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Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd January 1842, Edition 3 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR OF THB XOKTHEBH STAB . Sib , —In joui paper you often state how the cause d the people ia progressing ; how , the working people gaein * the good effect * that wfll result to them , protiding the Charter becomes the lsw of the land , and wfcatefibrta they are making to maka it suehalaw . Ifow Sir I frfa * it is Tery proper that each part of the country should know what the other ia doing , or yon say think , that because some places are all up ind doing , &at all Qie other places are the same , and thai when the grand push ia made to pereuada (?) the Houses of Parliament to pass the Charter into a law . you probably may haTe only half of your army , and to * get deceiTed ; this has been the can-in too many instances already . I lately had occasion to go into the county I went from here thresh SolihuU to Warwick , Stratford-on-AYon , througha number of Tillages ; HenleyinArdenand with

      and back again through -- , your permission , I will state exactly how I found the people in those parts . AKricultora is the chief employment ; what trade is canted on . is done by ene tradesman exchanging his coods with another tradesman j the only people who nay them any money for goods are the farmers and labourers ; I toond people generally complaining of the badness of times , except at one Tillage near Warwick , where erery poor person had from twenty to thirty hundred of coals giyen them , a great piece of beef , blankets , and clothes , by the gentry who lire in the parish ; there the people did not know what poverty meant ; but this is only one place , it is not so tvery where , for , at Leamington , three destitute labonxers broke a window in a shop and toek out a pie and eat it , on purpose to get eommittod to prison , where they ¦ would get something to eat eTery day , though it would be only prison allowance .

      The Charter is Tery little known any where I h&Te been , scarcely any working man in a Tillage has eTer beard the word mentioned ; the people are Tery ignorant respecting politics ; the pareon is a king in a village , and he does his best to keep out any book or newspaper which would really instruct them ; he will cram as much religion down them as they choose , but politics they must know nothing about fc ; Tbe wages of the farmers' labourers are about 10 s . a week on the aTerage , though at one place they only got 6 s ., and there are a great number out of employ ; they pay from £ 3 to £ 5 ft year rent . In some places they bad got a bit of land to cultivate , Tarying from oneeighth of an acre to an acre or two ; and although they paid after the rate of £ 5 an acre for it , they said it mswered thtir purpose , and they only wanted some more of it , and then they did not care about the Corn Laws , or what price the corn was sold at , for they should not want to buy any .

      The farmers pay from 10 s . to 20 s . an acre for their land—land that will bear from ten to fifteen b » gs of wheat to the acre , and I wondered why the landholders did not let out more land to the labourer , considering how anxisus he was to haTe seme , and how much Bore rent he was willing to five oTer the former ; but I found that the fanner was opposed to it—that if the labourer had some land , he would become independent of his master , who must either adTance his wages oi do the work himself , and become what formers formerly were—res ! caltiTators of the BoiL For you must understand that they are got cut of place in society ; the ; bring their children up in idleness , and

      they act the gentleman so near , that you scarcely know them from their landlords ; and in order to keep up their dignity , all the labourers in the kingdom must be gacrificed . Tien again , there were formerly—that is , in the memory of people living now , ten farms or more where there is but one ,- and if there is a farm to let , there are twenty people after it , and if a farmer has any inclination to sell any or all of the produce of the land , he can go to market , meet with a ready sale , at a good price , and for ready money , and why is it ? Because the farmer takes good care to produce no more than is required , aud the laws preTeut any other party from superseding him .

      I found the public-houses generally empty of customers ; maltsters making no malt : this must affect the reTenua . The workhouses and prisons full ; a great number of houses shut up ; shops to let in abundance , which couTiaced me that there were too many people in trade , but not enough on the land ; working people who had no work were being summoned before the magistrates for their poor leYies ; some were distressed , and their goods taken , and w > me sent to prison , because they had no goods to seire ; shopkeepers complaining of no money being t »> pn and wishing that the Corn Laws were repealed , that they might haTe more trade , but none of them honourable enough to agitate for the Cbarter , because it was to give a poor , ignorant , working man a Tote as well as themseVres , as the / say . The { aimers , in general , are opposed to the repeal of

      the Com Laws ; they contend that they should be ruined ; that is , go to work , I suppose—that rents would fail , wages fall—that the parson must lose his tithe —the GoTernment gire up the taxes to the amount of abeve thirty millions a year—the national debt abolished—and I dont know what beside—a many of them must walk as now ride—and that they should bare as much trouble to sell their com , < tc , as a tradesman has to sell his goods , and then they think the country would be ruined . I found the labourers Tery much disunited , not firm or true to each othereach one betraying another for what be could get This is a great fault in the Kngifoh people . I am told the Irish are more firm in their actions . What they resolve on , they stick to , and haTe no flinching in the

      I met with seTeral old men , from eighty to ninety yean of age , who had to work in the fields all day for about six or seren shillings a week . I asked them if they did not think that they tad done work enough in their younger days to keep them now without work ? They said they had , but that their masters had got it , instead of them . I asked them how the times were when they were young—whether they were anything like they are now ? They said , when they were young men , they had one shilling a day fer their work—that there was so take work then . Bread was 16 ibs . for a

      shilling , Sour 15 s . a sack ; wheat Is . a bag ; bacon 4 d . a pound ; p £ gs 3 s . ascore ; malt 2 s . 6 d . a bushel ; beer id , & quart ; butter , sugar , and cheese , about 4 i a & .-, beef and mutton , from Jd . to lid . a lb . ; but it was seldom weighed , but sold by guess ; s good / at sheep cost 10 s . Flour was not sold in shops as now , bat people bought the com from the farmer , as they wanted it , and had it ground at the milL The fanner , his wife , children , and set rants , Eat in one room , and at ene table—no tea used in those days , except by the sly ; the water was boiled in an iron pot ; the teapots were bkek , and were called the " black deTiL "

      People used to eat milk and broth ; eTen the rich folks did bo ; no drunkenness then as now , for there were but » rery few public houses ; rents of cottages with a good garden , Taried from la . to 20 s . a year ; no poor kTies to pay then , no poor to keep ; had to compel people to haTe relieT to keep the parishes together Qothes were higher in price , but better quality . Sheets ind Ehirts were made of flax , grown , spun , and woTen into cloth in this neighbourhood , and it employed a great number ^ of people . Coats were ma 3 e of wool , in a coarser manner than they are now , but more lasting . Good worsted stockings co * t Is . 6 ± a pair . Gowns and aprons -were made of Jersey , Tery strong and warm . Pewter plates and dieb . es , wood plates , or trenchers , wood spoons and pails for the broth ; brass pots and kettles ; m short , eTery article was made stronger , cost more money , was more durable ; people had plenty of

      employment , were healthier and stronger , and England was a happy nation , because the people lrred on the laad . and they were subject to none of those fluctuations in the trades as they are now . We haTe now betx : e such a great manufacturing people , with the aid of machinery and steam , we cm make goods for all the world . We haTe drawn all the trade into heaps , from * U psrta of the cenntry . One great cotton spinner , or *« oe other craft , employs seTeral thousand people in 025 large factory , working in rooms too hot and conned to be healthy , making them quite old people at foty years of age ; little children set to do the woik of ? iai ; and eTen machinery is superseding their labour ; bo that -sre hare extended our trade to Euch an extent , tait all the working people are in danger of dying for ¦* a £ t , because certain great capitalists shall monopolize * Jl to themselTes .

