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Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th May 1841, Edition 3 of 5, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      irv HENRY HETHERIXGTON , HIS "NEW MOTE , " AND THE NORTHERN STAR . _ , ro ttf . 'TRY HETHERIKGTON , HIS "NEW

      10 IHS EDITOR OF THE 50 STHEE > i STAR . , Queen ' s Bench , April 27 , 1841 . , 5 £ B , ^ In the Northern Star of the 17 th , instant , and J ^ n last -week , yon have thought proper to animad-3-t upon the Address issued by Messrs . Lovett , JSjjeb , md others , for th « formation of » National ^^ tion for promoting the political and social immanent of tbe people . Tou hare , I regret to say , Srfonned your daty with a flippancy nnbeeoming the S es sion , and a disregard of truth unworthy of a projkssjd advocate of the principles of the -People ' s f 2 jart € Tj y < ra commence first by falsely asserting " that this -aodation is of O'Connell , Hume , and Roebuck ' s eon-^ cn . " With respect to your second assertion , I Sjnot presume to question your prophetic eapabilijjji , though you haTe , in this instance , published a jkige prediction . ¦" 5

      ^ ftst ril 1 ^ pe ° P think , Sir , of a public writer jn t&e cause of democracy who can commence with a yEfel perversion of the truth—aye , a wilful perversion ? T ) id not the editor of the Northern 8 ar , some months fga , receiTe a copy of Chartism , written by LoTett and JkOjns in Warwick Gaol , in which a National Assoei liioji i » proposed , and the rules for governing such an jgjciition are submitted for public approbation ? Did 35 $ the editor publicly promise to review that work ?—. j ^ did he not , when he found the work had elicited 0 $ approbation of all good Chartists , and even of the ^ ppjsents of Chartism , meanly break his premise , by ^ ff Bo ticin ? it ? The editor of tae Northern Star vjjgtr full well , when he male the assertion > i »" . Lovett 5

      • ad Collins * •¦ Chartism" not only contained a pro--o ^ to form a National Association , but defined its jjygcts and contained its rules ; and now that it is injgadsd to reduce tbe proposal to practice , he meanly -ggnipts to rob these worthy men of the honour they ve justly entitled to from their labours in the people ' s jgaJe , by basely asserting that it "Is of O"Connell , BdBS , and Roebuck ' s concoction . " This may accord , iilj Northern Siar " Chartism , * ' but it will suit no man ¦ jjili » spark » f honour and honesty in his composition jb » Editor of the Northern Siar , through ignorance , a confounding that which emanates from LoYett and qjIjjju ' j •¦ Chartism" with an Association projected , and aes ibont to be formed , by Dr . Black , Mr . Place , and

      others , among the liberal and enlightened of the middle gujes , to adopt and cany forward Mr . Hume's plan of HKoehold and Lodger Suffrage , Triennial Parliaments , Tosing by Ballot , No Property Qualification , Payment q [ Jiembers , and Equal Electoral Districts . The intention was to form an Association exclusively of the jaiddle class , that would co-operate with the Chartists in iQ just and landable measures for extending the isgiia and liberties of the unenfranchised nuHions , and jb improTing their intellectual , social , and moral congjioa . Mr . Hume , and those who act with him , QBCght that the working classes might be inclined to j&pt so large a measure of reform—little less , in fact , gun tbe whole Charter—if it were fairly and

      ho-BBily submitted to their consideration , and * i&ed to ascertain whether the Chartists would jan an Association formed for the purpose of carrying Garter Suffrage , without adhering to the name of the Qarter . He requested an interriew with Messrs LoreS , Cleave , Watson , Hetheringten , Collins , £ nd Yineect Tfce two latter not being in town , could not Band ; but had a subsequent internew with Mr . Hums on the subject Three of the former , Lovett , Care , and Hettierington , attended . Lovett and Ckave would not yield the name of the Charter—they thoniht that Mr . Hume ' s Lodger Suffrage was a large

      idnnoe towards the Charter , but would not consent to kid a new agitation for anything less than the Charter , or for anything not bearing the name . I differed TiJh jay friends , and thought Mr . Hume ' s proposition k > food and so extensive , that , though I would never liAB&onthe agitation for the Charter , if 1 saw any prospect of carrying Mr . Hume ' s plan immediately , I Ttald give it my best exertions , as I considered it , in bet , the Charter with another name . Messrs . Lovett isd Cleave both set their faces against the plan , as did ik ) Collins and Tincent ; and Mr . Hume then said ttai nothing ceuld be done , and both parties must , therefore , tske their own course .

      Toci conduct , Sir , in reference to this " New MoTe , " sfiscts little creiit on you as a public writer . You ire evidently destitute of that democratic spirit -of freedom and equality which is essential in an advocate of the rights of the people . When the Working Mmi Association put forth an address to the people of Ireiiad , inviting their co-operation with the Chartists , i copy of the address was sent round to all the ieociatioES that we knew of , inviting the signatures d their chairmen or secretaries—if the address met thai approbation , and their suggestions and corrections if it did not . The Northern Star then highly approved d the course taken to obtain unity of sentiment , and to jive it publicity . The same course now meets with determined hostility . It is called a " secret more" to

      nnrard an address that reflects the highest honour on tbe head and heart of him who penned it , enclosed in % letter commencing thus : — " Dear Sir , —Tbe following lddress is intended to be submitted to all the 1 ZLD 15 G CHAETISTS THROUGHOUT TH _ E KINGDOM , in order to obtain their signatures , ttbex it will be TOUTED ASD PCBIISHED A 3 THXIK JOINT ADDRESS . " Basyonean a secret more ! Tou may by sophistry od falsehood delude the ^ TifoynViTig , and treacbersusly belaj their cause , but you will make no impression on the common sense of the working people ; your falsehood and injustice only tend to destroy the influence yen one * had , by opening the eyes of the people to the real motives and objects of the conductors of the northern Siar .

      Whit can you truly and justly urge against the otjeea of this Association—this " New Move , " as you tall it ? Are you averse to the first object— " to establish in one general body persons of all cretdt , classes , iBd opinions , who are desirous to promote the political icd social imprevement of the people ? " Do yon isi that it will admit some few honest men from the nubs of the middle elass ? What do you call Mr . Taxes O'Connor ? Is he not a middle class man ?

