackie , Secretary . Edinburgh , Sept . 8 th , 1842 .

      Preparation Of The

      PREPARATION OF THE

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      IHE PROJECTED NATIONAL CONFERENCE . Elsewhere we give the address of Mr . Stubge , and the Council of the national complete scf-FBiC £ unjoNj to political Reformers of all shades of opinion , in reference to this important subject . The Conference is now fixed for Tuesday , Deo . 27 th . This arrangement is much more likely to be an effectual one , than the former hurriedproject of holding the Conference on the 7 th instant . Nothing can be more important th \ n that at this time the intelligence and

      the energy of the whole people should be brought together into one focu 3 ; concentrated and directed towards one object—the establishment and maintainance of universal justice . To effect this it is necessary that the people should understand and know each other ; that their leaders should understand and know each other ; that as one miad and one spirit actuates all the honest friends of freedom , as to the end sought , so one purpose and opinion may pervade them also , as to the means by which to comp ass it . Hence we hailed with delight and satisfaction the announcement of this National Conference in the first instance .

      Precipitate and ill-judged aa we thonght it , in the matter of the time selected for its session , we still pressed on the people the necessity of rendering it aa effective a 3 might be , at that short notice , for its avowed purpose . We saw , however , very serious objections ( independent of the despotic terrorism which might interfere with the election of delegates ) to the holding of the Conference without giving to the country due time for the consideration and

      discussion of the macy and important matters to be brought before it , It must of necessity , had it met at the former period , have been regarded rather as a Conference of individuals in whose talent and honesty the people had Borne confidence , than as a Conference of delegates duly instructed ; and acquainted with the wishes of the people . This must of necessity , however wise its determinations , have detracted much from their due share of weight and influence .

      \> e regard as an object of the first and highest consequence the eeeoringof unity among the people ' s friends ; the breaking down of those barriers of distinction so artfully erected by the enemy for the separating of the people into groups and companies ranged under different leaders , and acting without concert or agreement . Tba robber factions know well the importance of keeping ap disagreements upon what Mr . Stubge and his friends very properly denominate " Bhades of opinion "; and hence their viHanons , and , but too successful , efforts to

      draw wide the line between the people generally , whom they style O'Cownobites , and such amongst them as , while agreeing with their fellows upon all main points of principle and policy , may have dissented from them upon minor and more unimportant points , such aa leaderships , and personal attachment or dislike . It has alwaya suited the purpose of the enemy to magnify these " shades of opinion " into serious and important matters ; to land those who stickle for them , as patriotic , wise , intelligent ,

      and . peaceful politicians ; that they may the morj successfully array them against the main body of the army of liberty , upon whom they of course charge violence , physical force , and all sorts of frightfulness , without the least regard to truth and honesty either in their laudations or their denunciations . Knowing this , we felt no surprise at the followiag spicy matter , which we give from the Morning Chronicle : —

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      u The doctrine of Universal Suffrage has taken each a deep and general hold of the minds of the people , that it la the policy ov the government TO LABODB RATHER AT SEP ABATING THE ENORMOUS MASS OP ITS ADHERENTS INTO THEIR DIFFERENT shades of greater or less incompatibility with the present order of things , than at confounding them all in the same sweeping censure and reprehension . IT IS THE INTEREST OF THE GOVERNMENT ITSELF TO MAKE A WIDE DISTINCTION . * * « ,

      " Ws HAVE SEEN "WITH QBEAT PLEASURE THE TENDENCY OP EVENTS TO WIDEN THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TWO SECTIONS OP CHARTISTS—to diminish the numbers of the violent O'CONNOR section , and augment the force of those who hold with STURGE and LOVETT . " Of oonrse it is the game of the Chronicle and its patrons to keop up division in the Chartist ranks ; while it should be the chief object of the people to put down divisions , to draw themselves into one firm indissoluble phalanx , a / td ( or that purpose to distinguish carefully between such public characters as advocate measures likely to produce and insure a union of thought and action among the friends of right , and such as , while they talk much of union , yet minister to the upholding of division .