      However , let us hope that such a state of things will ** n be put an end to , that all who labour shall enjoy a cadency , End every man sit under tea own fig-tree stf Ecne Ehall make him afraid . As Old Kefoehee . Birmingham , Jan . 9 th , 1842 .

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      TO FEABGUS O'CO ^ OR , ESQ . LETTER IT . ? >—I haTe said there is not a creature or thing in ttistenee , thai floes not lie under certain laws peculiar to itself on which its Tery being depends ; and that jsa is no exception to this rule . And further that the «* s imposed on all the beings on this earth are the SffiE ; that those peculiar to the inferior animals are 5 ^ J abridgements , and in no other respect different wsa those imposed upon man ; or in other words that Va ~ nature of men is emblematical of , and contains all litany other set of beings , are susceptible ef , full and complete , forming & key to the whole ; for which reason E&n stands in the panoply of dignity , the undisputed lord of the creation ; nor do I mean to detract in the ^ Qalleati from M& height or importance of his position .

      Howerer , it should be kept in mind , although the * ttent and scope ef the laws peculiar to man , Eets him high shove all other animated beings ; that they are not the less binding on that account , bnt the more so , ** the right direction of all depends thereon—nor would it be lost sight of , although men are endowed * ith these advantages , it entirely depends on hew they ok them ; that is whether they pay more deference and sbice more closely within the Tortex of the laws they are under ; whether with all their greatness they are * esUy superior and less reprehensible thanbeingB of an inferior organisation . To thick en these laws , their direction and bearing on mankind and the world as their inheritance ; and then on the arrangements they hive made to give effect and direction to these as imfcniable conditions imposed by nature , little is perceivable of that beasted tact and love of justice , the finmsn family are so anxiouB to arrogate to them" elTes . The wants and necessities , peculiar to the human Hee are cenditions imposed by nature , which man can-

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      not alter ; and consequently , has no righfe to find fault with the resources from which these necessities sre supplied , are alike the works of nature , n » r will it do to say , that these are made for one part of mankind , more than another . The arrangements under which these wants are to be supplied from these means , from what are called . constitutional laws ; depending for their nature , and bearing on the judgment of men themselTes . And from the character of those now existing we may judge how far our ancestors , haTe bera prompted by reason and justice , in forming the conditions , by which the munificence of God , should be hus banded , so as to supply the necessities of his creatures . '

      The degree of wisdom necessary for this purpose , ia to know that human beings want faculties , and altogether are as they are ; and that the means from which they alone can be supported , are so likewise ; consequently , the object of legislation , is to meet these conditions , by making the most of one , so as to supply the demands of the other ; such evidently being the design of nature , and we shall Bhortly see how far , our lawgiTera haTe acted with this understanding . Were the prc-Tisions of nature , equally distributed , and no part kept back , nor no means used to preTent men generally , from making the most of all within their reach , ¦ and all not enough ; then we might blame nature for our scanty supply . But when we hear from the admitted statistics of these Tery lawyers , that our

      country under p ' roper management , ia capable of maintaining at least four times the amount of our present inhabitants in affluence . And then to think , on the misery , that exists at this time , while our country is laying waste , under the domination of those yclept guardians ; no one can be at a loss to discorer where the blame lies . I say of them , and their ordinances , we haTe a right to complain , common prudence and self-preservation prompt * us to condemn their proceedings , and the unhallowed system they haTe concocted , whose results are misery and want , in the midst of plenty . To haTe a "view of the foundation of these arrangements it will not be necessary to rake up the ashes of

      the constittutional laws of the Jews , the Chaldeans , the Persians , the Greeks , or the ancient Romans , as these systems whatever were their merits or demerits , all sleep to wake no more ; the system ef government now pursued in all the states of Europe , was established some 1500 years ago by a Roman despot called Constantine , is the following manner . Two sets of peers were set apart for the management of public affairs , designated the guardians of the people ' s rights , the temporal lords to goTern things temporal , and the spiritual lords things spiritual ; these , in either case , holding discretionary powers to enact snch laws and regulations fronr time to time as expediency or existing circumstances required . Of these lords and their proceedings , the different states of Christendom have had a fair

      tnaL The present order of things in all its ramifications , is the result of what they haTe done . Of their history , little needs be said in this place ; it is evident neither haTe understood the nature of the trust reposed in them . For instance , the temporal lords , instead ef endeaTeuring to regulate the supply of nature ' s provisions , so as to meet the necessities of the people , haTe claimed all as their own , as if they only stood in need of these things ; and the spiritual lords , whose duty it is to ascertain and- define the natural rights of all and teach all to understand and respect them ; instead of which

      they haTe all along laboured to conTince men that no such things existed , thus h&Te they , in the face of nature , and nat'ire ' s laws , stood with eyes open and seen the temporal lords , lay hold of the provisions of nature , and claim them as their own to the total subversion of all human rights , and disregard to the wants and necessities of all but themselTes . Hence the present order of thingB , the temporal lords , not the guardians hut the owners of the soil , and the spiritual lords , not the defenders of the people ' s rights , but doing what they can to reconcile them to put up with

      tbeloss-These last-named guardians received a check at the Reformation , though their condact in this respect is not altered from what it was before the introduction of Protestantism . HoweTer , although that moTement has had no effect on the conduct of these guardians , it Tery materially alters the position of things , as it strikes at the root ,- and is condemnatory ef the whole sysiem of guardianism ; and although the protest is only aimed at the spiritual Lords , still , in a philosophical point of yiew , it is equally applicable to the temporaLLords ; as , for instance , if the system of man , trusting in man , is bad , why permit it at all ? and if © therwise , why protest against the supremacy of the spiritual Lords ? Are our spiritual concerns more secure out of the hands of these guardians ? And , if bo , would not our temporal concerns be so likewise by protesting against the temporal Lords , and withdrawing their powers in a like manner ? There is o leant of philosophy litre on some side .