      What right have you , then , to assume that Mr . Fearfoj O'Connor embodies in his own person all the honesty sad intelligence of his class ? There are thousands of good men among the aiddle class besides Mr . O'Connor , » iio are desirous of promoting the political and social fcprovsment of the people , but are deterred from co" Peniisg for the attainment of that object by the un-FBaripled conduct of the conductors of the Northern Star . Our Association opens the door to them if they Hi disp&sed to enter .

      li the yorthern Star averse to the second object of the " Ke * Move "— " Jo create and extend an enlightened yti&s , opinion i > - fatocr of the People ' s Chab-IE 2 , asd by every jcst and peaceful means secure JK EyACIMESi , sothit the industrious classes may ie placed in possession of the franchise—the most important step to all political and social reformation . ' " Or , ii it only averse to the adoption 9 f just and peace / »* aM _ f « attaining the object ? You , Mr . Editor , Biltidi second object a " sprat te citeh a maciarel . " It strikes me , and I have no doubt many others also

      , «| K the tone and gpirit of the editorial articles in xhe * w tend to defeat the ebject you haTe in -new—instead « Tffikaung the New Move" yen strengthen it , fisa cEsnre its success . What pretext can you rake up J ^ pt t his second object . " Oh , " yon will exclaim , n « cave nsthing to say against the objects , bnt ~ 3 * ^ is already a National Charter Association in fCSeice . " ^ There is no such thing in existence . Mr . ^ iaor , indeed , has an Association , which is always ** i = § about ihc Charter , but doing very little towards B » nng its triumph . ii

      , itea , you can find no valid ground of objection ^ s orjtets of the New Association , why all this ouU JJ ^ p sli : ? Became you fear that some good may be wraipushed by the " Xew Move ; " and you know that ^ a proportion to its success in working out its ^ Wi ;* m the irfinence of the Northern Siar decline ; J" ™ " * &m sorry to say , is upheld by delusioD , and r * ™ w « gery of the people . . Ought not Mr . O'Con-^ -o Mush to put forth sneh balderdash as is con-^ wi m his Utter in this week ' s paper ? Ought he r \ iiOi > e ashamed of calling men " assassins" and" traitfe rSv " ^^ Pi ^ ators , " whom you have been compelled O ^ hi the Star of the 10 th of April , in the fol-« w aj ! language :-n e mate no charge against the six gentlemen whose U ™ s- sre appended to the document We know some « i £ zatobe iEeana . ble of anvthini ? dishfinest or

      dlst er !?^ v ; ^ * zQ ™ nothing to the contrary of * vra them . " As ? man wno ^ u tsie ^ ^ nUe to read tod ^ . ettel through—a letter " fuU of sbnnd ^^ " 7 , agmfring nothing "—will immediately per-8 te-ra ^* l ffiase of Cbzrtten is to be sacrificed to Pnj a ^ e and personal malignity of two of as great [ JTT cteibcgs as ever figured in the political arena la ^ jf !" Connell and Feargua O'Connor , one mth an r f " the otIler " ^^ za English one . O-nT 01 *™ 31 *^ for the cause of Chartism , Feargus g ^ w u not satisfied with humbug . He makes ^ ouowa assertion , in his letter in this week' B of -bL ^ ae eTidenc « of & gentleman , of a gentleman Hw JT toEcur , and of station , that this New Sk ' V * * concocted at Mr . Hume "* , by Mx . Hume and &J ?**™ ^ lace on their part , and by seme of the 2 r ** « the New Prospectus upon your part . " That fc ^* J > <« the part of the " fustian jackets , blistered Z " T ~ L ana unihorn p ^ vins r . f Vr ^ An-nA R « nt > iu >^

      najes , and ^ ragg ^ -backed , barefooted Irish . " * 4 « h , ^ Or ias tere Mserted an untruth—he has tiao m ^ f ^ that is not ; " and if he make the asser-*« Jft Mv " nd € nc 6 or " ^ ority « ' of a gentleman of fcj ^ j * honour , and of station , " it is neTertbel ' ess a « Jsr 3 ? V ? ' ' tte li : aBte iangnage ot the Northern Xsaai-j jat , , " ^ t ^ J- O'Connor giro the gentle" iASSitr 61 1 ™! 110 ^ ae truth of bis aasertwn , &atrt It * that be haa cast an imputation upon " * e P * mf ? ' iEStead <* promotiiyE the success *<* iiM » « S * Charter . ^ endeavouring to h « al ant-*»» % r ^ Lpi omote ™ among the people , is con-^^ aeenng it all those who hare for years been ^^ V ^ » e cause of liberty and equality—traduo « 54 mS " * to tandBb ^ « w of Uberty , or ** teOrf « , r Pasecniioo and opptessioii when the ««» people came wm to be BUsUined

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      The northern Star begins now to feel the effects of its unprincipled conduct , in its declining influence ; and hence its angry denunciation of the " New Move . " Mr . O'Connor and his Editor may sneer at political education , but a glance at the Star win show its absolute necessity before any good can be accomplished . Mr . O'Connor is welcome to the ten imbecile creatures who ¦ signed th « Address , and then withdrew their names . Do they not require instruction ? When a time of trial or persecution arises , who would trust the ten poltroons who withdrew their names from the admirable Address of LoTett , Collins , and there , at the dictation of Feargus O'Connor ? Who would expect victory in any cause with an army of ten thousand such men ? The . Ynrffimi , w « s »» iin ,. ^^ 1 ... ,

