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Northern Star (1837-1852), 26th March 1842, Edition 3 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      FfiARGUS O'CONNOR ON THE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE QUESriON . We take the followiit ^ from that prinoe Of C&eap peiiodiesls , the ^ nglidi . Chartist Circular : —

      " TO THE WORKING PEOPLE . « Mi dejl& Friends , —If ever there -was a time ¦ when it behoved the industrious classes of these coontrieeto 'bestiz themselves about their otto business , it is aovr . My space will not admit of much circumlocution , and , therefore , I come at once to the question ofto you—the most Tit&I importance—the question of the jafficage . - _ " Many converts have recently been made to the principle—that is , to a confession of the abstract light One set of converts declaring in favour of . the Charter , with certain reservations as to details . Another set approving of the principle , bat starting at twenty-five years of age instead of twenty-one as the qualifying period . Another set speak of manhood suffrage

      Another Bet will give us Universal Suffrage , Equal ElectoralDistricte , and the Ballot ; while another set talk of ' Complete Storage . ' Now , it is to the latter tribe of converts I shall first direct public attention . His section is headed by Mr . Stnrge , of Birmingham , a most excellent person—a man , as the world goes , a century before his order in all the distinguishing qualities which murk progression , shewing that he is aware thai the bnrnrm mind will leep pace with civilisation , and ncwnt iflf . izaproTement . Jfay , more , these may be the charactetistacs of art and cunning ; while I am free to confess that he is as far in advance of his companions in all those attributes which should adorn man , as he ib in the onward march of the science of politics . Thus I deal fairly and openly with a political

      opponent , giving to character and mind all those advantages of which I never desire to see them stripped . In fact , I declared at the outset , that I esteem and valne Mr . Sturge more than the whole party with which he is mixed up ; but I do not esteem him as much as principle , neither Bhall I allow myself to be led from the true j » th by the fanciful light of his imagination . In short , I shall deal with the question and not with the man , well knowing that a ll men are sot Sturges , and that to his proposition many 'would be parties not influenced by the same noWene » of mind or good intention . "What , then , does complete suf&age mean ? If it is not intended as a falBe light to lead us astray , must it not mean , firstly , the possession of the franchise , and secondly , the most

      fan , ample , beneficial , and COMPLETE application or u « of it ? if it does not mean this , it is not the Charter , and should be denounced . If it does mean this , it means neither more nor less than the Charter , and should be declared so by the adoption of the Charter . An undefined political term is pre-eminently calculated to lead men astray . Thus , the principle declared in the Reform Bill , that " taxation and reprexxialion should be co exlerisive , " was the principle for which , in 1832 , you contended ; that contained the whole of the Charter principle ; in it was embodied the principle cf " complete suffrage ? ' and now mark you -well the shape and form into which the Parliament that arranged the details of the Reform Bill has moulded the measure to class purposes . Let us now dearly

      understand the value of what is called " complete suffrage , ' ' as defined in the speeches and resolutions of those working with Mr . Sturge . They say first , get the vote , and then a Parliament elected by the whole people must ARSAKeE the detail . Let us , then , lake Westminster , to wit , and Bee in how far the mere election by Universal Suffrage ¦ would be •« Couplets Scffrjsge , " and whether without the very points of which they will not hear , namely , abolitjos of propkbtt qualification a >* d fatkest of membebs , it would confer more than a mere possession of these rights , while it would withhold its beneficial use and complete application . Under sueb a Suffrage , is there one single man in Westminster wwmnttnrifng your confidence and esteem , who

      would be qualified to represent yon ? Not one—you may elect , but it must be a man having If OT LESS than £ 300 n-pear . Hind , not less , while his only chance would be having very much more . I wish to instruct you well npon this point ; ^ £ 600 a-year is the LEAST qualia ' eation for a county representative , and £ 309 a-year is the LEAST for a borough representative . Now mind , that is the LEAST ; so it is in the present House , and yet see how many , how -very many , possess fifty , ninety , and Hiore than one hundred timss fche amount of THE LOWEST qualification- This , then , is my position . Firstly , debarred of the full right of free choice , the constituent frody would be indifferent ; firstly , as to the attainment of the franchise ; and secondly , as to its application .

      And instead of destroying bribery at elections , one of the evils now most eonplained of , it would but open a wider door for corruption , and thus throw a much greater weight into the golden scale , increasing by fivefold the present evils of class legislation . A man with £ 300 a-yeai in Wesminster would now have Borne eh&ace , while a man under Universal Suffrage , and no more , would have no chance whatever for Westminster . Each election would be a contest between the wealthiest and the merely qualified of the upper and middle classes ; and this is the proposed nostrum for the Abolition of Class Legislation . Now always bear in mind , my Wwwl « - that 'We are the Anti-Class Legislation Army of Chartist * . Suppose then a parlbment elected by Traversal Suffrage of qualified members . They ara

      there for xvex years , and being all class supporters there , every session would be devoted to the destruction and annihilation of these other Chartist principles to the recognition of which they look for the overthrow of their rale . The Charter Sufirage would not rob any man , while it would protect and enrich all , while complete Suffrage would merely tantalise you with the possession of a thing which yon could sot use , and would entirely prostrate labour to capital and speculation . The Charter Suffrage would , firstly , more than treble our production , now locked up , restricted and narrowed , Tiile It would cause a more . equitable distribution of the increased production . Complete Snfirage would not increase the production , while it would monopolise all that was produced . Repeal of the Corn Laws

      withont the Charter would make one great hell of England , and would only benefit steam producers , merchants , and bankers , without giving the alighest impetus to any trade , save the trade of slavery , while ii wtmld , from the consequent improvement and ElUl-Uplkation ot machinery , break every shop-kee-psr and starve one-half of our population . On the other hand , tee Charter would in less than six months from . the date of its enactment call forth all the industry , energy , and power , of every class in the state . Every trade would be at full workj every shop-keeper would be in full business , and whatever price the loaf was at , every belly would be full also . The two great things to be effected by the Charter are these : firstly , the destruction of those restrictiouB by "which mines , fisheries , and land are locked up ; * nri secondly the more equitable distribution of the consequently increased produce of HOME ; and mind , after all , you must be great at

      home before yon can be great abroad . The political economists wonld make you dependent upon the foreigner for your three meals a-day , and in ease of Bcarrity would enable him ts starve yon ; and all to make money for the mest cruel , griping , heard-hearted set of slave-owners that ever lived ; whereas the Charter "would make yon independent of the -whole -world . They -wish to make our movement auxiliary to their movement ; it is foi you now to decide whether or not , after ten years' trial of and as many years of afflrtion under , one Reform Bill , you will now waste your energies by confirming the power in the hands of those who alone were benefitted by the former measure . The fact is that men who have made millions under the present system , now wiih for a gross medium of circulation to enhance their gambling speculations , and they look to the land of the world as a mint too small to coin a measnre adequate to their capacious desires .