      We think the first and chief business of a National Conference to be the devising of means , whereby the whole body of Chartists may be banded together for one object ; seeking it by simultaneous and perfectly harmonious efforts . It was on this account , and on this only , that wa disagreed with the decisions of the first Stubge Conference . We thought them to evince a desire rather to divide than to unite the people ; hence we suspeoted the sincerity of their professions . We could not understand why , having declared themselves Chartists , by the adoption of the Charter , they should seek to lead away the

      people from strict unity of action , by establishing a diBtinot National society for Chartist purposes , instead of aiding that already in existence ; the more especially as they assigned no reason why they considered the existing Chartist organization deficient or impolitic ; and as they always disclaimed any intention of interfering with it , or any wish that it should be given up in favour of their own . This appeared to us to be inconsistent with their avowed desire for union , and we still think it so . Our opinion has undergone no change . Had the Complete Suffrage men objected to the National Organization as ineffectual , or even as illegal , and had

      they , therefore , desired to supersede it by ah organization which they supposed to be better suited for the accomplishment of the intended purpose and the effectual uniting of the people , we should have regarded that as a much greater evidence of sincerity , in their avowed desire for union among the people , than the course they did adopt . They did not attempt to supersede the National Organization . On the contrary , they have always said that they had no wish to do so ; that they desired to see the Chartists go on with their own organization ; while they established another scarcely differing from it at all , but yet serving to prevent the cordial co-operation of its adherentB with the great Chartist body .

      This very expression of a wish not to supersede , or interfere with , the existing Chartist organization , though paraded by the Complete Suffrage men and their apologists as liberal and conciliatory , has always been , and still is , to us , a very dark-looking presumptive evidence of an intention , on the part of those who urge it , only to divide the people into distinct sections , that faction might deal with them more easily . It has been urged , however , in justification , that this course was necessary , because some persons among the middle classes had expressed

      themselves favourable to the principles of the Charter , but had not enough of patriotism to overcome per sonal considerations ; that there might be some who would join a Complete Suffrage Union , and work with Joseph Sturge , whom no consideration could induce to join a Charter Association , and work with Feargus O'Connor , and other known leaders of the people . This argument seems plausible at first Bight , but is deceptive , and furnishes an admirable answer to itself . The object of the National Charter Association and Feabgus

      O'Connor is well known ; it is to carry the Charter ; the avowed object of Joseph Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Union is precisely the same thing . If then ' Joseph Stukge and the Complete Suffrage Union [ intend to carry the Charter , and if they be sincere in the expression of their opinion , that it cannot be carried without union , and of their consequent desire to promote union , they must intend , however dissevered in name , to work in unison with Feahgus O'Connor and the National Charter Association ; the more especially as they openly avow that they do not wish to see these set aside , but want to see them &o

      on And if Joseph Sturoe and the Complete Suffrage Uaion be seeking precisely the same thing as Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association , and working in unison with them for its attainment , these fastidious sticklers must be arrant fools not to see that in working with Joseph Sturoe and the Complete Suffrage Union , they are working with Feargus O'Connor and the National Charter Association . It comeB then to one of two things , either the Complete Suffrage Union is intended to counteract the efforts of the Chartists , and so to prevent the attainment of the Charter , under the guise of seeking it ; or the advantages of

      perfect unity of action by the people are sacrificed for the mere pleasing of a tew fools who suppose a difference between sheep ' s flesh and mutton , and who thus prove themselves incapable of bringing to the movement any such stock of sense or honesty as may be useful to it . On either of these suppositions the existence of the two bodies is an evil . Nothing is of so much moment and consequence as oneness . Every other consideration ought to be unhesitatingly thrown overboard by the people until they have that first of all requisites to a successful public struggle , an agreement of opinion aud operation , among their recognised leaders , and the consequent concentration of their own powers .

      We believe that a really National Conference , chosen" freely and fairly" by the whole people , would do much towards the effecting of this object ; and we therefore rejoiced at the proposal of Mr . Sturge to summon such a conference . We are always willing and desirous to ascribe whatever we dissent from rather to imperfect judgment than to evil purpose ; and we regarded this step of Mr . Sturge and the Council of the Complete Snffrage Union as the first evidence we had yet seen of their sincerity in desiring to unite in one virtuous phalanx the people and their friends .