      Nay , if Mr . O'Connor ' s Association out-numbered the army of Xerxes , four or five hundred firm and honest men would defeat and rout the mighty host , if it" were composed of such men as these ten seceders . In condusicn , let me tendtr the disinterested and patriotic proprietor of the Northern Star a word of advice . Cease to calumniate and traduce the characters oi men quite equal to yourself In honour and honesty ; < iont expose yourself by calling upon the people to " throw the traitors overboard , " or else your fete may be a ' watery graye . " You are betraying the people now by seeking to establish an odious despotism over the rights and opinions of men ; but you mistake your powers if you imagine yon will succeed . If I

      stand alone , I will resist your attempt to coerce me int » a submission to your will against my better judgment , while I have a mind and a will of my own . If I am compelled to yield to despotism , it shall be intellectual and powerful despotism ; not the ignorant , mean , pitiful , despotic efforts made to crush tbe free expression of opinion , and the honest and safe combination of good men in a just cause , by the despicable poltroons who manage the Northern Star . I , aa one of the signers of Lovett and Collins's address , will exert myself to the utmost to carry it into successful operation ; I despise the fellows who would attempt to injure me for acting upon the honest dictates of my own judgment I laugh at their impotent threats ;

      bat , at any public meeting of my impartial and honest fellow-countrymen , I will defend the principles and objects of the address , and its superiority over the O'Connor plans , if fairly and extensively adopted by the working classes , Mr . O'Connor may promise his poor , deluded dupes , by a resolution of his hired Convention , that they shall have the Charter in three months from the present time ; but I am satisfied it will take a much longer period to move a nation . If he could obtain the People ' s Charter within the time specified , of what use would it be , if the people were not better prepared to appreciate it than the ten seeeders who erased their names through feai of Mr . O'Connor -and his hired tooLs ? If the people had the Charter to-morrow , and were destitute of a knowledge of their political rights sad duties , how long would they retain their , liberties ?

      Brief would be the tenure of possession ; However , those who really seek the liberty , prosperity , and happiness of the people , from a pure motive , are not easily crushed by unprincipled men like the managers of the Northern Star . I have no doubt the honest and undoubted signers of Lorett and Oollins ' s Address will zealously pursue their object Let us not be diverted or intimidated . If we haTe but one or two hundred firm intelligent men , properly alive to the importance of the objects we seek to accomplish , great good will be effected ; bat no good can be accomplished where men prostrate their minds before a would-be despot , who would use the public press for vile and selfish purposes , and to crash men who have maintained the principles of the People ' s Charter , for many years before he was ever beard ef , and who have never done one act to dishonour the cause they espoused .

      I am , Sir , a hater of despotism , whether exercised by Tory , Whig , or Radical , H . Hethekixgton .

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      Sir , it would have been wisdom to wait tor last Saturday ' s response to my appeal , before yon hazarded so very silly an observation . I fancy you have felt the annihilation of your own influence . Tou say : — " Mr . O'Connor Is welcome to the ten imbecile creatures who Bigned the address , and then withdrew their names at the dictation of Feargus O'Connor . " ~ . ... . ... ...

      You must have been in a wonderful hurry when you wrote your letter ; because , had you bestowed one moment ' s thought upon the subject you would . haTe found that every one of these names was withdrawn before my letter appeared ; but , Sir , if I am welcome to them , they are nwst heartily weleome to me ; and if reflection was not sufficient justification for the step wblch they hastily took , your letter will have afiorded them such , and ample . You next say that : —

      •• Mr . O'Connor may promise his poor deluded dupes , by a resolution of his HIKED CONVENTION , that they shall have the Charter in three months from the present time ; but I am satisfied it will take a much longer time to move a nation . " In truth , Sir , I believe your greatest satisfaction to consist in the long period which you hoped to pass before the nation could be moved-to the attainment of the Charter . But one word about the " hired Convention . " Of the

      ten persons who compose the Convention , and who were elected by ballot at a public meeting , out of a number nominated at other public meetings , by the people themselves , I did not even mention the names of fire ; and four of the others , Messrs . Pitkethly , Deegan , Smart , and Skevington , Bat in the old Convention ; so that James Arthur , of Carlisle , as honest a man as breathes the breath ot life , is my only nominee : just as Messrs . Rodgers , Carpenter , Lovett , Cleave , Hetherington , Moore , Vincent , and Hartwell , were nominees of " the Working Men ' s Association" in the General Convention ; but with this trifling difference , that I merely recommended him , as a fit person to be nominated , while you would not allow any one else to be pat in nomination . And what say you to the six gentlemen who wanted secretly to appoint a whole provisional Government ?

      Now , Sir , I must have a word upon the subject of "despotism and dictation" at this most seasonable time-In the National Convention it was supposed that about thirty-three would sit , and that thirty-nine should be elected ; and pray attend to my " dictation" of those thirty-nine . You in London modestly nominated and elected eight , barking like boll-dogs at every poor man who dared to sit for any other part of the metropolis . Attwood returned Munta , Edmonds , Salt , Douglas , Hadley , Pearce , and Collins , seven . The Cobbett Club returned three Cobbetts , Nightingale , Wroe , Richardson , Fletcher , Whittle , and Mills , nine j making of parties

      most likely to attend , twenty-four in all . When the Birmingham gentlemen ( will that word suit you ?| resigned , Collins co « ked up his nose at poor Brown and * thera , and said that" they did not represent the people of Birmingham . " Now , Sir , to that Convention I never recommended a single man . I was asked , at Hyde , to propose Mr . Deegan , which I did cheerfully ,- and would again , after my trial of him . While the elections were going on , —[ pray mark this proof of my " despotism and dictation ! " ]—Mr . Lovett wrote to a member of the London Working Men ' s Association , then at Hull , and in his letter was the following passage : —

      " We hare decided upon sending to Norwich , to oppose , Feargus ' s man , to counteract his project of filling the Convention with his creatures . " Now , Sir , who is tbe despot , and whose was the hired Conveniitn 1 I never saw a man from Norwich , to my knowledge . I never was in Norwich . I never wrote to a man in Norwich . I never heard from a Norwich man . I never canvassed a man for a vote during the whole time I was a member of the Convention , except fer my own motion , to remove the Convention to Birmingham . Who can say that I did , or that I ever used any , the slightest influence beyond recommending the return ot working men to the Convention , and in healing every difference and dispute in Convention ?