      " "Working men , stand by your order—the I ^ oble Ami Chaetists . "Ever your faithful friend ; "JEAB . GCS OCOSSOB- "

      Untitled Article

      Bach of your readers as may have read my former letters , will , perhaps remember , that I met this on two grounds , : 2 maintained , first , that there were subjects upon which it waa incompetent for a majority to dictate to a minority ; and , secondly , that hi this case no majority have ever declared tor the English Petition In a way to debar the Scottish people from deciding upon its merits . These were my positions ; and I adhere to them . In support of the first I stated what appeared to me the legitimate power of the majority . It was , that their decisions were to be confined to matters that " did not interfere with the private opinions of members of out body on other subjects . " The justice and propriety of this is so evident , that I imagined none would be hardy enough to dispute it . Dr M'Douall seems to have felt

      its force , for , instead of attempting to argue against it , he takes to the usual resort of foiled disputants , that is , calling names * , and characterises it as " unsophisticated expediency ! " An easy way of overturning an unassailable truth , truly 1 It he made use of the term in ignorance of its meaning , his ignorance is to be pitied , and his presumption in using words he does not understand condemned : but if he did so , to impose upon the ignorance -of rthera in whose minds the base *• expediency" practices cf the Whigs may have excited a dislike to the name without knowing its exact meaning , then his knavery is strongly to be reprobated . In either case , he has not met my argument fairly . Nothing

      can be further removed from expediency than the rule In question . ' Expediency involves an abandonment of all principle . The rule just quoted is sterling principle and nothing else . The one is a paltry and crooked shift , had recourse to for the purpose of gaining a temporary party end ; the other is based upon a great truth , the observance of which is of the utmost importance to society in all ages and in all countries , and the neglect » f which is morally certain to break up any party , or convulse any community who may be so unwise as to contravene it " Unsophisticated expediency" ! quoth the learned gentleman . ' I should like to bear his difinitlon ef the term .

      The Doctor , having declared the voice of the majority omnipotent in all things—or at least , having made no exception , I put a case , with the view of testing the soundness of this sweeping doctrine . I asked whether , if the majority of our body had decided that we were an to join the Romish Church , he thought the minority should give in ? This , it will be observed , was calculated to bring him out If he answered in the affirmative , and said that they should , then the absurd nature of his position became manifest ; if he answered in tile negative , it was tantamount to an admission that there were cases 'in which the majority had no right to dictate to the minority ; and having admitted this , it would become necessary for him to define the powers of the majority—to draw the line to which they might go , but no further , a task which , if he attempted , would bring him to the . sentiments he immediately afterwards repudiates as . " unsophisticated expediency . " He " was in a corner , " as the phrase is , and he saw it , for his answer is this : —

      Answer (?)— " Speaking for myself , I would not be disposed , for expediency ' s sake , to take up the crucifix of the Irish Church to please the priests , any more than the creed of a Christian Chartist Church to conciliate the fanatics . " This " answer" ; is no answer at alL Tha question was not what the Dactor individually , or " speaking for himself , " thought of the scheme of joining the Irish Church , but what he held tha duty of the minority to be , in the event of a majority deciding that we were to join that Church . It was not whether the IKxstor would join the Romish Church to please the priests , but whether the minority should do so to please the majority . This is the question , and to this the Doctor gives no

      answer I The sneer in the latter end of the " answer" is no donbt aimed at the body of Christians with whom I have the pleasure of being connected , and of course , at myself also . Such sneers come with a very bad grace indeed from any professing Chartist ; for , to be consistent with his principles , he has no right to assume that his brother Charti sts , in the exercise of their religion are otherwise than sincere , unless he can prove them so ; and it comes with a peculiarly bad grace from Dr . M' 2 > ouall , who has himself , on more occasions than one , acted th& part ef the priest " to conciliate the fanatics ; " as my " fanatical" friends of Dundee with their brother "fanatics" in Dunfermline , Kilbarehan ,

      and no doubt other places can testify ! Were this the proper place , I am willing to defend my congregation , ana my connexion with them , from any charges the Doctor can prefer against us ; but as it is , I simply content myself with assuring the D » ctor , that I had rather far " join a Chartist church to conciliate the fanatics * than enter into competition with " Old Parr , " "the immortal Jdorison , '' and other , to use the Doctor ' s own words , " professional and non-professional quacks , " to fill my o-wn pockets . I shall be glad to hear that , aftcra twelvemonths * trial , the Doctor ' s patienta are as well pleasrd with his doses as I have reason to think the Dundee "fanatics" are with my labours amongst them .

      So much for my first position regarding the general power of the majority ; my second , namely , that in the present case no fair majority had ever been ascertained , the Doctor also touches upon . On this subject I said , " The Petition was concocted by one or two individuals , and no propel mrana were taken to ascertain the sentiments of the Chartist public concerning it ; " adding , " it is contrary to the spirit of the Charter to pursue a certain line bf conduct when they are not consulted in determining as to what line of conduct should be . " The Doctor suppresses all this , with the exception of the words , "The Petition was concocted by one or two individuals , " which he quotes , and , by a word or two , insinuates that my objection arose to the individuals and not to the course adopted ; than which nothing is

      more false , as will be seen upon reference to that part of the sentence which the Doctor found it convenient to omit [ We here omit a paragraph or two which might have led to farther controversy . —Ed . N . S- ] I have little to notice in tke rest of his letter . It k entirely composed of either misrepresentations or a species of small wit ; which latter , however well it might be received from a tavern orator or a third-rate circni clown , is not the language we should expect to bear from one who is discussing matters ot de = p intereittothe happiness of bo many hnman beings . I therefore pass it over . But of his misrepresentations I may cite . an instance . In speaking of the difference existing among the Chartists as to the use to be made , I took occasion to express the sense I entertained of

      the great good done by Mr . O'Brien in this particular . The Doctor quoted this part of my letter , and has actually the audacity in the quotation to insert the words " and myself his disciple" after Sir . O'Brien ' s name , thus attempting to make it appear that the encomiums I ' felt it my duty to make regarding Mr . O'Brien were meant t qually for myself . He then sneers at this " mountain of modesty" and charges me with egotism and conceit , while the only passage from which the shadow of such a charge csnld be deduced , is the one fraduiently introduced by himself . Upon such conduct I netd make no remark , the reader "will no doubt duly estimate the strength of the Doctor ' s cause , as "well as his mode of defending it , -when such means as these are resorted to .