      Can things done by the sovereignty of a Prince not be undone by the sovereignty of a people ? Can powers created by the breath of one man , and misapplied by others not be withdrawn ? Or shall the human race suffer for the folly of a king , or the heartlesss conduct of his minions ? Shall these guardians , conjunctly or severally , trample on the rights of mankind , in opposition to the natural laws instituted by high Heaven to defend them , supported , too , by that book we all pretend to belieTe and obey ? Shall they , under coTer of that Tery testimony , swindle the human race out of all that makes life dear ? Were mea men , either in reasan or perception , they could not

      Where is the constitution these guardians haTe reared ? Let its character either justify or condemn them . From its merits let their justice and love to man be estimated . Test their laws by the laws of HIM who isjyet the Guardian of these rights they haTe set at nought . By whose laws does one toil and another eat the . fruit thereof ? By whose laws are the provisions of nature the monopoly of the law makers ? By whose laws are three fourths of the community deprived of all legislative power ? By whose laws are the poor taxed to . support the rich ? By whose laws are the streams of education adulterated , and made tributary to the power of money ? By whose laws is the sexual tie made matter of pecuniary interest ? be

      As tb ^ se are what they should or not , our guardians can be justified or not : by HeaTen ' s decree , laws relating to each of these points are matters of legislation ; enactments grounded on these heads according to justice , equal to all , form the constitutional rights of the human race >_ If , in the meantime , laws affecting these are in accordance with justice , letourguardianshaTeit , as it is their doings . If not , to their condemnation be it , as they are alike the originators , &ni accountable for the whole , whether good or bad . Nature has constituted all men alike , and its constitu tional laws are alike to all . Our guardians have thought different , as they haTe formed things according to the understanding that they alone had wants and necessities , and all others were there merely on purpose to serve them .

      Were such the fact in nature , they would haTe been justified in monopolising all to themselves , and deferring to form a constitution recognising the rights of others ; fent since the case is otherwise , they are chargeable , to the full amount , with all the human race has suffered , Einee they were inverted with powers to form a constitution recognising these claims , and have neglected to do so . From these remarks , it will be perceived that the greunds of our constitution ia the uncontrolled will of these guardians , " to meet -which all their legislative enactments have been . And from the results , we may judge of the consequences of trusting matters of such moment to the guardianship of men in any shape whatever .

      To haTe a comparison between the systems propounded in my last letter and that now existing , is to BuppoBe them acting under the laws there propounded as given rules , us men acting by discretionary power with no rule at alL By the lattsr metaod the present order of things has been produced- Could men acting under such laws , bring things to a like state ? I say nay , and hold that system as infinitely superior to that now in existence , inasmuch as it has justice for its basis and the well being of all for its aim . And I hold it will be difficult to proTe , that the present system is either the one or the other .

      Who would-do tbe drudgery of society and be robbed in return ? Who would allow their patrimony to lie in the hands of a society whose managers held all as their own ? Who would recognise a society whe denied the majority of members the right of fellowship ? Who would defend a society which forces its unjust decrees by bludgeon and bayonet ? Who would be one of a society which deprived its members of a home ? Who would rely on the wisdom of a society which held its members ignorant of its proceedings ? Who would form a part of a society which heldpo-Terty as a sufficient pretence to sever the social tie ? Be this as it may , under such a society we all liTe ; and the Lords Spiritual , whose duty it is to protect the people ' s rights , and on whose faithfulness they rely , acquiesce in the whole matter , and are partakers of the spoiL Knowing all this , let those who will supDort the present system , I cannot

      It uov remains to be enquired into , whether any scheme yet proposed as a substitute , is better calculated to meet the human character than that submitted in my last In the first place , Chartism forms a section of that system , and admits of no compromise . Socialism comes next , to meet which , does a principle of responsibility exist in nature ? is Christianity true 1 The system I haTe propounded entirely depends on the one , and is drawn according to the tenor of the other . All my reasening depends on the action of a principle of responsibility , in its relation to the material feelings as directing them , in their seTeral aTocations toward the-material world , Tbe socialists are not aware of this method of treating the question , from the fact , that they deny the principle on which all such

      reasonirg turns , and toe grounds from which the fabric is drawn , . the consequence of which leads to some Tery material doctrinal differences . To haTe a Tiew of which , first compare for laws of temperance . Socialism has nothing for distribution of property ; Socialism same as , that propounded by me for TJniTerBal Suffrage ; Socialism has hereditary legislators , Ur trade " , commerce , and general ramification of society ; Socialism nearly the same as nniie for laws of community ; Socialism , sexual intercourse freely permitted , direction of youth ; Socialism nearly the same as ' minefor several la ^ vs very different , for which ' Tide * my last letter ; next for rewards and punishments , Socialism has nothing . It is clear the Socialists are brought to this view of the case , from their denial

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      of a principle of responsibility ; hence the differences ia the first , third , fifth , and seventb sections , in their system ; as these could not be as I hare placed them , if man were not , in a certain sense , a responsible being . The Socialists * doctrine of Irresponsibility has led to a rather queer dilemma here , which ia netting less than tbe total denial of all law , or mode of enforcing obedience to any regulation whatever , still they make conditions , and I maintain conditions are laws ; and , if these are not to be enforced , why make them ? Talk not to me of circumstances , or interest , water pipes are not provided with fire plugs on purpose

      to set houses on fire , bat to prevent the consequences , should such catastrophe happen . In like manne * 0 hold , tbe lesa freqaent that such laws ocghf to be enforced the better ; still to make sure that . men may not , as heretofore , act regardless of circumstances and interest , aud that such actions may not be injurious to others , I bold ( after giTing full scope to human nature in all its bearings , in as far as moral precept will permit ) that laws definite , and imperative , are required , and that the penalty for breach should be definite , not depending on the discrimination of a judge ; so much being necessary not to maintain a system of cruelty , but to preTent it

      From the whole , it will be perceived that my system is infinitely more comprehensible and tangible , widely different in spirit , and leaves much less to chance , than that of Robert Owen and the Socialists . And , lastly , their mode of establishing their system . Let the poor man blush : money ! money ! mokey ! And for what is it required , if justice and humanity demand the introduction of a Bystem ? Be it remembered the guardians are the owners of the soil only while the present system of GoTernment holds good : if that is nullified , they have no more right to retain any part of the provisions of nature than a receiTer has to retain stolen property in the face of the rightful owner How do we generally settle such cases ? Spoonies !

      Next comes the Shepherd , the Editor of the London Phalanm , and the rodeubted oTerture of Chable * Foobiek , the fiTe acre syrtem , regarding which I . have to say , were the human race stationary , with none retiring and none coming in , and if there were flTe acres on this earth to each , then it might be allowed that all was equitable , but since the case is otherwise , either some must be depriTed , or eTery outgoer or incomer , must alter tbe relation of these tenements , this much without questioning whether there are five acres to all that is or may be on this earth at one time , such absurditt . -8 may pass with the Editor of the Phalanx and his followers , who look for an interposition of ProTidence to work out the required change , aud of course reconcile themselves to wait and do nothing until ProTidence thinks proper to do the work . • These are they who look for a sign , but it shall not be given them . "

      Still I could excuse the lncky arithmetical impudence of the Editor of the Phalatix , as his only aim seems to be to write so that he may lick the dust of the earth for his trouble ; and if he Bucceed in this by sophisms of any kind , he is only on an equal footing with the great body of journalists of the present day . But how it comes that men of such penetration and sterling honesty as yourself and Mr . O'Brien should be miBled by such dootrines of this kind is past my comprehension . I wish to remark , from the lengths both of you go , it is not worth your while to stop short of what justice demands . Then suppose tbe whole land in this country let out in portions of five acres each at a giTen rent , concerning this rent who is to pay it , and to whom is it to be paid . He who pays is superior to all who live with him , and he who receives it is an aristocrat on the same footing are aristocrats now are ; and Btill the question remains to be answered—" What

      is to become of the rest who haTe no fiTe-acre farm , arid who receive no rent ? are these on an equal footing with the other ? " Remember the proTisions of nature are the property of the human family , to be husbanded so as to exclude none , while your five-acre system ' would ' exclude all by laying an embargo on the munificence of God . So it is by the present systems of gua . rdia . nism ; but if justice shall rule the case Is Tery different . To those who wish to uphold the present system , or cannot see the possibility of rearing a substitute , your mode of reasoning may do ; but those who stand for a principle of justice must learn to treat the matter apart from everything it has been : these must draw their arrangements so as to enable the whole people to make the most ef the whole provisions of nature , without depriving any part , or giTing to any a preponderance . Such is the end to be attuned without questioning its relation to tbe present or any other system .