      Sir , I now come to vay case . With even such a Convention , constituted as I have stated that of 1839 to have been , you would nothave dared , two years ago , to have proposed Household Suffrage and Triennial Parliaments , even to that Convention ; so that we stand thus : —In 1839 , you and I were parties to a compact , by which we stood pledged to the nation to do a certain thing ; you violate the compact after two year ' s agitation for it , and I abide firmly by it Have we , Sir , derived no greater benefit from out two years ' increased knowledge than to fall back twenty in our course ? Who is now the traitor ? The man who insolently confesses bis violation of trust , or the man who offers to surrender his office rather than violate that trust ?

      Now , Sir , I come to the ( to me ) most valuable part oi your letter . In my address of tbe 24 th , I say : — " I have the evidence of a gentleman , of a gentleman of wealth , of honour , and of station , that this ' new move' was concocted at Mr . Hume ' s , by Mr . Hume and Mr . Francis Place upon their part , and by some of the signers of the new prospectus upon your part . " I have it , that it was to be done while I was in prison , as it could not be effected if I was at large . " I have it , that its object was to ' effect a ' fusion' the middle and the working classes for the attainment of Household Suffrage . ' I have it , that after the Leeds meeting it was considered necessary to hold the promulgation ot the scheme in abeyance , until a ' suitable name" was decided npon , and until the principles were agreed upon . "

      This statement you indignantly repudiate , and ask for the name of my witness . Sir , if I was a shuifler , I should now say Henry Hetherington is my witness : but I do not I pledged myself to name him ; but you have gone farther , inasmuch , as you have proved every word I asserted , and much more . Just let me bring Henry Hetherington into court , not for cross-examination , but merely to read over his own depositions in his presence . You say : — "The editor of the Northern Star , through ignorance , is confounding that which emanates from Lovett and Collins ' s ' Chartism , ' with an Association projected , and tben about to be formed , by Dr . Black , Mr . Place ,

      and others , among the liberal and enlightened of the middle classes , to adopt and carry forward Mr . Hume ' s plan of Household and Lodger Suffrage , Triennial Parliaments , Voting by Ballot , No Property Qualification , Payment of Members , and Equal Electoral Districts . Tiie intention was to farm an Association exclusively of the middle class , that would co-operate with the Chartists in all just and laudable measures for extending the rights and liberties of the unenfranchised millions , and in improving their intellectual , social , and moral condition . Mr . Hume , and those who act with him , thought that tbe working classes might be inclined to adopt so large & measure of reform—little less , in fact , than the

      whole Charter , —if it were fairly and honestly submitted to their consideration , and wished to ascertain whether the Cbar tista would join an Association formed for the purpose of carrying Charter Suffrage , without adhering to the name of the Charter . He requested an interview with Messrs . Lovett , Cleave , Watson , Hetherington , Collins , and Vincent The two latter not being in town , could not attend ; but had a subsequent interview with Mr . Hume on the subject Tnxee of tbe former , Lovett , Cleave , and Hetherington , attended . Levett and Cleave would not yield the name ot the Charter—they thought that Mr . Hume ' s Logger Sufbut

      frage was a large advance towards the Charter , would not consent to aid a new agitation for anything less than the Cuarter , or for anything not bearing the name . I differed with my friends , and thought Mr . Hume ' s proposition so good and so extensive , that , though I would never abandon the agitation for the Charter , if I saw any prospect of carrying Mr . Hume's plan immediately , I would give it my best exertions , as I considered it , in fact , the Charter with another name . Messrs . Lovett and Cleave both set their faces against the plan , as did also Collins and Vincent ; and Mr . Home then said that nothing could be done , and both parties must , therefore , take their own course . "

      Sir , are you now satisfied either that I had the information which I professed to have , or that I am a witch ? What do I say ? " I have it , that this ' new move ! was concocted at Mr . Hume's , by Mr . Hume and Mr . Place , upon the one part , and by the signers upea the other part " What do you say ? "He ( Mr . Hume ) requested an interview with Messrs . Lovett , Cleave , Watson , Hetherington , Collins , and Yincent . The two latter not being in town , could not attend , bnt had a subsequent interview with Mr . Hume ON THE SUBJECT . " Above , you admit , that Mr . Place and also Dr . Black , were two of the negotiators , but you shuffle about distinct Associations ; bufe do you not correborate the testimony of my informant here to a nicety ?

      Again , I say , " I have it , that it was to be done while I was in prison . " Now , Sir , connect this with what iB to follow ; but , more especially , with four declaration , that your Asstciation woold open the door for HI those of . the middle ctosi whom xw » Star kow

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      excluded , and also with Mr . O'ConnelVs declaration in Dublin as to the primary object of the Associotion I say , "I have ft , that the object waa to effect a fusion * of the middle and working classes for the attainment of Household Suffrage . " I quoted " fusion , " as yon will see by reference to my letter . I did so , because it was the very term used by my informant . Now , Sir , how do yon contradict this ? Why , by saying that it was for Household Suffrage antf Triennial Parliaments ; and how do you exonerate yourself ? Why , by Baying that you , alone , agreed to join upon the terms . Give me leave , now , to ask youif you dare to call yourself a Chartist ? Why , Sir , the Leeds Association went for Annual Parliaments ; but you are satisfied with Triennial . .. . .

      Ifurther say that the promulgation of the plan was held in abeyance until a " suitablename" wad agreed upon , and until the principles were decided upon . Yon see that I quoted suitable names also . Now , Sir , at once call me prophet , or confess your guilt Hew , in the name of common sense , could I have prophesied so minnj » ly , and how could the evidence of one witness more satisfactorily corroborate that of another , than you do that of my informant upon this vital point ? Let us just have your words . —

      " Three of the former , Lovett , Cleave , and Hetherington , attended . Lovett and Cleave would not yield the NAME of the Charter : they thought Mr . Hume ' s lodger suffrage was a large advance towprds the Charter , but would not consent to aid a new agitation for anything less than the Charter , or for anything not bearing the NAME . I differed with my friends , and thought Mr . Hume ' s proposition so good , and so extensive , thai though I would never abandon the agitation [ oh ! thou virtuous humbng !] for the Charter , if I saw any prospect of carrying Mr . Hume ' s plan immediately I would give it my best exertions , as I considered U , in fact , the Charter with ANOTHER NAME . "