      Before concluding I have another small matter to settle -with the Doctor . In -a former letter he talked very big of " political traffick , " " masked faces , " &c ., jnst as if these were peculiar to Scotland . 2 took occasion ( in order to remove any impression which the Doctor s language might have conveyed ) to express my opinion that there was as much of that in England as in Scotland , and put the question to the Doctor whether it was not so 1 instead of answering he tells me coolly that I know my own friends and correspondents betteT then he does , thus openly accusing me of being a traitor . If he thinks I am one disposed tamely to bear such slanderous imputations from him or from any one else ,

      he has mistaken me . I tell Peter Murray M'Douall that his charge is a false one , and that he has made it ¦ wi thout a shadow of proof . If it be tiue , the sooner he shows it the better . If ( as I maintain ; it be false , whut estimate are "we to form of the man who made it , when he would thus allow factious feeling and wounded vanity to carry him bo far as wilfully to slander a man who had never publicly attacked him , and from whom in private life , he never experienced aught but friendship . -As it is , he must either prove his charge or pass for a eonvicte 4 slanderer . In this position I leave him . I am , &c , John Dc > ca >\ Dundee , March 15 ih , 1812 . [ As this correspondence is now becoming merely prrs ^ nal , it must here cease ; at least in so fur as the columns of this paper are concerned . Ed . ]

      Untitled Article

      THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER _ ASSOCIATION . Bkothek Chartists , —We have had the good fortune to serve yon many months without the slightest accusation having been brought against us , aa an Executive Council ; and , strengthened by your confidence , we llave unanimously adopted the various addresses which have been laid t * f- > re you , at each time receiving thanks from the people for our services , and always having their ropporc in the course which we recommenced to be pursued by the members of the Association .

      It-would not be natural if we did not feel much gratification in preserving the esteem and confidence of so many of our fellow men , and in the sune proportion we feel extremely sen ? itive when the slightest donbt is raised as to our political integrity , because , like CsBsar's wife , the Execntive Counci : should not only be virtuous , but free from allsuspicion . We are responsible to the people for every act and advice . We submit to no other authority ; and , when we advise with eur constituents , we first deliberate on the best course to be pursued ; and , secondly , lay our resolutions before the Association for the adoption and approval of " it * members . Sfcotdd tie people return a favourable answer , we conceive it to be the test of the jnsiice of our views ; but should they ( which they have net jet done ) rtturn an answer , disapproving of our acts , we are then bound to amend our acts , or giveplace to others who are more capable of conducting " the business of an Executive . In last week's Star , -we , in an address to the people , pointed out the causes -which had induced many cf the middle classes to profess Chartist principles ; we alluded to the difficulty of our position in as far

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      as we anticipated that many might be deceived with the professions of the middle class , and wander from the graftd Object of our agitation , the Charter , the whole Charter , and nothing less ; -we laid down the landmarks by which we should steer ; they were the Charter , as the polar star , and on either hand the Association and the National Petition . Our advice regarding public arrangement , may be too strong for some , b * t by so means unnecessary at this important crisis . Our advice as to pnblic meetings in regard to resolutions , and particularly in reference to the returning of Chartist members to Parliament , has a so been generally approved of , with the exception of the Editor of tha NorthernSlar , who has entirely dissented from us in respect to the two resolutions proposed in oar address :

      The Editor of the Northern Star , conducting an organ acknowledged as the ergan of the movement , Is in the right to criticise the productions of the Executive Council , and simply performs his duty when he points oat anything which may be wrong or unadvised in the conduct and proceedings of a public or responsible body like the Executive Council . The Editor has our thanks for the support he has afforded us hi the past , and for the opportunity be has afforded us now of explaining our reason for offering two resolutions to the people for their approval ; but "while we thus amicably proceed to explain ourselves through , the Editor to the country , we must , in the most friendly , but determined

      manner , protest ayainst the E-titor associating the Executive Council with the humbug trap and Ifie Bai& conference . We have the greatest possible respect f « r Mr . Hill , Mr . O'Connor , aad Mr . O'Brien ; bnt we must say that the former is not justified in making the Executive answerable for ^ ught save their own acts as a body , or in mixing them up , as a Council , with the private proceedings of Mr . Vincent , Mr . Philp , or any other mau ; and although Mr . O'Connor and Mr . Hill ' s conjoint advice would influence the people to a greater extent than that of the Executive , we are not justified in acting upon their suggestions , except they reach us through the public voice , from which quarter we are ready to receive instruction without asking .

      The members of the Associatien will excuse our bluntness of expression , and justify us in saying that we conceive ourselves responsible only to those who elected us , and that we are determined to act independently , QT cease to act altogether . We are resolved , as heretofore , to give ova advice to the best of pur ability . We throw ourselves entirely into the handB of the peeple , and the moment our ability to act , or our sincerity in advising , is doubted , we shall not injure the future existence of an Executive Council , but Instantly give place to better men , who can more earnestly support the character of a body responsible for their every act to the people alone . The Executive Council is the key-stone of the Association , without which all would be confusion , every one advising and no one obeying .

      We leave Mr . Vincent and Mr . Philp , if they have done wrong , to answer to the people . We will do likewise , and state why we recommended the two resolutions to be adopted . We proposed the first because of its theoretical and practical justice . The second , because after the abolition of the monopoly of the suffrage , all men Who « JS Chartists are resolved on the abolition of all other monopolies ; and no man who is nvt a Chartist wculd consent to the other stringent rules and regulations laid down , or believe in Bny benefit arising from the abolition of the Corn and Provision Laws , until the first resolution was carried .

      There was a great want of nnanimity of action throughout the country ; at MaryJebone meeting the resolution adopted declared , in the outset , its unqualified approval of the principles of free and unfettered trade . At Biimingham entire representation was mixed up with the repeal of the Corn Law . At other places no representation whatever ; we therefore considered it to be part of our duty to advise at such a crisis , and recommended one resolution to be adopted as the first at all meetings , mixing np nothing with the Charter , but presenting one entire principle , without alteration , mixture , or deduction . We were fully aware , also , that in various localities our strength

      differed , and at Corn Law meetings especially , our amendments bad to allude to the object of tha meeting , therefore we gave a Beoond resolution , whick condemns all ( axes on the necessaries of life , points to the monopoly of the suffrage as the cause of the Corn Laws , declares a want of confidence in all Governments appointed under tha present system , and pronounces its conviction that tha repeal of these obnoxious laws ( which we suppose the meeting to be discussing ) can only be effected through a Parliament representing the whole people of Great Britain and Ireland . We cannot suppose that this is a handle for the Repealers , and if any man believes we offered it as such , we repel the insinuation with the utmost indignation .

      We might , it is true , have altered the terms of our resolution in the following manner : — "The total and entire repeal of the Corn and Provision Laws can never be beneficial except when made the act of a Parliament representing , " to . As we gave it , and as it stands , we cannot for a moment suppose that any man who agreed in spirit and in principle to the first resolution , would be base enough or have the means to do injury through the second , and therefore in offering them to the peaple we gave them both out of a true desire to keep the association to the Charter first , and if they would have it , the repeal of the Corn Laws or free and unfettered trade last We most earnestly request attention to the first resolution , and as each locality is fully aware of its own strength , let them on no account avoid an opportunity of passing it , and if they cannot , by all means have the Charter in first , the Corn Law last .