      Concerning all eur minor schemes of reform , such as peace societies , charitable institutions , of all kinds , temperance societies , educational societies , and all conventicles , who wish to see Christianity placed on its true basis , and labour meets its reward ; tbe supporters of all of which seem to have an inborn wish for the welfare of the human race , but as their schemes for obtaining the end are indefinite , and far from the mark , I invite them to consider the system propounded in my last , as all their objects are contained under its several heads , and may all be attained at once by establishing that system .

      I am told the public mind is aot prepared to deal with matters of this kind . Then why tamper with it at all ¦ or is it necessary to promulgate error , in order to arrive at truth , or is it the way to bring the question to a speedy issue , to keep back any part of the necessary information . For my part , I think not , though I am aware those who wish to make a trade of agitation , will differ from me . In my next , and last letter , at this time , on this subject ; I shall point out some of the reasons for taking tbe course I propose , and some of the results , certain to follow its adoption , and likewise some of the consequences of pursuing a system of agitation , without a specified view of the end to be attained . I haTe the honour to be , Sir , Your obedient serTant , CHARLES DUKCA >\ Canon-streefc , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , January 10 th , 1842 .

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      CASE OF CARRIER THE CHARTIST VICTIM . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Many inquiries haTing been made as to what has become of Mr . Carrier ; and whether he has receiTed the amount due to him from the benefit at tbe Social Hall , on November 8 th , 1841 . In anBwer to the first , I beg to sUte that he sailed from Liverpool on Thursday , December 30 th last To the second , I hold Mr . Carrier ' s receipt for £ 12 0 s . 6 d ., leaTlng £ 4 5 s . 3 ^ d . due to him out of the whole amount of £ \ G 5 s . 9 id ., the proceeds of the benefit . On Sunday , December 2 C , Mr . Carrier , myself , and Mr . Joslyn , a member of the committee , were out the whole day endeaTonring to get in tbe residue , but did not succeed to any great amount , Mi . Carrier having left his wife and child at Trowbridge , at his request the money , when paid , is to be forwarded to Mrs . Carrier . Arrangements have been

      made with Mr . Carrier , Sen ., who resides in London , to that effect I belieTe that the individuals who held tickets , will pay for them as soon as they receive it from those who had them , with one exception . The same difficulty has been experienced on former occasions ; therefore , injustice to myself I feel compelled to make this statement , as well as for the satisfaction of those Caartiits who so nobly supported Mr . Carrier , both before and since bis release . As far as I am concerned I know nothing personally of Mr . Carrier , but from the nature of his sentence , and as a victim to the cause , I felt it my duty to render him all the support 1 possibly could . DuriDg the last nine months of his imprisonment , I laboured incessantly to bring his case before . Parliament , and Lord Normanby ; and with Mr .

      Buncombe ' s and Mr . Cleave's assistance , succeeded in getting him released six months before his sentence expired . The support he has since receiTed from the London Chartists has been great I heartily wish every victim had received similar support I have been led into these observations from the fact tbafc I haTe been blamed by some indiTiduals for not getting the money in sooner , the fault does not rest with me , consequently I dteline participating in any odium that may arise from it Since Mr . Carrier ' s departure I haTe received a portion of the balance , which has been sent to bis wife . Tou will greatly oblige by giving this an insertion in your valuable journal . I am , Sir , Toots , in the cause , J . W . Parker . 38 , Rupert-street , Haymarket

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      TO THE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF THE " NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . " THE ADDRESS OF THE MEMBERS OF XHE COUNCIL

      L 1 VIKG AT BRIGHTON . Brethren , —Strongly attached to the " People ' s Charter , " en account of its embracing the principles on which , alone , as we think , political changes can be made advantageously to the great mass of the people , wo are prepared to second to the utmost of our Tery bumble means , a plan of national organisation , being fully convinced that a thorough organisation of the more useful classes must precede any efficient and beneficial alteration of the political system now so loudly denounced , and justly complained of . We believe still , as we haTe believed from the beginning of the late , and , in many respects , disastrous , agitation , that the

      present possessors and abusers of political power will laugh at , and slight the demurrings of the industrious classes , until by a good aud wide-spread combination of energies , and concentration of purpose they become too formidable to be laughed at with impunity . Next in importance to unity , or Bingleness ef purpose , is a welldigested system of organisation . It is because we are convinced of this , that wo attach a Tery great importance to the office which yoa fulfil in the " National Charter Association—and it is with feelings of pleasure that we can congratulate our brother Chartists in the -various parts of the kingdom on the possession of a council that has acted , and purposes to act bo unitedly , firmly , and dispassionately .

      We feel that yon are awkwardly situated inasmuch as your methods of action are liable to be misconstrued and injuriously interpreted ; we were , therefore , gratified in reading your last address to the association , to see the temperate and argumentative style , in which it was couched ; it grati * ed us to observe that yonr firmness was of a character calculated to command re-

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      spect , rather than to excite fruitless discussion ; and we earnestly hope that this spirit of action will be henceforth exhibited by all classes in the association , — when wa shall have fully learned to treat the eentimento , and even , the failing * and errors of each other with deference ; and shall haTe ^ become , one and all , in the great duty of perfecting the organisation we have founded ; then may we expect to make rapid progress in the attainment of our . ' ultimate objeota . We have made these remarks because we ft » l indebted to you , as the Executive-CannoU , for setting forth , in your several addresses , on example of moderation and deference united with firmness , that if universally followed must command and secure for us the respeot of out opponents .: ¦ ; To your last addresses we can have but little to object . . . : ¦;'• ¦ .- . " ¦ ' ¦ -. ¦ ; -v , - .. ; . ' ' . /¦ : . . " . : . ¦ ";• ;;¦ ... .. ;/ .,