      Now , Sir , live for ever , and get over that if you can ; What I then , you have always considered the Charter but a ( thing of sound , and tbe real meaning was Household suffrage and Triennial Parliaments ! I pray you what now becomes of the sophistry with which you commenced your paragraph , of the Editor of the Star ignor&ntly confounding the two Associations ? Have we not here two distinct partleB , Mr . Hume upon the one part , and Lovett , Cleave and Hetherington upon the other parts ; shuffling , huxtering , tricking and scheminghow you can , —( for you are the worst ) , —by a specious trick of merely giving a plausible " name to tbe " move , " direct public attention from the real object . '

      Need I make a comment more upon this paragraph of your letter ? Yea , I wilL You know , perfectly well , that there is no snob , thing as any party in Englaad advocating Household Suffrage for any other purpose than to get possession of all our ready-made machinery for carrying Universal Suffrage . You know that those with £ i 0 qualification , consider all under as too low a standard , and those with £ 100 qualifications hold the same opinions as to all below their standard . You know that every Chartist in England would be rejoiced at any extension of tbe Suffrage in which they were not compelled to sink the only just one , by joining for a clap-trap ; and yet you insolently tell us that you look upon Household Suffrage and Triennial Parliaments as the Charter , in all but the NAME .

      Sir , had I put my name to your letter my life would not have been safe—it positively would not ; while you will not be at all injured by it What inference do you draw from this fact ? That you are more popular , and may resort to stratagems which I dare not haiird ? No , no such thing . But that the people are not at all astonished at your desertion , expecting no better from you when the tugcame ; while upon me they have reliance ; hence my popularity will be found to measure in exact proportion to what my punishment , upon proof of my delinquency , would be . The people would have no mercy upon me if convicted of treachery ; and therefore do they justly conceive , that in my many trials and contests with you and your friends I am entitled to their warmest support . Hence , their love for me , and hence my gratitude to them .

      " Ignorant" as the people are , do you suppose that all tbe hired ingenuity in England would reconcile the above traitorous paragraph to twenty Chartists throughout the land ? Try it , and then experience will have convinced you . Now , I pray you attend to the summing up of the evidence : —Before Christmas I inform the Editor of the Star of a certain " move" which is to be made . In January , a great Household Suffrage meeting is

      convened at Leeds . Mr . Collins is invited , and refuses to attend . Mr . Francis Place subsequently writes a letter to Mr . Collins advising him to attend , for the purpose of forming a union between the two classes . Mr . Collins and Mr . O'Neil attend , and endeavour to have all the resolutions , and the Address to the Queen proposed by the Committee of the Working-men ' s meeting , set aside . They coquette with the enemy . They denounce tbe Committee , They are to be found running like pet rabbits in and out of the Times office—the organ of the

      Association . On Thursday , Collins attends a meeting of the people at which resolutions denouncing Ministers are passed . On Friday he dines with Mr . O'ConneH , and the Association , at a 7 s . Od . dinner , and drinks the health of those Ministers , and backs the objects by a speech , which is published in the Leeds Times ; and when attention is pointed to one of his declarations at that dinner , it is attempted to be qualified by Collins ! Collins , in reply , asks us ( in the very terms of your own observation , ) to point out the difference between Household Suffrage , as he pleases to define it , and Charter Su ffrage . Upon the day after the dinner at Leeds , a meeting takes place in the Rotunda , where Messrs . Hume , O'Cohnell , and Roebuck , delivered themselves as follows : —

      " Mr . Hume submitted a definition of what lie considered Household Suffrage ought to be , which was to be taken into consideration by the association . He stated that the leading men of the working classes generally concurred in the definition , and had promised to give their assistance , were on agitation for such a Household Suffrage to be set on foot " Mr . O'Connell cordially concurred in the suggestions of Mr . Hume . He considered it as of the first importance that the reasonable portion of the Chartists should be got over to the aid of the rational Reformers . He urged the necessity of some central body being established in London , for the diffusion of knowledge upon political Bubjecte . The public mind should be saturated with facts bearing on the present gross defects in the representation of the people .

      " Mr . Roebuck said that such a body was at present in contemplation in London , and he trusted that it would very speedily be set iu operation , so as to act in concert with the Leeds Association . " No-w , Sir , here we have Mr . Hume stating : — " That the leading men of the working classes generally concurred in his definition of Household Suffrage , and had promised it their support . " Mr . Roebuck said that : — An Association was being formed in London , for the purpose , and would , he trusted , be very speedily set in operation . "

      After this , Sir , your battle must be with Mr . Hume and Mr . Roebuck , and not with me . He says the leaders have concurred , while you and your friends are the only leaders who appear to have had anything to do with the subject ; so that I call upon you to contradict Mr . Hume flatly , or call upen him to say who were the parties , if you and your friends were not Subsequently to this came the negociatibns—aye , subsequently and negotiations : ~ jor there were two ! Previously to the first Vincent was in prison , and he attended at the second ; but the Leeds meeting not having succeeded according to Mr . Collins ' s instruction , the thing was placed in abeyance for christening . '

      Thus , then , is it not clear that in the beginning of January you were in diplomatic confederacy with Messrs . Hume and Place ; that you were subsequently confederated in February ; that you sent out yeur address in March ; and now observe that Mr . O'Connell , before it was published in any paper , announced the very terms of your agreement with Mr . Hume , according to the precise terms of your own letter ; but not one word of this ia mentioned in your circular . He sayB your object is to agitate for Household Suffrage and shortening the duration of Parliaments .