      The time , originally fixed on was , as we have before said , ill-chosen for the honest carrying out of the avowed purpose ; it was calculated to engender a suspicion that the real purpose was to take advantage of the confusion whioh the League scoundrels had succeeded in creating—of the temporary consternation among the people—and to ' widen the breach between the two sections of ChartiBts , " as the Morning Chronicle has it . We did not overlook this , but we never impute motives wrongfully ; and as we had no proof that this was the motive , we of oourse did not impute it . We implored

      the people only to take care that the Conference should be really National , and that its members should be men whom they could trust . That ground cf suspicion is removed . There is now enough of time before the meeting of the Conference for the fermentation to subside , for the coolness of the people to return , and for all proper and necessary steps for the election of delegates to be taken . We assumed , and took for granted in the first instance , that the avowed object of the

      conveners of thia Conference was their real object ; that they purposed , by a bringing together of the " people's friends , " "freely" chosen so as "folly and fairly" to represent the people , to decide upon and adhere to a " specific course of conduct ; " that their par pose was to inquire into the causes of division , with a view to their removal , and to form the whole people into one oompaofc body . We were delighted at the prospect , and prepared to help forward so desirable a project with our whole might . We feel a little disappointed , therefore , at

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      perceiving , or thinking we perceive , in the Very outset of the address now issued , some evidence that our pleasing anti-cessations were unreal . We may misunderstand the following parag raph , though we are desirous not to do so : — " Fellow countrymen , we are not desirous of interfering with your present local arrangements , but we call upon you to meet in the spirit of truth and justice , to determine , with singleness of purpose what is best to be done to effect the political and social delvrermce of our country , and having once determined to concentrate all our energies to the accomplishment of such a glorious oor summation . Th ? 9 we think oan be done , without the amalgamation of societies between whom differences of opinions and modes of action exist . ' *

      ThiB seems to us to indicate , on the part of Mr . Sturge and the Complete Suffrage Council , a purpose to withstand any effort to obtain unity of operation by an amalgamation of the two societies . We think we have shown sufficiently , already , that two National sooieties , having the same object , cannot co- exist without materially weakening and injuring each other . We think , therefore , that whenever a National Conference of the people's friends may be holden , one of their most grave and serious matters of consideration will be , the best

      means of amalgamating the whole people into one body , whioh , animated by one soul , guided by one head , should prosecute one object , and that object the downfall of faotion and the establishment of right . It will be for those who think that separate societies may exist , and pursue the same object unitedly , to show how this can be done ; and if it be made apparent that the people ' s cause can be better served without such an w amalgamation , " none will more earnestly , more heartily , and more cheerfully subserve purposes , and adopt recommendations so sustained , than we .

      The Council of the Complete Suffrage Union have very properly suggested several propositions , whioh they think ought to be discussed by such a National Conference as should " freely , fully , and fairly " represent the whole people at this crisis of affairs . If we understand rightly the address , it is intended that the discussion of the nine propositions therein contained shall constitute the whole business of the Conference ; and in truth they seem to us to be sufficiently

      comprehensive in character for all the legitimate purposes even of such a Conference . We request attention to these nine propositions . It is most important that the people should well understand them . There is room for much discussion , and for a variety of opinions , on each of them , except , perhaps , the seventh and ninth , on which we fancy there is not muoh room for discussion . The seventh runs thus : —

      " To express their opinion as to the propriety of the people giving their countenance and support to all those who may suffer from espousing their cause . " We presume that on thia question there oan be but one opinion among those who deserve the name of 11 friends of the people ; " and amongst these we desire certainly to rank Mr . Sturoe and the council of the Complete Suffrage Union ; but we can

      not permit that desire to induce us to conceal from the people our knowlege of the fact , that at a meeting of that Council , we believe the very same meeting at which these propositions and this address were agreed to , a copy of an address from the Committee for the defence of George White , presented by deputation to the Chairman , requesting the cooperation and assistance of the Council in raising funds for his defence , was returned with the single word " NO ! " written on a bit of paper !