      We have laid an address before you , and it is for the members of the association to deliberate upon the instructions therein contained Let it be clearly understood that our resolutions have to be confirmed by the people , and should Mr . Hill , Mr . O'Connor , or any other men draw up better resolution * , -we are ready , with the permission of the majority , to withdraw oars aad give place to theirs ; but until we are duly informed of such a decision on the part of our constituents , we must abide by our deliberate resolution , We remain , Brother Chartists , Your faithful representatives , James Leach . P . M . M'DOUALt . R . K . Philp . Morgan Wiliiams . J . Campbell , Secretary .

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      THE STONE MASONS ON STRIKE , FEOM THE NEW HOT . SES OF PARLIAMENT , AND SELSON ' S WOMJMENT , LONDON , AND THE WOOL-¦\ VICH DOCKYARD , To the Public and the Trades of Great Britain and Ireland . " When men lie dispersed -without concert , order , or discipline ^ coniniunieation is uncertain , counsel difficult , and resistance to oppression impracticable . Where men are not acquainted with each others '

      principles , exptrienced in each others' talents , not practised in their mutual habitudes and dispositions , no perssnai confidence—no friendship—no common interest subsisting between them—it is evidently impossible that their interest and rights can be dt fended with uniformity and effect . No man should flatter himself that his single , unsupported , and unsystematic endeavours are sufficiently powerful to defeat the snttle designs and VSITED cabals of those -who live on the vitals of his industry . "

      Brethren , —We are now in the twenty-seventh week t-f our strike , struggling in an uphill fight against the combined efforts of a class-erected government , a class-chosen legislatme , and an ungenerous , an unfeeling , and rapacious host of indolent capita' ists—men professing the precepts of Christianity , while practising the decrees of his Satanic majesty . At the Houses of Parliament , notwithstanding the report of the " Surveyor , Engineer , and Architect , ' that " the works « f this splendid pile are now in active progress , " little , very little , is perceivable as the progress made since our members left ; and on Saturday nignt several of their most tfficient hands , from about Dundee , left the works . - At the Monument , we cannot see any diff-rence since we last reported . The number now on strike from these workB are one hundred and twelve .

      The following passage occurs in a letter from our delegate at Penryn , in Cornwall , relative to this column : — " The Wu . ns , who are at the Momiment , have sent a letter home , stating they are tired of their job—that things in London are in a very disturbed state , and wishing themselves back again . " , Tbese gent * , wanted us to give them £ io each to take them home—t < ut it was " no go . " A respectable master builder of Per . zance , one of the intelligent , and consequently enfranchised class of that locality , has issued a manifesto , of which the following is a verbatim copy : — "March 6 th , 1812 . " Gests ., —This evening any ChartUt Unionist of the Tradesmen ' s society in my employment shall no longer be in my service , and wind up all—all accounts next week !!! " A . Berry man . "

      In relation to our strike at Penryn , our delegate writes : — . " Mr . Hoskins ( now our only opponent here ) is completely in a comer—he says , if he cannot get on better he must give it up . " " Circumstances have not proved so fortunate as onr delegate anticipated they would have done when he ¦ wrote last fortnight , consequently nine are yet on the funds in that place . From Dartmoor our delegate writes , — " They will be forced to do something ; at the qnarrieB they are in a miserable way . Frazier , G- & P . ' b agent at Woolwich , has been here , and condemned a great quantity of stone ; he declared he would not receive it—that it is not like the thing at all . Things never looked so xrdl here as at the present . " —Number out hfcre , forty .

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      From Woolwich we have received the following tofbrmation , dated March 15 th : — ' ¦ ' ? . numbe tt « blacks were discharged on Satur day last , principally for the want of stone j and , to all appearances , if there is not a more plentiful supply the job must inevitably stop altogether . It is quite true respecting the piece work ; excepting two or three all are working task-work , and I feel conscious that at no very distant period the day will be onrs . Number out here , thirty-eight " From Plymouth we have received the following : — ' A cargo of granite coping has been sent from Mit . Johnson ' s to Her Majesty ' s Dockyard , Plymouth ; sixty stonesin number , twenty of them dressed Ky pur members previous to striking ; the other forty by the blacks since . The forty dressed (?) by the blacks are every stone condemned by the dock-yard receiver . Number oat here fifteen . "

      Such is the position we at present occupy , and from which you will judge whether ; with a continuance of yo « r pecuniary aid , the aspect is not sufficiently healthy to warrant a steady prosecution of this all-important struggle—whether our minds shall rise superior to any difficulties that may present themaelves , or ctouch with obsequious subserviency to the iron hand of oppression —submit

      "To live a life half d « a £ — aliving death Among inhuman foea . " : \ ' It is pretty clearly shown in the lines placed at the head of this report / that in the want of an intimate and extensively organised union- a reciprocity of feeling and of action amongst the working classes—may be traced the cause of their present miserable and degraded position . " ' ; : ¦ . " ¦ ¦; : ¦ : ¦ ¦ ¦ -. •; ' \ . - .--V - ¦¦ ¦ . ' ¦ . ¦ ¦• •/ . •¦ ' . ' . All other classes , castes , and grades , are united to a man in promoting and protecting tbeir several interests at the expence of the toiling millions . The priest , the doctor , and the lawyer by legalized act-of-Parliament unions ; the landowner and the capitalist by corn bills and a monopoly of legislation ; but the interests of the working classes are not only not thus legally protected —not only preyed upon by a combination of all other classes—but , by internal dissension , by division amongst themselves , all but wholly neglected .

      The intensity of suffering manifestly existing amongst the producing portion of the community—the poverty , the wretchedness , and the misery to which existing usages of society have Bubjccted them—shculd arouse the most careless and . apathetic to an immediate and calm consideration of the question , " Why are they subjected to such unmeasured and unmitigated ills ?" Why the sweat that flows from their brow should generate fortunes for the idle , the crafty , and the indolent , leaving no traces of improvement in the condition of its hapless and poverty-stricken producers ? ; .. ¦ •' ¦¦ . : ¦ - ¦ ¦• ¦ ' ¦¦ ' ;¦'¦ ¦'¦ ¦ : ¦' ¦ ¦ ;¦;¦ . ' ;¦ , ' ¦ ¦¦ The following quotation from an address by Eli Moore ( late a member of Congress of the United States of America ) to the members of trades' societies in New York , may not be inappropriate here t—^ _

      "It has been averred , with great truth , that all Governments become cruel and ariatocratical in their character and bearing in proportion as one part of the community is elevated and the other depressed ; and that misery and degradation to the many ia the inevitable result of such X state of society .. And we regard it as equally true , that in proportlto as ^^ the line of distinction between the employer and employed is widened , the condition of the latter inevitably verges towards a state vf vassalage , while that of the former as certainly approximates towards supremacy , and that whatever system is calculated to make the many dependant upon , or subject to , the few , not only tends to the subversion of the natural rights of man , but is hostile to the best interest of the community , as well as to the spirit and genius of our government .