      In respect to the present plan for Issuing cards , we think , with yourselves , that the modificatipn proposed by our Bristol friends would be the substitution of one evil for- - . another without any real advantage . The present unrestricted method of distributing cards is more national , and in better keeping with the broad pr inciple on which we are united . But we would , nevertheless , urge upon you the propriety ? of keeping the objection of our Bristol friends ever before you , with a view to the ultimate adoption of some means of obviating those little evils which may continually spring up to weaken the force of our organisation . "¦¦';¦¦ . ¦ ; '¦; ..-In respect to the means proposed for collecting the Convention Fund we have an objection to offer , but we do so with deference because we cannot for a moment doubt that you have given the subject deep consideration . . •¦ •¦ : ¦• . . ' ¦ .- - . : : . ¦ " . ¦ . ; . ¦ : ¦ '¦ :. ¦ - : - . - ,-: ¦' .-. ¦ :. ¦

      It is obvious that , when we are frequently required to rafsa funds for various objects , and when , too , the pecuniary resources of all of us are more or less ao restricted as to render our contributions a work * of great denial , the levying of new fundB should be as much equalised as possible . In Brighton we have felt : the ^ desirability ot this , for we have ever been among the most forward to second any good object when money has been wanted ; and thus we have frequently had as many as five or six distinct accounts opened for contributions . We think that the plan you propose to adopt in the collection of a Convention Fund Is unequal . You say In your address " That in Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilts , thereareas many towns where the Association extends as will produce the required sum at an average of Two Pounds each . ' ' ¦ ¦ . ' . ' . . ' . ¦ ¦ ¦ . "¦ - ..: ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦' - . ¦

      We know not of more than five or six places in our district to which we can lwk for contributions . Instead , therefore , of two pounds , we shall have six or seven pounds to raise on an average iu eaoh locality . This is a great disproportion . Supposing there to be in the London district twenty-six distinct association localities , each will have to raise a fraction more than two pounds , and yet in London and its environs there must be far greater facilities for raising money than in this district . It must not be imagined that subscriptions can be raised with any facility from those who sign the National Petition . We can speak very confidently for the : South of England , at least , wherein there are thousands of persons who do not object to sign their names to a petition , but who would moat unequivocally demur against subscribing a farthing towards defraying the expences incurred . In Brighton we can look to very few beside the bona fide members of the Association for even the 8 malles (; contribution , and yet we have but little difficulty in obtaining thousands of names .

      Taat taxation should be co-extensive with representation is unquestionably just ; but then as our association is very unequally distributed some regard should be paid to the number of association localities in eTery district . This is the more necessary as we have shewn that little pecuniary support can be obtained front others than bona fide members of the association . If we are in a condition to support two representatives , London should have at least ten instead of three . If three representatives be enough for London with its twenty-five or twenty-six localities , then one representative is sufficient for oven . a . larger district than ours , where the association localities are so few . If the

      population of the respective districts has anything to do in the distribution of representatives , then we find that even in this the great disproportion we complain of is further exemplified . You cite Gloucester ; Somerset , and Wilts . These counties have a population of upwards of 1 , 000 , 000 , while Southampton and Sussex have but little more than half that population ; yet in both cases , the number of representatives are the same . But this disproportion is trifling , in comparison with the London district , which has a population of upwards of 3 , 000 , 090 . ' and yet this district is to have only three representatives . We have cited no more instances than sufficient to illustrate the grounds of ; our objection , per ' haps on further examination , other discrepancies might

      be discovered . IV is not from any apathy that we make this objection ; we find by your report that 13 , 000 cards have been issued , and that the sum you desire to raise is £ 432 , by every member paying only eightpence . ThiB sum may be raised ; or , to take another mode of calculation , we find that tbeassociation extends to 2 » 9 localities , if we suppose there to be 20 members only in each locality , bn an average , then thirty shillings from each locality , or eighteenpence from each member , would more than raise the sum required . ' . " ¦¦¦ ¦ - ., . ¦ '

      Instead , however , of eightpence each , we have to levy on each member not less than three shillings and sixpence is order to raise the sum of £ 36 . Supposing that one-fourth of our members are incapable of subscribing anything at all , the subscription would be yet more hard on the remaining three-fourths ; we therefore trust you will reconsider the subject ; , with a view to a more equal levy of the Convention Fund ; in fact , by way of adding a little force to our arguments ; we must candidly tell you that we cannot raise bo much money as £ 36 . . ¦¦'¦ '¦ ¦; .. ¦ ; . '¦' -: ' : '

      While on this subject , we may aa well state that we have felt the want of a map of the Various localities of our wide-spread association ; we have thought that at a little expence maps might be printed by the Executive , and issued at a small charge to the various divisions of the association ; these maps to consist simply of the outline of Great Britain , with ^ he county boundaries well defined ; some of the principal towns in each county marked down , and all the assocation localities printed in a conspicuous manner . This map stitched into a little statistical book , would tend to further our objects by giving to the members in every locality , a correct idea of the real extent of the association . ¦ -. ¦ ¦¦'

      We highly applaud the manner in which you have met the objections of the Bible Chartists- —we respect the religious opinions of all men—we would not offend the peculiar sentiments of any man . Our great object is to be united in effecting political changes that militate against no really religious faith . To make any religious opinions the test of a fitness for brotherhood wo \» ld annihilate us as a party , and render our objects utterly unattainable . We highly approTe also of your address to the Glasgow Chartists . In our opinion your arguments are irrefutable . Having a high opinion of pur Scotch friends , we sincerely trust that they will see the propriety of laving aside the little differences that they haTe raised , and , by joining iotis viribus , render our association both mere perfectly national , and invincibly powerful .

      Trusting that the new year may bring us renewed concord , and a less distant view of success to our exertions , We remain , Most sincerely , In the brotherhood of Chartism , Robert Colling , William Woodward , John Allen , George Giles , John , Page , Frederick Page , Reuben Allcokn , Robert Lunsdell , Wm , Flower , sub-Treasurer , Nathaniel Morling , sub-Secretary . Brighton , Jan . 9 th , 1842 .

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      FROST'S COMMITTEE * BIRMINGHAM . COPY OF THE LAST MEMORIAL SEJiT FROM 'FROSTS COMSIITTEE , FOR PRESENTATION TO HER MAJESTY , IN BEHALF OF FROST , "WILLIAMS , AND JONES . - ; To Her Most Gracious Majesty . Victoria . * Queen of . the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . The humble Memorial of a Committee appointed at a large Public Meeting , to take such steps as may be necessary , in order to obtain justice for John Frost , Zephaniah Williams , and William Jones , who were illegally convicted , and transported in the year 1840 , . .. : \ ' . ¦•¦ ' ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ ¦¦¦¦ ' , "¦ ¦• - ' : ; "" . ;¦ ¦ Sheweth , —That we congratulate your Majesty on the auspicious event of an heir to the throne of these Realms , and the more especially aa that heir is a Prince , and while we feel grateful to Providence for your Majesty ' s safe recovery from the indisposition : attending your accouchement , we would at the same time , respectfully press upon your Majesty ' s attention the

      general distress that is spread so alarmingly throughout the country , particularly in the manufacturing distr icts . We can aee , by statistical statements of undoubted veracity , the distress that prevails in different parts of your Majesty ' s dominions ; and we can see in our own neigb . ourb . ood , Bueh harrowing scenes of woe , of starvation and misery , aB are most agoniaing to look upon . We can find married women of good and respectable character , in the Bame situation as that which your Majesty has , through the blessing of ttod , gone through with safety , in the most deplorable and wretched Btate of existence , for ; want of the commonest necessaries of life . We can find the husband

      in a state bordering upon madness— bis children crying and imploring him to give them bread , and lie has none ; txie wib is lying eick and helpless on a msttrsss of straw , without any of those necessaries and comforts , even the most coarse , which her situation demands ; he has in vain solicited assistance ; and rendered desperate by his hopeless situation , he takes that assistance by force that he has in -vain asked and even prayed for . We again see him arraigned as a felon . He ia tried —the law condemns him ; be iB imprisoned or transported , aud his family are either left to die of absolute want or are taken to the Poor-house , ( wbick is already filled to suffocation with similar objects ) where they