      This fact is testified to us by one on whose veracity we oan rely . We leave it to give to the people its own evidence of the anxiety of the Complete Suffrage Counoil to " countenance and support those who may suffer from espousing the people ' s cause . " We can entertain no doubt that the people and their friends , through the whole country , will gladly help the Council of the Complete Suffrage Union , in the words of their ninth proposition , " to devise means for raising a National Fund for the purpose of promoting all the objects connected with the

      attainment of the Charter , as well as to protect all persons who , in their peaceful prosecution of them , shall become victims of unjust laws or despotic ordinances ; " but we scarcely think that this fund would be best raised , or thoBe persons best protected , by the mode which the council thought fit to adopt in reference to George White . "NO , " will pay " no" fees to counsel ; will provide " no" sustenance for starving wives and children ; will give " no" encouragement to others to fill up the gaps made in our ranks by tyranny ; will give " no" impetus to tho desponding energies of

      patriotism whilst suffering in the people ' s cause ; will furnish "no" motive , such as usually acts on human nature , to increased ardour or perseverance : will give " no" check to the rude licence of authority ; offer " no" bar to the inroadB of faction ; give " no ' furtherance to the cause of right . In faot , this " no" is just the most useless thing that can be , aa a means for the effectuating of any good purpose ; though it is one that we can well recommend the people to make use of when their consent or co-operation to or with evil , however well disguised , may be required . This act of the Complete Suffrage Counoil , in writing

      "HO" upon tho application of the Chartists for poor White , may form a useful precedent . We like short replies , and to the point . We hope that the people will take lessons in this school of brief eloquence . We recommend them , when they are next asked to " countenance and support " those who are countenanced and supported by the Morning Chronicle , to write "N 0 " acros 3 . the paper . We advise them , when they are asked to " widen the breach between the two sections of Chartists , '' to reply " NO . " We adviBe them , if they are asked whether there are or can be " two sections of Chartists , " to reply "NO . " " He that gatbereth not with us scattereth abroad . "

      Seriously , we regret muoh this act of the Complete Suffrage Council . It tells little for the sincerity of their much-vaunted liberal and charitable views and of their avowed desire io unite the people in one holy bond of brotherhood against tyranny in all its forma . We have said that the propositions o be brought before the Conference are important ; hat they require and deserve the best attention of the people . We again recommend them to attention : especially the third : ¦—• " To endeavour to ascertain how far the friends of unrestricted and absolute freedom of trade will unite with us to obtain such an Act of Parliament , provided we resolve to use our newly-acquired franchise in favourof ' such freedom of trade , and to vote only for such as will pledge themselves in its favour . "

      The great point to which we have always sought to keep the attention of the people , in connexion with the Stubge men has been this : however anxious they ma 7 really be for the obtainment of the Charter , there is too much reason to suppose that it is not from any love of the Charter , but because they regard it as a means whereby their Free-trade theories can be wrought out . We detest all subterfuge and trick . We desire to see the people bind themselves to no course but that which they are prepared to follow ; and we desire to see them universally regard their pledge as binding . Hence we would caution them most seriously against sending delegates to any Conference with in-Btruotions to pledge the people to use the franchise

      when they get it , only for ** Extension" and u League" purposes , and to vote only for each candidates as pledge themselves in favour of those purposes . The object of this proposition is , most clearly , supposing it could be carried by the Conference , to deliver the whole movement and giro the whole strength of the agitation to the Free Traders ! the very thing against which vre warned the people as the purpose of the Stubob men on their first coming out . If anything could have increased our suspicion of the Stdroe men , and confirmed our opinion of the insincerity of their whole movement , it i the wording of this proposition . And if any farther confirmation had been wanting ; if we had wished for evidence ,

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      which God knows we did not , that this Conference wasprojeoted without any reference to , or care for , the people's interests , but simply for the purpose of making them tools in the hands of faotion , we have that evidence abundantly supplied in the conditions laid down in this address for the eleotion of the representatives . Those conditions are : — " That one-half of the representatives shall be appointed by the electors , and half by the non-eleotors . The meetings for such purpose to be held separate , unless that both classes can agree in having all the representatives chosen at one meeting , which we earnestly recommend ; but where they do not so agree , the two classes are not to interfere with each other ' s meetings , otherwise the election shall be declared void . "