      Fully persuaded that the foregoing positions are incontrovertible , we , in order to guard against the encroachments of aristocracy , to preserve « ur natural and political rights , to elevate our moral and intellectual condition , to promote our pecuniary interest , to narrow the line ef distinction between the journeyman and the employer , to establish the honour and safety of pur respective vocations upon a more secure and permanent basis , and to alleviate the distresses of those suffering from want of employment , have deemed it expedient to form ourselves into a ' General Trades ' Union . * :

      "It may be asked , how theae desirable objects are to be achieved by a General Union' « f Trades V How the encroachments of aristocracy , for example , are to be arrested by our plan ? We answer , by enabling the producer to enjoy the full benefit of his production , and tbus diffuse the stream of wealth more generally , and consequently more equally throughout all the ramifications if society . This point conceded , and conceded it must be . it is not requisite , we conceive , that the line of investigation should be dropt very deep , in order to bring it up tinged with proof that tke vwrity of our other positions necessarily follows . "

      These , fellow workmen , are the opinions of no mean authority , and are theresult of practice and experience . Why , " again asks this author , '' should not those who have the toil have the enjoyment also ? and what better means can be devised for promoting a more equal distribution of wealth than for the producing classes to claim , anA by virtue of union and conceit , secure their claims to their respective portions !" The strength of union is manifest in our poverty : by the union of other classes , -which live on the vitals of our industry , we are made miserably V poor indeed s " but by a compete and extensive union of the working classes—by a well-regulated system of co-operation amongst them—they could speedily relieve themselves from these unbearable burdens , and snap the chain of slavery asunder , and for ever .

      In once more thanking you for the dignified manner in which , by your pecuniary aid to us , you have marked your disapprobation of the inlumanity of our late employers , we are compelled from circumstances to call upon you at this momentous crisis to continue your best and noblest energies in defending the rights of insulted labour , to BtiU further assist us in our cudeavoura to annihilate that system of despotic rule which , admitted with impunity , would prostrate the noblest faculties of the human edifice , and place the honest attizan in a worse position than beasts of burden .

      We beg to subscribe ourselves , Gratefully yours , The Masons ' Society , . Thomas Shokxt , Sec . 6 , Agnes Street , Waterloo-road , Lambeth , March 16 th , 1842 .

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      GROANS FROM BEVERLEY . " The flesh will quiver where the pincers tear , Sufferings , by long continuance , grow on pain ; But these are foreign to the aoul , not mine The groans that issue : on the rack I scorn thee ! Were I not thus reduced , thou wouldst not know That thus reduced I dare defy thee still !" Young ' s Revenge . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Edinburgh , 3 rd March , 1842 , Sir , —Prom the indulgent manner in which you have inserted my former communications respecting the treatment of Mr . Robert Peddie by the Whig Government , I now beg leave to trouble you with a few notes taken from one of his last letters , which shews that his complaints are not much mended—that he has only " got out of the frying pan into the fire , " and that the tender mercies of the wicked are still cruel . •' . " ¦ '

      Every petition sent in his favour , either public or private , still receives the flame ready-made lithographic answer from the Home-office ; so that it is evident , notwithstanding all the palliating circumstances that have been advanced in his ^ faveur— -nptwithstariding that as a proof of thei r moral virtue and veracity , ; soqie ^ of the accredited spies , who inveighed against him , are in the handa of justice for deeds of crime that will hot hide , it is still evident that he . will have to 89 rVe but the full term of hfs long throe years' imprisonment , if his shattered constitution is ' made meet for the burden . "

      Had Mrs . Peddie not been a . woman of the most consummate industry and propriety , ane could never have kept herself arid her family afloat in the respectable manner in -which she has done—in a manner which , notwithstanding her misfortunea , has excited the envy of her neighbours . For I . nrost confess , that in this hotbed of Whiggisrh , verj little sympathy is Bhevm to persons in any way connected with the persecuted Chartists . It is , therefore , the bounderi duty of that boiiy to administer every relief in ' -their power to JJr . Peddie and his family . I should not have ; made these reflectioaa , but from the silence of your contemporariea ; for were it not for the public notices which have occasionally appeared in your journal , it would be a matter of doubt whether or not such a man was still in existence . . -. '• - -.

      Mr . Peddie has also other just matters of complaint , for althouoh he has been denied any intercourse with his friends , or the visits of a beloved wife and daughter , for these two years past , yet has he often been exposed to an idle curiosity , and exhibited to gratify the visitors of the establishment , from the liveried footman to the scullion of the kitchen—from the godly priest to the cher ami of the magistrate J ; ; Such things , although perhaps trivial in themselves , must , to a man . of his acute and sentimental mind , be in the highest dpgree painful ; and , as s proof qt which I shall only further trouble you with a few verses , which must prove interesting , from the remarkable circumstances under which they were composed . Let me first premise that Mr . Peddie is occasionally indulged with a look of Chambers ' s excellent Edinburgh Journal , through the goodness of the Governor .

      . -.. «« What gave rise to the following trifle , " Mr . P . observes , " was from reading , in tn © last part of Chambers - Journal , a few days ago , a poem , entitled ' Winter s no that far awa ; introduced as a production of merit by the Editor . I thought the day was passed for such t . ifles passing for good poetry .-but the rhyme pleased me , so my mnso , in the course of half an hour , or thereabout , produced it . The original was said to ba written by a self-taught genius , under all the concomitant evils attending on poverty ; but in regard to depressing circumstances , I think I have not been surpassed . Mine was composed when I was walking in the prison-yard , in a round ring , with some score of

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      thieves , and a flUKwe idle chield in the midst of them , to keep the rascals from speaking to , or looking at each other . Let Will ; Chambers' poets beat this if they

      SUMMER'S SYNB NO FAB AWA \ When the sun clips short the glbamln ' , And on the hill side melts the snaw ; When younkers thro * the glena are roaming , Summer ' s syne no far awa' . When to the joy of ilfca miUer , : Their dams do feel the loosening thaw , And their clappers win them siller , Summer ' s syne no far awa * . When uae mair round farmer ' s ingle , Badsi and lassies merrily ca ' . Jests wi * merrysangs . tomingle , Snmmer ' s then no far awa ' .

      When nae mair bauld Boreas stoj . mlng , Threats to gie's a roofless ha' , And noisy linns gis o'er their Coaming , Summer's then no far avraV When Tod Lowrie leaves tie planting , Shutuung far the farme j > ha * , Flying to the distant mountain . Summer's syne no ft * awa' . When the Robin lea m the biggin , The merlin leaves the ruin'd waV And sparrows build within the riggin . Summer ' s syne no far awa ' . When dear and pure , wi' gentle motion , Burnies rin , and the sea-maw Leaves the fresh loch for the ocean , Summer ' s syne no far awa ' .