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      are brutally separated from each other , and . their deplorable situation rendered still more miserable . We BJmcerely assure your Majestey that we have not exaggerated the picture we have drawn , for proof of which we appeal to the public press . The common feelings of humanity Induce us to contrast the miserable situation of the parties we haye described with that of your Majesty . ; Surrounded with every luxury that wealth can purchase , living in a splendid palace , with a most numerous retinue of servants , to ^ attend to your slightest want and gratify your every wish , your Majesty does not see and cannot feel the agony of want we have been describing , and are daily experiencing .

      And while we numbly yet firmly request your majesty to cause this diBtress to ba relieved , we at the same time would respectfully remind your majesty of the custom which baa been handed down from olden time , of granting a general amnesty to such political and criminal offenders as may be deemed deserving of the graaious boon . ; ' - -.. : --. ¦¦' : , '¦' . ' . .. ¦' . . . '¦¦'¦ ¦¦¦ ¦' ¦'¦¦ - ¦ , ; ' " ' -: V We would humbly beg to remind your majesty that the custom we speak of boa generally been practised afc the birth of a Prince of Wales ; and understanding that jour majesty has signified your benevolent intention of granting an amnesty te such prisoners as may be deemed deserving . We therefore humbly pray yonr majesty to include in such amnesty John Frost , Z * pbanian Williams and William Jones , who .- . were-convicted and transported for the term of their natural lives , though we believe such conviction to have been illegal and contrary to law .

      We sincerely assure your majesty that the pardon of these men would give the utmost joy , and satisfaction to many hundred thousands of your majesty ' s dutiful subjects : while it would confer the greatest blessing it is in your majesty ' s power to bestow , upon the wives and children " of the unfortunate convicts . The wives of these men look upon their children and say , hereby our gracious queen is a mother , and she will grant the prayer of the nation , and our prayer , and give us back our husbands , and our children their fathers , that we may be happy and have cause to bless her . And we would respectfully remind jour most gracious majesty that the individuals we have named have undergone great suffering , both mentally and bodily , —enough to satisfy even the most vindictive of those who wished for their punishment ; These men are thousands of miles away from the land of their birth , pining away in hopeless despondency their miserable lives .

      We therefore humbly pray , that your majesty ' s heart may be open to the still small voice of mercy and humanity , and that you may grant the prayers of your majesty ' s nijst dutiful servants by freely pardoning the men we have named—we shall then have good cause to bless and to pray for you . Your majesty's '' situation ' * ' -as sovereign ruler of these realms , places the power of exercising your mercy and benevolence in the most prominent light , and nothing is eo- gratifying to the heart of a benevolent ruler as to be able to comply with a nation ' a prayer .

      As a proof that : the return of these men is most earnestly desired by the people , we point to the many petitions and memorials that have at different times been presented for their return to their country : and respectfully point out to your majesty the fact that when tke Honourable House of Commons , in Parliament assembled , discussed ibe question ef " the liberation of political offenders" the motion was only lost through the casting vote of the Speaker , Hoping that your Majesty will comply with our request , yonr majesty ' s humble memorialists will ever pray , &c . Signed on behalf of the Committee , . £ * £ S ™ * ' } Joint Secretaries ! John Bough , Chairman

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      TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Fellow CountrymeNj—4 n my letter of the 6 th inst , addressed to you , I endeavoured to show you that the prejudices which have so long existed betwixt you and the people of England were not to be traced to them , but to an interested portion of them . I have shown you that the aristocracy were that portion of the English whose interest it was to create and support those prejudices , in order that they might retain thafc power over you which they had unjustly usurped ; and r will now further prove to you that those assertions are founded on facts , and that they are , and ever will be , the enemies of the people , until the people themselves arise in their moral strength , and assert their own power and independence .

      There is an old adage which says , " that a man forewarned is forearmed . " If this be true , will it not become your duty to protect your own interests , and promote your country ' s welfare , by apposing , with all your energies , the measures of those wh » are your avowed enemies , and whose exaltation depends on the prostration of your political power ? To this query I will > no doubt , receive as auawer— " We have opposed them ; we are even now arrayed in the contest of right against mifiht , and we will never cease to be so until we obtain

      those rights and privileges to which nature and the constitution entitle us . " It will be only justice to you to acknowledge that such is your determination , and , I believe , your intentions have ever been patriotic , and your fondest hope that of placing yonr country in the position in which she Will be recognised amongst the nations of the earth . ¦ . But although I admit the honesty of your intentions , I will , in duty to my country , be compelled to show you that heretofore your energies have not been properly directed to produce the desired effect ¦ '" ¦ :. ' * . ' : * ' ¦ .. * . . ¦' . * , ' ' ' ¦ . ¦ * ¦' ¦

      That this is not mere assertion , any rational man will at once admit , for , having in my former letter proved that the aristocracy alone were your enemies , it follows that there ought to be ( as it affects you ) , bat two political parties in the Btate , namely , the rich oppressor and the poor oppressed . You , as a people , ought not to recognise any other ; for , no matter what other parti ' ea .. call themselves , whether Whig or Tory , you may rest assured : they have no sympathy for ysu , and are equally opposed to your Interest On this point , then , you differ from the Chartists ; they stand boldly forward in defiance of all descriptions of enemies , and are determined , in spite of the combined efforts of aristocratic power and influence to conquer , or fall in the struggle ; whilst you . allow yourselves to be guided by prejudice , and made the tools of a faction , . who have ever deceived and insulted you , although their political existence depended on your support Thus we differ , and I ask you is it not more honourable to stand up

      boldly , as the Chartists do , than to truckle to such a contemptible faction as the Whigs , whom you have so long supported , and whom you are now ; with your " Liberator" at your head , helping into office , although , by the by , the noble Wbigi who is such a favourite with the " chief magistrate , " has , on a recent occasion , done honour to the glorious , pious , and immortal memory" of the father of-the vilest faction that ever disgraced the nation ; but there is little wonder , in such things , for your consistent leader (!) condescends , for the ' . " '" benefit , of the people" (!) to wear the hateful emblem of your country ' s enemy dangling at his button hole , as if in mockery of your sufferings . But here I cannot hfllp fancying I hear the latent voice of the " Liberator" himself bringing forward a resolution in the Corn Exchange , to the effect «•' . that the Chartists are the enemies of Ireland , inasmuch as they voted for the TorleB at the late Parliamentary eleotionB , and thereby placed the enemies of the Catholics in power . " .. - ¦ . ;• . .-. '¦ - '¦ . - . ' . - . ¦ . ' . ¦• . , '¦ "¦ : - .: ' :