      A more glaring exhibition of the real object and purpose of the getters-up of this Conference , a more certain proof that it is an " extension" and "League" job , that it is a deliberately concocted plot , to sell the people into the hands of the freetrading crew of flesh-mongers , could not have been exhibited , than is here given . A more bare-faced evidence of hypocrisy it has seldom been our lot to see , than the proposition for this " National" (!) Conference furnishes . Mr . Sturge and his Counoil talk glibly , as if reading from a book , about a "fairly constituted National Conference ; " the

      italics and small capitals are their own . They say that" in the election of representatives to meet in such a Conference , all party spirit must be excluded , all efforts for forcing individual views through the power of numbers must be avoided . " They state the object of the Conference to be " to secure the just and equal representation of the whole people , " and yet they insist that one-half of the representatives to this " National" Conference 6 hall bd appointed by the eleotors , and the other half by the non-electors , and that , in any case of this rule being deviated from the election

      shall be deolared void !! And this is Mr . Sturge ' s way of securing a just and equal representation of the whole people 111 If the people need any further argument to convince them that Mr Sturge and tho whole party with whom he acts , seek only to use the people as tools for the serving of their own ends , they are much duller than we take them to be . Nothing can bo more important than that the people should know their friends ; that they should know who seek to promote their interests , and who seek merely to use them for the promotion of their own interests . We havo all along suspeoted that these very

      democratic middle classes were not the men to trust , and we are now satisfied of it . We trust the people are so too , and that the Sturge men will have the glory of their Conference to themselves . The people want no " national" Conference , in which " individual" aud " party" views shall be " forced through the power of numbers . " They know that the present House of Commons is appointed by the Electors ; they know how that house has treated all matters and things appertaining to the Charter ; they know how it received the National Petitions ; they know how it treated the Dorchester Labourers ; they know how it now treats Frost and his co-victims ; they know how it supported the Whig Government in its crusade

      against Chartism in 1839 ; they know how it now supports the Tory Government in a like crusade ; they know how it has invariably , by every means and at all hazards , perpetuated class distinctions and class domination ; they know all this ; and they know that that House is appointed by the Electors ; and they know consequently that it needs no conjuror to find out that a National" Conference , with onehalf of its delegates appointed by the electors , and with friend Stubge and his Council to make up the majority , would adopt no " specific course of conduot " that they did not think likely still to perpetuate class distinction and domination . No , no , friend Sturge ; we guess the people will write " NO" upon that document . ¦

      Besides , what a piece of vile hypocrisy to cant about "full , fair , and free representation ; " to . call this a " National" Conference ; and to talk of its " securing a just and equal representation of the whole people , " while the half of its delegates are appointed by a fraction of less than half a million out of twenty-eeven millions ! ! ! " Full , fair , and free , " eh , friend Sturge ! We guess , " NO . " The people have been at that shop too often . . .

      The Conference was chit fly valuable aa it might afford an opportunity of testing the sincerity , and determining the character of those who affect to be leaders in the Sturge movement . It was chiefly valuable , as it promised a settlement of differences , and a bringing together of the people ; who had been separated by tho " new new-moving" project . This was the chief useful object which the Conference , had it b « enheld , and had it been national , could have accomplished . Sturge and the Council have accomplished it already I They have shown us plainly

      their object and their drift . We know them now . The simple and unsuspecting who have been entrapped by them into their " new move" snuggery will speedily escape . The people will , if we mistake not greatly , do that effectually now which in our first article upon the last Conference at Birmingham , we told them was what they should do : they will leave them alone in their littleness ! They will point at them the finger of scorn , and say , "Ah I Messrs . Full , Fair , and Free , you had baited your snare with chaff ; but its no go ! The Chartists are old birds , and not to be thus caught !"

      We think , then , the question of the Sturge Conference is now settled . The people will not be so " green" as to take the least notice of any thing said or done by such a " National Delegation , " even if the super-farce ; the bye-play , of hypocrisy and idiocy , should be enacted . We trust , however , that it will not ; or , at all events , that if the Sturge men are determined to have a " talk" of their own and call it a " National Conference , " they will recall the preseut proposition , and issue one in which there shall be less risk and more

      common sense . If in every other respect the calling of this Conference had been perfectly unexceptionable we should have implored the people on no account to permit a single delegate to be appointed to it without a revision of the terms in whioh it is called . Mr . Stubge and his Council " advise that public meetings be called by advertisement , or placard of not less than four days , in every town throughout the kingdom , inviting the inhabitants to elect representatives to hold a National Conference at Birmingham , on Tuesday , the 27 th of December , 1842 , FOR