      When the trees put on new cledin * , And round them whnrs the noisy eraw . When ewes upon the heights are bleating , Summer ' s syne no far awa' . When amang the woody bracken , Nae mair ye hear the woodcock ' s craw , But mavia' notes the shades are wakia ' , Summer ' s then no far awa' . When ' -torn greet the early mornia * , The lark doth hail day ' s gowdear ba \ When drops o' dew ilk leafs adornin ' , Summer ' s syne no far awa ' . When the thorny hedge is fragrant , Andphitbangs the ripening h »' , When wanders wide the aged vagrant , Summer's Byne no far awa ' .

      When the cuckoo's notes are booming Down amang the birfcen ehaw , When the yellow broom is blooming , Summer ' s syne no far awa * . When the hate-bell and the gowan , Makes bur gleas and meadows braw , And roses on the briars growing , Summer ' s syne no far awa' . When the grieve struts np the farrow , An' wide abroad the seed doea ca ' , When tho hind yokes to the harrows , Summer ' s syne no far awa' . When the oats and bear are brairded , * Tatoes in the ground an ' a ' . And the drills frae craws are guarded , Summer ' s syne no far awa ' .

      When high npon the lefty summit , Of Worth Berwick's lofty law , The mornin mist alta like a bonnet , Summer's syne no far awa' . Robebx Peddik . Beverley House of Correction , 21 st Feb ., 1842 . In conclusion , I need scarcely remark , wbat a man capable of expressing such sentiments must feel when placed in such company , and how well deserving he is of our sympathy for his anhnppy fate , and that of every patriotic : lover of Mb country . I remain , / Sir , Yours respectfully , W . B . S .

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      ! THE OASTtER TESTIMONIAL . On Thursday week a meeting ; of the friends of Mr . Oastler was held at the British Coffee-house , Coekspvirstreet , for the purpose of promoting the subscription proposed to be raised in commemoration of the exertions of Mr . Oastler in the cause of the labouring classes . Amongst those present we observed the Right Hon . Lord Feversbam , Mrv Ferran « i , M . P ., Mr , Walter , Mr . J . Percival , Mr . Wing , the Rev . T . S . Cox , Mr . Underwood , Mr . Grant , ( from Manchester , ) &c On the motlou of Mr . Waltek , Lord Feversham was called to the chair , and on assamlng that position his Lordship Bald that it afforded him great pleasure to have the honour of filling such a post on such an occasion . It would not be necessary for him to state at any length the object for which they

      had assembled , because they were all fully aware of its character . They were also well aware of the situation in which their friend , Mr . Oastler , bad been placed—he had been au inmate of the Fleet Prison for a period of sixteen months , for a debt dne to Mr . Thornhill . During that time Mr . Oastler had undergone many hardships , and his health bad been considerably impaired . At the same time , however , he had received the viaits of a number of his friends , and he enjoyed the sympathy of a large body of the public—two facts which had tended very much to alleviate that distress of mind which he would otherwise have undergone . ( Hear . ) The immediate object ef the present meeting was not merely to effect the liberation of Mr . Oastler , however desirable that object would of itself be , but to further a

      eubscription which bad been instituted for the benefit and future comfort of that gentleman and his family , ( Hear , hear ^ : , Of cbuifse it would be . an after consideration amongst the subscribers and contributors generally , as to the particular -way in which the money collected should be appropriated . If a fnnd could be raised sufficiently large to enable them , after having gained Mr . Oastler ' s liberation , to plac 6 him and his family in a comfortable and iniepeadeat position , it would be extremely gratifying ; but , at all events , the first anxiety was to rescue him from his present confinement , an end which a very large proportion of the people were inost urgent to see accomplished . ( Hear , hear . )

      He had known Mr . Oastler for many years , aid it had been a source of great regret to hini that be should have been placed in his present painful situation . ( Hear , hear . ) He most sincerely hoped , however , that the day was not far distant when they should have the satisfaction of acconipli 8 hing hia liberation . In the meantime let him ( Lord Feversbam ) press upon the meeting , aud upon all the friends of Mr . Oastler , the necessity of exertion in the obtainment of contributions , bo aa to effect that object , and he trusted that the funds collected wonld , as he had already intimated , be : so large : as to enable them to place Mr . Oastler and his family in a position of comfort and independence . ( Hear , hear . ) ' ; . . . ;¦ . - .. '' -. : ' , -: ' ' ' - ¦ : ¦ . ¦ . - ¦' : - . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ . ' . ¦ ¦ ;¦

      Mr . Atkinson ( the honorary secittMy ) having been called upon by the noble chairman to stftte what progress had been made in the business , said that early in the last year he had become personally acquainted with Mr . Oastler , and during bis / visits to that gentleman in prison be had had occasion to observ&his great exertions for the public good ; and at the same time , unluckily , to remark that those exertions of mind had impaired , and made great inroads on , his health ; and eventually , in the mouth of July , he was confined with a severe fever . It had also come within his knowledge that he was suffering the greatest anxiety of mind upon the anbject of thi » situation of his family , aiitl of others who \ vere dependent ; oa him for Bupport . ;' . In consequence ha had written to the noble Lord who that day so

      kindly presided over them , knowing thathe had been a friend of Mr . Oastler . Eventually the noble Lord and himself had had an interview , in the conrse pf : which it had been arranged that this scheme for accomplishing Mr . Oastler ' s liberation should be put in circulation among-g his old friends at the earliest mement . But previously to that having been done , it was deemed prudent that he sheuld visit some of the chief manufacturing diBtiicts ; and accordingly he had gone to Coventry ; Birmingham , Liverpool , Manchester , Bradford . HuddersfielfJ , Xeeda ,- ' Sheffield , Nottingham , and Leicester , and : in all these places he had ; met : "With the most cordial reception , all parties manifesting a warm anxiety for the success of the undertaking ; I hear ); and , moreover , each expressing a desire to

      contribute towards the proposed subscription . ( Hear . ) He must here say , that in the progress of the plan the public press had displayed an anxiety to further the cause , and most nobly and effectively bad they supported it by their writing ? . ( Hear . ) On hia return to town , tbe first step adopted waa that of tt&ming the scheme which was to be sent forth to the world generally , as well as to the private friends and admirera of Mr . Oastler . The worthy speaker here read the paper to which he referred , which has already appeared in onr colwrrmV . He might add , that the Noble Chairman , 8 ir George Sinclair , Bart , Mr . Walter , Mr . " Fielden ,

      M . P . j , and Mr . W . Ferrand , M . P ., had accepted the offices ef trustees —( hear , hear . ) The amount of subscriptions already received was £ 566 ., and they bad that day been favoured with a check for £ 50 from Mr . . Fountayne Wii » n- ^( hearj hear . ) They had also received £ 100 from Mr . Tatham , Nottingham , and £ 25 from Mr . William Tatbam , ef the same place , and five guineas from the Courier newspaper--- ( hear , hear . ) He could assure tke meeting that the country , especially the manufacturing districts , were quite alive to the subjeot , and that being the case there could be no doubt of the speedy accomplishment of the object Viey had at heart— ( hea * . K ;•¦ ¦ ¦• .: • - ¦ ''' :- ¦• .-I' ¦ " . - ¦ - ¦ '¦ . ' > ,.- ¦ ¦'¦ • .