      Pray , Sir , keep the latter object in view , and connect it with your adhesion to Triennial Parliaments . Then , Sir , to this add the fact of Mr . Place- being , the author of a bugaboo document signed " An Old Chartist , " aud extensively circulated among the " leading Chartists , " to wbom your Circular was sent ; and bear in ' mind that it waa circulated just before the Leeds meeting . The object of that document was to score all trom any connection with the old and established move . Then , Sir , add the fwt of Tillnan , the Secretary of the National Ajwcation , receiving letter * horn Place , Lovett ,

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      Collins , Richardson , and others , " plaguing bis life out , " to use his own term , about the ' ¦ illegality . " Then add Mr . Collins and Mr . O'Neil ' a absolute refusal to allow a delegate to be appointed to consult with their fellows in Manchester , upon the very subject upon which they professed to binge their only objection . Then , Sir , add the fact , that on the 20 th Marcb , Mr . Roebuck did me the honour to call upon me , and thai he then told me that an Association was about being formed . I replied , that one was already formed . He answered " Yes , but there are some

      apprehensions as to its legality . " I rejoined , "Of course no law will legalize a Chartist Association . " Mr . Roebuck laughed , and said , "It looks very like it , " and added , " They have sent me the rules of their new Association for my opinion . " Connect thia with Mr . Collins' admission that he had applied to Mr . Roebuck for his opinion , and then say if any doubt remains aa to the identity of the persons named by Mr-Home and Mr . Roebuck at Leeds , and Mr . O'Connell in Dublin , and to an object agreed upon , but not set forth in your address . Who told Mr . O'Connell ?

      Now , Sir , I charge you , upon your own evidence , with having entered into negotiation with certain parties , without any authority whatever from the people . I charge you with having , in that negociation , compromised every single principle contained in the Charter . Sir , you are very "ignorant" You speak of Household Suffrage and Triennial Parliaments as being the Charter . You are not capable of understanding that even

      Universal Suffrage would be robbed of its master quill by attaching so long a lease of office as three years to it You don't understand that our six principles are all necessary features ; and as well may you cut off your nose to add to your beauty , er extract your teeth to moke you a greater bite , as hope to preserve the essence and principles of Chartism by substituting Household Suffrage and Triennial Parliaments for Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments .

      I charge you with having issued a circular with the avowed object of carrying the Charter , while the secret and real object was to destroy our cause , and then compromise our principles . I never will submit to the Thompson doctrine that even if deceived the people are no worse off . I deny it . It has been by such freaks of fancy that tyranny has been so long up-held in England . The people ore always brave enough , informed enough , determined and able enough to beat the oppressor ; but hitherto they have been invariably beaten by the friend , just as they were about to triumph over the foe . They never shall again as long as I LIVE !

      I go on . I charge you with having invited profligate humbugs , as members of your provisional government , to carry out your virtuous principles . You ask me to name . I do—a name that strikes terror into your coward soul—Feargus O'Connor . You invited ME as a fit and proper person to carry out your objects , while you say that " The cause of Chartism is ta be sacrificed to the private and personal malignity of two as great political humbugs as ever figured in the political arena—Daniel O'Connell and Feargus O'Connor . "

      Now , Sir , have you invited Mr . O'Connsll by circular ? and which we must suppose you did , although you denonneed him , with just as much propriety as you have invited me , whom you also denounce . Tou may have made him a party to your scheme , and then have denounced him , just as you have thus characterised one of your " chosen " government as one of the greatest humbugs that ever figured in the political arena > Pray , Sir , what sort of moral teaching can yon expect from masters thus chosen for the administration of public education ?

      Yon speak of " being at work in the cause before I was heard of . " Very fine , Sir ; but does that afford any protection to Daniel O'Connell , ( who has been at it since before you were born , ) from your just and wellmerited censure ? I should pity that army , Sir , wherein length of seif ice alone constituted worth . And then , as to sacrifices . Believe , me , I never should have mentioned the word ; but as you have , I may be allowed a passing observation . Had your conduct been consistent I should have said that you had risked much in the lottery ofprinclple , and had drawn aprize ; but , Sir , asyou have written yourself down as an apostate , you must pardon me for designating your sacrifices as the offerings of toil and dependence at the shrine of ease and independence .

      Now , Sir , I come to the most important part of my letter . I mean the " next move" that is to be . You have endeavoured to sell us all neck and crop ; and , having failed , your next attempt is to turn the guns upon my battery , against myself , in order that you may hereafter say : — " Ah , there now , see what O'Connor has done ; he has caused all this disunion ; he has divided us ; he has broken us up . " From what do I infer this ? From two sources . Firstly , because you have done it many times before ! and , secondly , because your letter contains these words : —

      " The Northern Star , instead of prosecuting the success of the People ' s Charter , by endeavouring to heal animosities , and promote union among the people , is constantly sneering at all those who have for years been suffering for the cause of liberty and equality . " Sir , this is false , from the beginning even to the end t prove it ! You remind me of tbe passionate master , who cut his knuckles against his servant ' s head , and then kicking him , exclaimed— " d n your hard skull , it has cut my knuckles . "

      Now , Sir , when next you write upon tins subject , pray be consistent , and say— " d n the Siar , -we have exposed ourselves in it" But how could th « Editor of the Star heal animosities of which he knew nothing , and of which you and your party have been the sole originators , as I now proceed to prove , and not a word of wktch has even the Editor ever before heard from me ? Sir , pray attend to the follow ng brief statement of facts . On Tuesday next , I shall have been eight years and a quarter before the English people . Upon the 4 th of February , 1833 , I entered the House of Commons . I sat three sessions in Parliament . I have been five years and eight months an unpaid missionary , and founder of hundreds of associations . I have been

      three years and six months proprietor of the leading provincial joumaF . I have sat six months in tbe Convention . I have been the whole time before the public ; and now , Sir , I challenge you , —not to charge me with a chain of errors , or with a smothering heap of inconsistencies—but I defy you to charge me with one , even one ' fi iDgle dishonest , inconsistent , unpatriotic , mean , or ungentlemanly-like act , during the whole period ; one , even one . Now , Sir , rather than cause any disunion , mark what roy conduct has been during that period . In 1835 i established the great Radical Association . We became so powerful , that in the next year we insured the return of the Dorchester labourers and the reduction on newspaper stamps . In the following year Messrs . Hume ,

      Place , and yourselves , established the Working Man ' s Association , for the mere and only purpose of putting us down . What wasyour first act ? You paid missionaries to every town where I had established a Radical Association , to convert it into a Working Man ' s Association . It was a change ; and changes always retard . This " move '' was precisely analogous with what the present was in . tended to have been . Well , from 1836—from your incorporation till the Convention met—you made London a common sewer of Whig corruption , not daring to avow Whiggery openly , but . always opposing Toryism . You were dragged into opposition to the Poor Law , and by main force . - What , in the name of the devil , did your humbug Association ever do beyond frightening the real working men in London from the cause from your incorporation to your present " move V

      Well , Sir , from that day to the present , it has cost me hundreds of pounds to defend myself and my cause against you , by increased energy , rather thaH run the chance of creating the slightest breach by public denunciation . You have run your race , Sir ; and therefore you may be judged j wait till I have run mine before you censure ; and if I bolt , or run at the tuoag side of the post , as you have done , then do yon as I have , summon Feargus O'Connor as evidence against me , as I have convicted you upon the evidence ef Henry Hetherington .