      THE PURPOSE OF DECIDING ON AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT . " ThiB is either rank folly or rank treachery . We presume not to say which ; though we hope and belinvo it to be the former The Conference cannot decide upon an Act of Parliament . It may decide upon the preparing of a Bill , and upon the asking of some M . P . to introduce that Bill into Parliament . This is all it can [ do ; and this is all it can legally meet to do . If the Conference meet to DECIDE ON AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT it commits Treason HI It usurps the functions . andBets aside the au ihority of Parliament ;

      making itself into a legislative body . Weshouldthink Mr . Sturge and bis Council need not to be instructed , how very necessary it is , just now especially , in all popular movements , to be cautious ; to commit , neither by deed or word , an infraction of th # law ; and to give no pretext to the tools of despotism to interrupt our operations . It surely is not necessary to remind those who write " NO " upon the applications made to them to support those who are suffering from alleged violations of law , that they should at all events be careful not to lead the people into violations of the law .

      We say nothing of the fact , that it might have been a foul plot to get together all the people ' s friends—all those in whom they have trust and confidence—all those upon whose talent , energy , and perseverance the movement hangs , and consign the whole batch at one swoop to Government . We say nothing of the fact , that this might have been the intantion of the concootors of this " national" affair ; we do not believe it was so ; we have no doubt that the matter whioh we have just pointed' out , and which will entail the legal crime of ' treason upon every man who may attend that Coniv wence , is a mere blunder , a mistake ; and we can onl ., say , God help the simpletons who trust to these blun derers as leaders ! The Complete Snffrage Council ,- » the whole matter of this Con-

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      ference have shown themselves to be as utterly void of all bnsiness capaeity . m of all political honesty . It is always a most painful thing to na to see any man or men . ia » position which of necessity writeB knave or fool upon the forehead ; and we are doubly sorry when it happens , as in the present instance , that we are reluctantly compelled to replace the or ana - So it is , however ; we are sorry for it , bat cannot help it . The people now know the Sturgb men ; they have written thoir own character in words which can never be washed out . They have proved their whole movement to be sow , and to have been from its beginning , a dishonest movement , and they hava proved themselves to be utterly incapable of sustaining with any degree of decent tact , the prominent position they have assumed in that movement .

      We now repeat the opinion we expressed respect ing them at their debut . On the 16 th of April , in this year , the week after the close of their Conference at Birmingham , and when the Complete Suffrage Union was but resolved to be established , we wrote thus : — 11 We shall probably be looked to for some opinion upon what course the people should pursue as to the future movements of this new self * constituted " National" Complete Suffrage Association . Here then is our opinion at once . The people should have nothing to do with them . They should leave them alone in their littleness , and laugh at them . The people must not oppose them ,

      for , they profess to be seeking the advancement of our principles ; let them , therefore , go oa their own way ; and if they are determined to go alone —if they are determined to make a foot-road for themselves alongside the people ' s turnpike , in God ' s came , let them walk on in it until their ancles ache and they begin to feel their loneliness But support them against the factions in all their assertions of the great principles of liberty . If they should be weak enough to take-the open field in defence of our principles relying Ou their own strength , rush to the rescue , lest the enemy should overcome them ; let them nut , by any means , be beaten by the open and avowed advocates of class legislation . Oa every public occasion when the Complete Suffragites muster for the assertion of our common priuci plea , there let the Chartists muster ?

      with them to a man ; let there be no such division in bur ranks as the enemy ean take advantage of ; let them be well protected , and by our assistance made triumphant , in every public assertion of our principles which they may attempt . But never leave them without letting them know to whom they are indebted ; never leave a meeting without a resolution pledging the people to their old leaders , so long as these remain faithful ; to their tried frienda , who have braved the battle and the breeze ; to their own national organization , which they know to be legal and efficient , and to the evidence of sincerity to the cause by enrolment in the National Charter Association . This is the advice we give the people ; we give it in all sincerity and earnestness ; and we tell them , that if it be not heeded , they are likely to have bitter and abundant reason for repentance . "

      We have not one word to add to , or alter in , this advice now . All that the people have to do with them iB to do nothing with them—to let them alone . ,