      Mr . WALTER said , that In recommending the reso in tlon "Which had been ; intruBted to tini to propose to the meeting he thought iti wonld be uonecessary for him to occupy the attention and the time of those around him by any lengthened observations . Such a course , indeed , was rendered the less requisite by the candid / and full statement which they had just heard from the Noble Lord who had done them the honour to preside over them on that occasion , and to whom he , in common with all the other friends of Mr , Oastler , felt extremely gratetal for his kindness in taking

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      the chair that day . With respect to Mr . OasMer , those whom he bad the pleasure of addressing were as well acquainted with that gentleman as ker was him- ; self . They all . rally appreciated Wi merlta and W » wortii ; many of them , probably , had ba « greater opportunities of knoirtng him from the fact <* t paving resided in the neighbourhood in which he had UTed , and they were all equally earnest with himself in their desire to obtain his Uberation from prison—( hear ) , ^ a knew not of-any better plan to accomplish that objecs than that of aliberal subscription on the part of bia friends and admirers—( hear , hear );—and although the amount they had as yet received was not large , still

      the sum was highly respectable , iBastnttch ia it had nearly readied i £ 600-r- ( hear , hear , )— -and that , too * without any efifoita having been made in the manufacturing districts , where Mr . Oastler was far betterknown and esteemed . He sincerely trusted that the endeavour to raise a subscription would be attended with complete ' success—( hear , hear ) . They wet * many in the room who were associated with the manufacturing portions of the kingdom , and he doubted not but that the ; would exert themselves mo&t Btr » nuoualy with a view to attain the object they had that day assembled to promote—( hear 3 hear ) . He would conclude by ptoposing the-foliowing resplation : — . " ; " :

      ' That in the opinion of this meeting Mr . B . Oa 8 tler is entitled to sympathy and support on accpuat of ; thfl , unceasing and * arduous efforts which h « has made , and ' which he still continues to make , for the welfare of th& labouring classes . " ¦ Mr . Wing seconded the proposition with the greatest satisfaction . Mr . Oastler had beeen one of the most unflinching and zealous advocates of benevolence of his day : be was one whose whole life had been signally marked by a strong feeling of sympathy for the ntisery and Bufferings under which others had existed . Let 16 be remembered , too , that throughout his exertions in the cause of benevolence Mr . Oaatler ' a conduct had at all times been distinguished by a veneration for the institutions of the country —( hear ) .-The resolution was then put , and unanimously agreed

      The Rev . J . S . Cox moved , as the second resolution , " That this meeting approves of the scheme which has been proposed for raising a testimonial for the benefit ; of Mr . Oastlw and his family by means ot a public subscription , " and said that he had become acquainted with Mr . Oastler through the performance of his public duties , and if it were not deemed unbecoming in a minister of the established church to ' . do so upon auch an occasion as the present , he would say that that gentleman had gained his approbation originally Jay his attachment to that church , and by the va&t struggles he had made to alleviate the distresses of others—( hear , hear . ) He had derived the greatest pleasure in the intercourse " he had enjoyed with Mr . Oastler and bid family . That Mr .. Oastler ' s exertions hod been invariably those of public benevolence it was impossible to doubt , and they had abundant evidence to prove that those exertions , had been attended with very

      considerable success—( hear , hear . ) It was not a little strange that the manufacturing districts of this country should have been so long left without some legislative check ; but such had been ' the fact , and aianycircumstances which . had come to light clearly showed how necessary it was inat some man like Mr . Oastler—a m&n possessed of a powerful mind , swayed by patriotism and humanity of feeling , should : have brought his energies to bear on the Bubject —• ( hear . ) The result of that gentleman ' s labours in the cause had been th » t the manufacturing districts had at length become the object ef legislative enactment —( hear , hear . ) The successful exertions of Mr . Oastler on the factory question—hia endeavour * t * gain an alleviation of the miseries under which the poor' factory children were labouring—were known to all the world —( hear , hear . ) That relief had been in a measure gained by the means of an enactment of which many of the millowners themselves , he believed , were now ready to admit the benefit ^—( hear , hear . )

      Mr . Bams at , in a speech euologising the benevolent and powerful exertions of Mr . Oastler , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . J . Percival then proposed " That a committee , cemposed of the following gentlemen - ^——— , -witli power to add-to their number , be formed , for the parpose or assisting the undertaking in London ; and it ia fltrottgly recommended to Mr ; Oastler ' s friends in the country to form similar conmittees , and that they communicate the results of their labours to the Sftors tary in London ; " and went on to remark that 'in . a lengthened intercourse with Mr . Oastler , the only faults that he had had to find with him were , that his liberality was too unbounded , whilst his kindness of feeling had been too fine— - ( hear , hear . )

      Mr . UndebWood seconded the resolution most cordially . He had been acquainted with Mr . Oastler upwards of seventeen years , and a more worthy , : ¦ a more benevolent man , never existed—( hear , hear . ) He was beloved and esteemed , especially by the working classes , by all who knew him —( hear , hear . ) He was satisfied that his powerful opposition to the New Poor Law Bill had been the cause of the irritation of Mr . Thornhi ll , who thereupon had urged his claim against him . . ' : ¦ . ; . ' : ' : '' - ¦ ¦'" ¦ :- . ¦ . ' - - ¦ . ' - . ' > . '"' :. . ' , : " . ' . . ¦' - . The resolution was carried .