      A reconsideration of the past astounds me . For years you of the old Association have passed for patriots . In what ' consisted your title ? If y « u had an entertainment , who were your gnesta , and who your chairman ? Whig Members of Parliament If you had a meetinf , where did you hold it , and who Were your peaken ! At toe Crown and Anchor , which you

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      could at any time procure , never lacking thirty guineas to pay for it ; while I was obliged to gc to pot-houses and wherever I could . Again , why were M . P . 'S yeur speakers , and movers and seconders of resolutions 1 at these meetings . You were anti-Tory , and sufficiently anti-Whig from toe teeth out , to impose upon the confiding working men ; but you endeavoured to prevent me and others from speaking at every one of your palavers , for fear of hurting Whiggery . Then , as to suffering : Sir , I deny that any length of suffering can justify the smallest renuniciation of- principle ; but , on the contrary , the " poltroon" wheseappetite for satisfaction ! it does not whet is a slave .

      But , let us have a word which you never should have heard but for your " move . " For what did Lovett and Collins suffer ? For a resolution which , if not made matter of persecution , would not have been noticed ; but what was my conduct when the danger was attached to it , after their arrest ? Why , on my arrival at Birmingham my first motion was to move ifc again , and for ev « ry member to sign it What was my next ? To offer to pay one hundred guineas towards Sir C . Wetherill ' fl special fee to go to Warwick , if the Convention would pay the remainder . What did the trial of Lovett and Collins cost the country ? How

      much think you of the £ 200—all that was subscribed for the defence of all ? Why , about £ 1 M , in Delogates and Missionaries , and God knows what ; and heir have they repaid us ? Why , ona by walking off from the men who longed to do him honour upon his release , assigning as a reason that he owed the Government some £ 60 " for advertisement duty , " while the same Government wouU ' nt allow me to owe them 2 d ., and the other by conspiring to destroy us . Will I owe the Government any money , or owe theii friends , Lord Brougham and Mr . Place , sufficient gratitude to induce me to refuse the invitation of the men of York , on my re l ease , think you ? No , faith II

      Then , Sir , as to your suffering , and their suffering . Just bear in mind , that I am the only man who ever has been in solitary confinement for libel since England was first peopled . Sir , you appear to forget that I am now in the thirteenth month of that state of barbarous punishment , which is the greatest that Visiting Justices can inflict upon the most refractory convicted felons for one fortnight You don't know , perhaps , that if Mitchell , the murderer , misbehaved In York Castle , that bis greatest punishment would be to be put , without any change of diet , for one fortnight in that cell in which I have now spent twelve months Perhaps , Sir , you are not aware that every letter to and

      from my family and friends , is opened and read before I receive it , either by the Governor or his nnderlngs ; perhaps you are not aware , that even yet , I would not be allowed to write one line for publication in the Siar , and that every word I have written has been smuggled out Perhaps Sir , yon are not aware that I am locked up all day , and every day alone , and in one of the condemned cells of York Castle . Perhaps , Sir , you are hot aware that when Mr . Roebuck and the Honourable Mr . Wortley visited me , that they could not remain for more than about five minutes , that they were literally smoked out ; that Mr . Roebuck cried

      " shame , " " shocking , " " disgraceful , " " abominable ;" but I have not seen a word of commisseration for me , while I have read columns for Lovett and Collins . Well , Sir , what has my seclusion from the world taught me ? It has wedded me to my principles . It has given me time for . reflection upon the past and to consider of the future . . It has taught me the value of an honest , upright character . It has convinced me of the value of those for whom I struggle . It has proved to me that my exertions have not been thrown away ; and it has determined me to die or conquer for those who have so nobly Btood by me .

      Sir , " before I commence with the recital of the many annoyances to which I have been subjected , and the conspiracies which have been formed against me , allow me once more to thank you for your very foolish letter . -Without your simple confession , so unlike your usual caution , much weight of proof would have been imposed upon me , and the extent to which the conspiracy was carried might have ' remained for ever shrouded in obscurity ; but you have brought it all to light I and now what must be the joy and satisfaction of the seeeders , at being furnished with so strong a justification for what you are pleased to call their imbecility !

      Now , Sir , one word upon physical force , and then I shall conclude by laying before the public a series of conspiracies , persecutions , and sufferings to which , for years , I have been subjected , without once complaining ,- proving , from documentary evidence , that my life , my property , and my honour was assailed by hired assassins and spies . I speak only of what I can prove ; and when I conclude , Sir , I shall indeed be dear to the people . When speaking of physical force , then , just bear in mind that , from the 18 th of September , 1835 , till t ^ e 4 th of February , 1839 , I did the whole agitating work

      single-handed , and alone ; and that during those years of excitement not one man was brought before a magistrate charged with a single crime ; nor was the term ever once mentioned at a single mesting . However when you ; and a parcel ef rascals , imposed yourselves upon us , with your " sharp shooters" and " rifle clubs , " and " patterns of muskets , " and " cold lead , " and " cold Steel , " the whole course of events was turned topsy-turvy ; and every one of you deserted , leaving me to btar your burden ; while , though I never mentioned the word before the people , yet did I , upon three occasions , justify the use of physical force , before the judges of the land .