      Now , I contend that when his Lordship brought forward that resolution , he must have had an " ulterior " motive in view , and that motive must have been to increase the prejudices which he had already raised against the Chartists ; for it cannot fee dupposed that such a politician as his Lordship could be ignorant of the fact , that the Whigs are aa much opposed to the people as the Tories , and that it is as much the interest of the Whigs to persecute the Catholics as it is that of the Tories ; besides , he must recollect that even in his Lordship ' s time , tbe Whigs have not deserved the suffrage of the Irish people . It was not the Whigs Who granted liberty of conscience to the Irish , nor was It the Tories who sanctioned the coercion , bloodshed , and little burnings which

      devastated the country under a Whig administration ; nor was it the Tories who erected bastileB in' Ireland to imprison the starving victims of aristocratic tyranny and misrule . No ; his Lordship knew better ; but ho depended on your belief of his assertions , as he knew his influence over your minds was euch as to prevent you inquiring for yourselves . The Chartiste acted upon that occasion as they should have acted ; they had ever known that the Tories were the inveterate enemies of the people , and they had learned by experience that the Whigs were Worse than enemies , inasmuch as they pretended to be-the friends of the people whenever they required their support ; but their objtct once attained , threw off the mask , and showed the lion's teeth beneath the hypocrite ' s disguise . The Chartists

      had sense enough to know that an open enemy ia less to be dreaded than : one who , under the guise of friendship , clutches the assassin ' s knife in his grasp and stabs you in the heart when : you least expect it The Tories seldom promise anything to the people , but the Whigs had promised , and his Lordship knew 8 how well they kept their word . This ; theni was the reason why the Chartists opposed the Whigs , and they have shown , by their conduct on that occasion , that the people are no longer to be despised , that the V swinish multitude" have the poweri and know how to use it to advantage ; they knew it was better to have only one enemy to contend with than two ; and , therefore , they very properly kicked out their Would-beifriends , and are equally determined to kick the Tories out , too ; for they sincerely believe that , whilst class . ' legislation

      exists , the people will be victimised , and the country involved in ruin and desolation . The Chartists did not help the jpries for love of them , but from a love of fair play which henceforth they are determined'to have '; and until you act in this way , your energies will not be properly exercised for your benefit Only ask yourselves calmly what have the Whijjs don « e for you ? and you will have no answer that will show their friendship . Now , I argue , that you , as a people , Bhould not support a Whig any more than a Tory , as all are your enemies . It is no matter what the'Liberator says about the virtues of the Whigs , because he is one himself ; all his eloquence will not be able to prove that they are your friends . I challenge him or any of his adherents to do so , or to prove that the Chartists hate the Irish , because they preferred fighting with one nemy instead of two .

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      Only contrast the conduct of the two parties for a moment , and you will easily see how much you ought to love them . They have both flattered you and tortured you in turn , and- would equally deprive you of your natural and political rights . If one has invented a " sliding scale , * and thereby prepared the . way to starve you out of existence , the other invented scales arid light weights , and hung them up in the bastiles to weigh the pitiful crusts which hunger cravee for . If ene used the halter and the gibbet , tbe-otber used firs and faggot . / . If one employed , the executioner , the other used secret service money , and transportation , and tore from the bosoms of their families the sons of liberty and independence . If one triumphed over the smouldering ruins of Ireland ' s glory , the otter plunged a firebrand into the solitary stack of the widow , and with sacrilegions blasphemy declared it was for the

      benefit of Christianity 1 !! If one is an enemy to civil and religious liberty , the other infringed on the liberty of the people , and ' filled the loathsome dungeons witb . their bodies for expressing their dislike to oppression . In fact , you have been the slaves ef both parties , and each have ruled you with a rod of iron . Will ypur Liberator still tell you the Whigs are your friends t or will you , with-such facts as must be within the recellection of each of you of their hostility to your interests , believe bia reckless assertions ? Let him turn over the black catalogue of sufferings which his country has endured , and then if he is a patriot , I dare him to call them your friends . Oh * what a mockery of friendship , and how vain the hope to obtain •" . Justice to Ireland " from such two-faced . tyrants as the Whigs > who for the past ten years have proved themselves the bitterest enemies of the people .

      If they had been really your friends , they had opportunity and power sufficient to serve you . But no ; savage as the tiger ia their nature , the moment you bore them triumphant from the hustings they forgot your claims for justice ; arid , in return for yonr services , presented you with a Coercion Bill , as a token of their gratitude .:- ' , ¦ - . . '"; - - : . ¦' . ¦ ' v : ° ' '¦ . . ' -.- i \ . ' / . ' ¦' t - - \ - . ' . \' ¦ ¦' ' ¦ . - . It is vain to seek for justice from any class of the aristocracy , so long as the present ( system of lejtislatlou exists in these countries . Thereisnoconfldence to be placed in the promises of either \ Vbig or Tory , nor is there any friendship in the advice / which tells you to temporise with either party . Justice will never be granted to the people until they obtain that political power which will enable them to legislate for themselves ; for it is a constitutional right that yon have a voice in the making of the laws which govern youV

      Irishmen ! I call upon you , by your love of liberty- — by theJove you owe your country- ^ by that spirit which has sustained you in afflictions , and 'bore you victorious whilst combatting the enemies of an ungrateful country , to arouse from your lethargy ; Shake off your prejudices , for the moment is arrived for action . Trie Whigs , your treacherous friends , are politically dead . The Tories are in power . You know they hate you : their hireling press . is calling for , more - bayonets to silence you , and urging your tyrants to suppress the rising spirit of liberty in your bosoms . Can you—will you hesitate ? You are all familiar with the wrongs -of

      Ireland ; her present wretched , miserable , and prostrate conditien must fill your bosoms with dismay . The many thousands of her famishing and care-worn people bear ample testimony to the unceasing rigour of despotic sway , which has fattened on the misery of its victims There is not . a tewn , village , or city which has not witnessed the sanguinary infliction of punishments which were awarded to break your noble and patriotic spirit There are many thousands still living who have seen their husbands , wives , and children tota from their besoms , to be sacrificed to the fury of their insatiate enemies ; and why ? Because they loved their country better than their lives .