      Mr . FERRAND begged to move a vote of thanks to the Noble Lord who had so ably presided over them on that interesting occasion—( hear , hear . ) : He was confident that every ; friend of Mr . Oastler ' s , as well ag that gentleman himself , weuld feel most deeply grateful to the Noble . Lord for his kindness in taking the chair —( hear , hear . ) He had knowniMr . Oastler for twelve years , and the first time he had become acquainted with him was on the day when he had called a meeting in defenc * of the poor factory children , and , as a proof to what an extent had been the attachment of the working classes to the man , and the great confidence they bad reposed in him , he wonld inform the meeting that it was the largest assembly that had ever been witnesaed in Yorkshire . The vast masses of the country

      had assembled that day for the purpose of being guided by Mr . Oastler- —( heari hear , and loud cheers . ) In that county there appeared to be one feeling for him ; he was beloved and respected by all , and the general opinion there was , that in Ilia conduct towards ; hia master he had been a sincere , active , and faithful servant . ( Hear , hear . ) Like a previous speaker , he believed that Mr . OasHer ' a powerful opposition to the Poor Law was the sole and only ground which had induced Mr . Thornhill to take any step against him- — ( hear , hear ) . The whole of his life had been devofed to the cause -of philanthropy , manifested by a restless

      anxiety to alleviate the miseries of bis f ; llow creatures —( hear , hear j—^ and if his friends in the manufacturing districts , every man claiming to himself an interest in the welfare of the factory classes , exerted themselves , Mr . Oastlar would , ere . long , again come forth into the world a , free man ,. unfettered by a ' ny claim which his lateinaster had had upon him- — ( hear , heiir ) . The Hon . Gentleman then passed a Very high euiogium ; on the Noble Lord ,-whose conduct through life had beea marked by consideration : for the humbler brderaj and whose example he wished -were more extensively followed . He concluded by moving a vote of thanks to his Lordship . . ' . . • '

      Mr . Git . ANT seconded the reaolntion , aad stated thai the liberation of Mr . Oastler would be bailed Wiih loud expressions of daight throughout Lancashire as well as In Yorkshire . , ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ The Chairman having , in the handsomest ietma , acknowledged the compliment , and urged that strong exertions should be made to effect the objuot they had inview , . . ... - . ¦ .. ' ¦ / . : - . . ¦' . ¦¦ '"'¦ ¦ ¦ " . " ; ' ¦ ¦ . ' . - .. - ' The meeting broke up .

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      BE . M'DOUALL AND MR . DUNCAN , OF DUNDEE . to the editok ot the- sosthekx stab . Sts 3—I regret to see the turn which Dr . M'Donall , by his Utter in the Northern Star of the 5 th inst , has given to my discussion with him regarding the Petition of the English Executive . I had hoped the letter 1 Wrote you on the 21 st -would haTe been my last on the EnSject -, bxt the Doctor , having since chosen to misrepresent and falsify my sentiments , as well as to introduce charges and insinuations against myself per-BonaUy , x cannot avoid again addressing you , nor ** fl Jos , I hope , refuse me the opportunity of doing so .

      As the Doctor charges me with having introduced personalities into my farmer letter , it is perhaps as well to dear up this matter at the cutset iiy first letter made no personal allusion of any Eiua , nor did Hiy seeend , -srkh the exception of a single sentence , rendered neeesssry by the Doctor ' s own unjustifiable conduct . The exception I allude to was this . In his answer to my first letter , he thought proper to bring a charge against me , which , if true , ought at once to destroy my political character . He charges me in effect , ¦ with having knowingly and wilfully attempted to mislead the public on a subject of vital importance to the

      cause . In my rejoinder , " I indignantly repelled the slander , as every honest man would do ; -while the Doctorjas no honest man would do ) has , in his subsequent letter , neither apologised for his condnct , nor attempted to justify it , by proving the truth of his charge . He has passed over it without a single allasion 1 With this exception , my letter referred solely to the question at issue ; and , if the Dactor cute but a » orry figure in it , the fault is his own , not mine . I UJVe , therefore , had DO . hand in introducing person-* 5 ties into the correspondence ; and it wonld , perhaps , Wre fared as well with the Doctor had he followed a ^ ffiil ar course .

      I cow proceed to notice hia last letter : —Upon the * Erit 8 of the English Petition he finds it prudent to say Qle or nothing ; but directs that part of his letter t tbe right of protesting against it : in other -words , ** endeavours to maintain his old ground that the jl'SJteish people had no right to pursue a course different ^ that recommended by what he calls "the majority . ' .

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      The body of a whale was recently washed ashore , near Bastia , Corsica , which borei upon its body the marks oi' a shark's jaws / and had no doubt quitted the open sea to avoid this savage enemy . Corn Law Repealers' Mode of co . Vductia' Discussions . —A correspondent who gives bis namej writes , us the following account of a set discussion in the Panorama Rooms , London , between the Chartists and an Anti-Corn Law lecturer named Haynes : — "Juat as the chair had been taken , Mr . Haynes went out of the room , and the Chairman began to apologise for Mr . Haynes , who would be absent for about half ; an hour . About twenty minutes after forty or fifty Irishmen , from St . Criles , came into the

      room , and m three minutes afterwards Mr . Haynea made his appearance , and said , he thought it would be better to adjourn to a ground floor , for he was afraid the floor of the room they were in would give way . The room afc the time was Hot near full j however , the ineeting was adjourned to the Panorama , Leicestef'Square , which is capable of holding two hundred and fifty to three hundred persons , and it was about half ' full . Behind the chairman stood an Irishman , who gave the signals to his men when to clap and cheer . It was ftuite laughable to see them , with their hands up and their mouths open , watching the fugleman for the signal . Does this not show that these men were hired to attend «"

      ANTr-CoBN I / aw YAPOURlNG—Nothing fit ^ so ill the stomach of the " League" spouters as to be compelled to discuss the principles contained in their addressee , with any one likely to know any thing about them . Of this a remarkable instance was recently afforded by Mr . Khock-pff hats Sidney , the ' *• plague" man who infests the neighbourhood of the Metropolis . This worthy , some few weeks ago delivered a lecture in the Western Institution , near Loicester-aquare , Mr . Iieader , M P ., id the chair , and the ^ ^ room was moderately filled . ^ After the spouter had delivered himself of his stock of cut and dry philippics against agriculturalists and a poor attempt at an attack on' the principles of Home Colonies , a gentleman present , connected with the

      John street Institution , rose , and requested permis sion : to reply . ^ Thia-was shuffled on the- plea of "late hour , " and the Hon . Chairman suggested that the parties should discuss the question at aaother time . Mr . Smith , oa being asked if He vras willing to do bo , assent'ed with great seeming cordiality . There thematterdropped for that night ; and the next day the lecturer was written to and requested to meet the party and settle preliminaiciea . No answer being returned , the request was repeated after ' the lapse of several days . He was too busy preparing for the Anti-Corn Law Conference . The Conference got over and tha gentleman ' s memory , was again jogged } wheii ^ he nlttmately ^ ^ backed out through the medium of a bullying blackguardly epistle , which j of necessity , put an end to thecorrespoudeace . :- " ¦< „ " . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ '' - ¦ . ¦¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦' . ' . ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦•• - ' : ¦ ' ¦ - ¦'¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ,

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      . . . . . . , the NOBTEEHrsTlR . ; -:,, ¦ ¦ ., ¦ , ; ,, , .,- : ; . , . - ,...,.- ¦ . ; . :...,.. — r .,. . ,. ¦; . ; . . .:: , ,. , ;¦ : , ;¦¦;¦; > w :. / . v , / y 7 : ; - ; i . ;

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 26, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct591/page/7/