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      THE LAST OF THE "STARVED VIPER . " Mr . O'Connor ' s letter will be found in our sixth page . We have just one word to add to it . Mr . O'Connor might have stated an important faot which he has omitted , for what reason we know not : we shall supply it as it affords a key to the whole conduct of the M viper" for some months back . While in Lancaster Castle he told Martin that he saw no other way of getting through the world but by opposing O'Connor and the Star , Martin made this statement immediately after his liberation ; and all succeeding events have served to verify it . The people have now the key to the whole mystery . — It has been dragged from us very reluctantly , we had much rather have shrouded than exposed him ; but since nothing less would serve him there it is . The people now know "Jemmy O'Brien ;" and we have great pleasure in shakiag hands with so disagreeble a subject . He may now be-foul his own cess-pool at his leisure . He may rave as he pleases ; lie as he likes ; we have nothing more to say than farewell " Jemmy O'Brien" ! His name-shall never again , if we [ can help it , be mentioned , even incidentally , in our columns .

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      THE IMPORTANCE OF DEFENDING OUR VICTIM-PRISONERS BY COUNSEL . We were about to write an article on the subject , when the following , in the Evening Star of Wednesday arrested our attention . According as it does exactly with our ideas on the matter , we transfer it entire : — "We beg to call the attention of onr readers to the communication of our Leicester correspondent , by which it will be found that the Chartists of that town , with more prudence than some

      shortsighted and pugnacious politicians , have resolved upon employing counsel for Cooper ' s defence . We rejoice that their notice of the matter has called our attention to the subject , inasmuch as we attach all importance to those trials which took place at York , and others which are to follow . Perhaps there was no one circumstance connected with the Chartist movement , that gave a greater impetus to the cause , than the manner in whioh counsel for the political prisoners of 1839-40 exposed the oppressions to which the working classes were subjected , and also the manner in which the

      many brilliant and effeotive speeches of counsel were made to tell upon individuals , whose opinions , feelings , and sympathies were proof against popular eloquence and the unsophisticated language of reason and of truth telling its own unvarnished tale . Added to this , nothing more tended to evince the sympathy which existed in the minds of those who had a penny to spare , for those who were made victims of oppression . We know that the employment of the first men at the bar for the defence of any prisoner who would have counsel struck terror into the Government , and taught our

      rulers that the time was come when tyranny should not stalk unopposed , or unexposed , through the land . Had Frost , Williams , and Jones been left to their own resources , instead of now anticipating their return to their homes at some future period , the country would be mourning over their tombs . This , we think , was worth the expance . Had it not been for the firmly-expressed resolution to defend the Bradford and Sheffield men by the best talent at the bar , the Attorney-General would not have abandoned his charge of high treason , and have tried them only for riot , sedition , and conspiracy ;

      and although poor HoLBERRYhas come to an untimely end , yet would it have been anticipated by his fate upon the scaffold had not counsel for the defence threatened tyranny with further exposure . Flaws in an indictment , and admissibility or inadmissibility of evidence ; are questions for men versed in legal knowledge , and not for unlettered persons * and many are the men who have escaped the law s vengeance by the discovery of a single flaw , or the rejection of inadmissible evidence ! Could a po * operative have elicited the damning facts , wrung from the monster ruffian Harrison , as counsel did *

      We may be told that his exposare served his victims but little . True ; but it opened the eyes of mwfi who were before strongly prejudiced . Again , h * it not been made subject of boast , that wb ^ publio opinion was smothered , every Chartist tri *» was a Chartist meeting , with a Judge in the chair 5 It is always well for the caviller and the dissatisfied to attempt distinctions between the cases * some who were acquitted , and who had not eoutt * j to defend them , and thus attempt to leave * J prisoners , however charged , to the single meroj »

      a jury , and to challenge legal men with being » terested in damning onr cause . We beg * o ass ^ © ur readers that the love of praise , the gratifies' 10 " of ambition , the hope thereby to gain aoU > I ^ r . ^ promotion , very much outweigh every 'ad ^ ment that the greatest legal profligate coV have to gratify his political bias at ft ^ . ^ S of his legal oharaoter ; and never ff * ^ fact more forcibly evinced , than in tke _ stand made by Sir Frederick Pollock an * J ^ j Kelly at Monmouth , and subsequently by coos * for the Bradford and Sheffield men at *<« •

      The Northern Star, J Saturday, September 17, 1842. !

      THE NORTHERN STAR , j SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 17 , 1842 . !

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      4 THE NORTHERN STAR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 17, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct616/page/4/