      Irishmen ! your Bpirit has not yet forsaken you ; you are still the sons of liberty ' s heroes , and your country is as dear to you as to your fathers . - Arise , then , in your moral might ; let your voice , loud as the echoing thunders , reach even ; the footstool of Royalty ; for it is but xigbt that her Majesty should know your sufferings , that she may . do justice to her people . ' Tell her the Constitution was framed for the people , and not the people for the Constitution . Demand that you be restored to your proper position in society , and that

      yeur country be justly dealt with . Let no one prompt you to acts of violence , or deter you from seeking yout rights , whilst you do so constitutionally . Remember your success depends on the energy with which you pursue your object , and do not forget the greater the moral power the greater will be the outward pressure . Your moral power aJone obtained Catholic Emancipation , and yonr moral power , joined to tfee Chartists of Great Britain , will accelerate your deliverance . Be united , be firm , and bear in mind the text—" Ask , and yoa shall receive . " "

      Do this ; prove yourselves worthy to be called Irishmen ; and let your motto be " Universal Suffrage , and NoSurrehderI" . ' . - ; ; . ; : . - . ; . ' . " . ; '¦¦ ,- .: ' : - ' " ^ ¦ ¦'" . ' . . - I cave the honour to be , Fellow Cpuntrymen , Your most obedient humble servant , ¦'¦ ¦ :.- ' .-. > .... ' ''' ..-. ' - ' .-W . - - ' . H . ' € ! l . lFT 0 i » . ¦

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      TO THE Rl <* HT HON . LORD STANLEY . . " The ways of trade are grown » etflsn to the borders ol theft , and Bupply to * the boYder . 8 ( if not beyond the borders ) of fraud ;"—Emebson . Mr LpRti , —Aceording to promise , I now take upon me to shew yoa some of the effects of * ' competition and monopoly . " "* : .. ¦¦'¦ ¦'• My Lord , before I begin my task permit me to give you to understand what I mean by the terms " competition and monopoly . " I mean that the master / having a power over the labour of man , eo as to enable him at pleasure to reduce the nominal value of labour , is competition . I mean that individuals possessing power , so that they can at pleasure enhance the value ef provisions almost to a prohibition to tbe labouring man , is monopoly ; both of which , aiy Lord , are protected by the real source of monopoly , " class legislation . "

      My Lord , as one effect of the aPove source of evils , ; I will introduce to your Lordship a circumstance to which I myself was eye and ear witness ,. It is as follows : ~ While taking : a walk down Noble-Btree ^ , X saw a man in the act of running away from the union workhouse , with part of his clothes on , and the other part he had left behind him ; he looked like death ; shivering and shaking with cold and hunger . He was invited into a house ( No . 17 ) where he partook of some refreshment ; snch as the good woman had to give , — bread , butter , sugar , and tea ; in which house he told the following tale of misery : — " I am a hand-loom , weaver ; lived in Princess-street ; I became unwell , so that I could hot earn my bread ; made application for

      relief , was put into the workhouse , was put to bed , and there remained three weeks and a half , without being washeiJ or shaved , or permitted to rise out of my bed until my body and bedclothes became one living mass of moving filth . I was not allowed to haTe ; any thing to eat er drink , but doctor's physic , and now he has so reduced me that I cannot only with difficulty move along . I wanted something to eat that would restore me to my former strength , but it was denied me . I ' saw nothing before me but death , and that brought on by a knave in the . peiaon of a medical practitioner . Such staring me in the face , I ran \ away from the hellhole the best way I could , and here I am , not knowing what will become of me . " : . ¦

      My Lord , the above individual hasbeenaproducer of above an equal portion of that wealth , of which he was denied .. : . . ¦ : . . " ' ¦ : .. ; ¦ ¦ ¦ . '' •¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ : ' _ : ¦ : ' ..::: ¦ ¦ > ' - ¦•' - " ¦ My Lord , when manufacturers go to the market to sell their manufactures , if one should sell a fraction below the other , the consequence is a general reduction in the prices of such manufactures . Masters come home and reduce the " wages of the labourers , which , in my opinion , is very foolish : for you , Hay- Lord , mast underatand , that when a workman is reduced in his wages , he ( the workman ) is necessitatea , in orderto have the same command over the comforts of life , to do more work , the consequence of which is , a greater surplus of labour ' s produce will be found to exifct in the labour market By way of an llluBtration to the above , I Will ; state a fact , with which every working man is acquainted . ¦" , •'¦';; ¦ ' ¦•' . . '" : ¦ ¦ -

      My Lord , iu . 1835-6 , I , was Hying in this town . At that time I had for weaving a Bolton ilfty reed tape check , 7 s . 6 d ., while at this time I have only 5 s . for the same labour . ¦ ' ; . - ¦ . .. - .. . "; ; ---, ¦'¦ .. - . ¦ ¦ - ; '¦ ' ¦ / - -: .. ' . ; --: ¦ :. ' ¦¦' ¦ ¦[ . ' ~ ' ' ' * . Now , my Lord , in erder to have the same command of thet necessaries ^ of life ,. 1 am obliged to work three yards of cloth in 1842 , for two yards in 1835-6 , allowing the price of provisions to be the same in 1842 as it was in 1835-6 j but such is not the case- for in lthe former period bread was only 6 d for the 4 lb loaf , while in the latter period bread is 8 d for the 41 b loaf . My Lord , yonsee , in order for ine ( -to < haye tbti same command over the necessaries of life I am obliged before I can compete With the bread-tax monopoly to work 25 per cent , more werk in the present year , than what I had to work in the years 1835-6 . The effect of monopoly . ¦

      Again , before I can command the Bame amount of provisions I am necessitated to work £ 33 6 s . 8 d . per cent more work now than what I had to work at the period to which I have already referred . The effect of competition . ' - " . : . ' ¦ - . ¦ . ' . ¦ ¦''¦¦ ..-.. - ... ; . " . :. ¦; ' . .. ¦ ¦ ,. ¦ :. Now , my Lord , I would ask yon what will be the result of a Bystem of gbvernment whicb ^ aUows such a Btate of things to exist ? to , which question I beg to give the fallowing answer : ' - — . V - My Lord , according to the already-mentioned statements , I find that before I can live the same in 1842 as I lived in 1835-6 , 1 am necessitated to work two yards instead of one yard , which is cent per cent in the short period of six years . ^ ¦ ¦ ^

      My Lord , if in the former period there was a general complaint amongst master manufacturers of a surplus quantity of labour s produce , what must now be the fact ? There must be . an increased surplus at the rate of cent , per cent , or t& people musthave less of ffipse enjoyments which they enjoyed in 1835-6 ; : therefore ; if the system works on the same as It now does , the effect will be , the produce Will become valueless on account of the extra surplus , which will bejepme as abundant aa stones in the street , and at the sanie time the people he nsked-fdr want of the surplus , which evil can only be prevented by the legislative adoption of the People ' s Charter . -- / ' : ¦ : ¦' -: / : " :. ; . ¦ ' ¦ , --. '¦¦ ¦ -. ¦' - ¦ •;¦ : ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦

      My Lord , I shall again address you on the above topic , after you take your seat in the ciass-created Pandemonium . ¦ My next letter will be headed " Poor Man ' sPoliilcs . " In the interim , I remain , my . Lord , . Yours in the cause of truth , And a friend to . tbe People ' s Cbartsr , Bjiton , J ^ iiuarv 10 , 18 i 2 . Fexeu * RlGijY .

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct583/page/7/