      Who were the three most physical-force men in the Convention ? Lovett , Collins , and Hetherington . Lovett said , in arTwer to my objection on the score of illegality to his manifesto : " Well , I know it ia illegal ; but what of that ? we must break the law before we can altee it . " Pretty well ,. methinks , that 1 for a gentleman now so squeamish !! . Collins said , in my own presence , tr / at " the first ) Chartist arrest would be the signal for arresting every aristocrat and magistrate in Warwickshire ; " and

      Henry . Hetherington will refer to his own notes in the Poor Man ' s Guardian , for his peaceable conduct ; and he will perhaps say who it was that declared he " had prepared and had ready for immediate distribution , a list of all the Gun-makers and Arms-dealers in the Metropolis , which list was to act as a guide to the people where to go for arms , in the event of a turn up ; " and who also said that " even if this list should be found by Government before it was so used , they could make nothing of it , as it was so arranged as to appear to be part of a General Directory , which it was not an unusual thing for a Printer to be engaged in the production of ?"

      Sir , let your own insolence , in sending such a letter to the Star for publication , speak for the independence of that paper ! Would you dare , they being the Bubject , to send it to any one of your three middle-class friends , Easthope , George Henry Ward , or Mr . Young , for publication ?_ Pray , Sir , when have you before Been a paper pub ' -sh even resolutions abusing , reflecting upon , and condemnatory of , both proprietor and editor ? Out upon you 1 you know not the meaning of independence , , Yours , &c , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .

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      Liverpool , Tuesdat . —We are still without any news of the steam-ship President , bow 54 dttjs since Bhe left New York . Nothing is known of her sine © she was seen by the Orpheus on the 12 th , the day after she left the port . Coubts ob Justice . —Extracts from an _ account of the sums paid to Officers of Courts of Justice m Great Britain and Ireland out of the Consolidated Fund in the year ended the Sth January , 1541 : — ENGLAND .-The Chief Justices of & % £ <>» # £ Queen ' s Bench and Common Pleas , £ 8 fi 00 each . The Master of the Bolls and the Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer , £ 7 , 000 each . . Mr . ; Justice Pattesori , £ 5 , 500 . The other Puisne . Judges £ 5 , 000 each . The expenses of the Mounted Pojice , the River Police , and Police-van Service , mth to iws

      superannuation allowances me norse mu patrol , £ 20 , 000 . Towards defraying the charge of the Police of the Metropolis , £ 70 , 289 . JEhe two Commissioners of Police , £ 1 , 200 each . The Judge of the Court of Admiralty £ 1 , 670 . Bj w of compensation for loss of fees in the Court of Qneen ' s Bench , Lord EUenborough receives £ 7 , 700 , the Hon . Charles Law £ 1 , 006 , Hon . Thomas Kenyoa £ 5 496 , and Lords' EUenborough and * & !»»« , * w £ ' 2 | 089 17 s . 4 d . Ireland . —Lord CtongoM « B f WS u ^> . Master , of the Rolls £ 3 , 965 , ClluefWUflWteftSS ^ }\ Court of Queen ' s Bench £ 5 , 074 , y ^ 3 ju 0 bm ^^^ ~ X Pleas £ 41 612 , the Chief Baron £ 2 ^ 0 Ka 6 §|* f W >> of the nine Puisne Judges a ver ^^^ v ^ g ^^^ each . Scotland . —President of wIpffiMHVf ^ n ^ u &i £ 4 , 800 , Lord Justice S ^^^^ WW f £ S 2 minor Judges £ 33 000 each . . " TtoTOMWiSg ^ W quer ia-Scotland was abolished BM * PiigtiP \ g ^ L > /

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      ^ === ^ THE NORTHERN jSTAR . 7 t nfi . v » «^ ..:. ¦¦ . . ¦ ¦¦¦ ¦ _ ¦'¦ .- .

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      TO MR . H . HETHERINGTON . " Pardon me , my Lord , your letter , not your counsel , hath betrayed you . We , your law advisers , had beaten down the load of evidence produced , till the court called you up in judgment against yourself ; and so conflicting was the testimony between your Lordship ' s two noble selves , that we , your counael , knew not which was our client , whether your Lordship's villany or your Lordship ' s folly . "

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      Sib , —It is not sufficient that a man believes himself to' be honest ,- bnt , if at all suspected , he is bound to prove himself so ; but the same rule does not apply to folly . It is quite sufficient , methints , if a man is thought silly , to be satisfied without publishing his misfortune to the world .

      I ahall proceed , Sir , to reply fully to your every assertion , first tendering you my best ihanis for having snpplied every deficient link in my chain of evidence against theconcoctors of the " Dew move"in general , and against yourself in particular . I commence with the-point which you attempt to make of mj being a middle-class man . You say , " What do yon call Mr . Feargus O'Connor ? Is he not a middle-class man ? What right have yon , then , to assume that Mr . Feargns O'Connor embodies , in bis own person , all the honesty and intelligence of bis class ? There are thousands who are desirous of promoting the political and social improvement ef the people , but are deterred from co-operating for the attainment of that object by the -unprincipled conduct of the conductors of the Norflirrn Star . Ora Association OPENS THE DOOB TO THEM IP THEY ARE DISPOSED TO ENTEK . "

      Now , Sir , I ask you if language can more folJy prove the fact of my assertion , that one , and the principal , object of yonr " move" was to get rid of Feargus O'Connor and the Northern Star 1 Is it not admitted that the door which was to let in your middle-class coadjutors was to have let out Feargus O'Connor and the Northern Star f Sir , it matters little to what class in society a man belongs ; but , in passing , allow me to correct yonr error . I do not belong to the middle class of society : I belong to the aristocracy , as they are called , of my own country ; and , as I have often boasted , I have been , by honest serrice , promoted from the ranks ef the aristocracy to a commission in the democracy .

      Suppose that I was a middle man , what an anomaly to see Feargus O'Connor , the middle man , struggling against his own order for the rights of the poor ; and to see Henry Hetherington , a working man , struggling against the rights of his order ! But , Sir , you forget that our Association also opens the door to all those of the middle class who honestly join to carry out our principles . Do we object to Mr . lloir , Mr . Ross , Mr . Pitkethly , Mr . James Taylor , and a thousand others ? No : the only difference is that tirase gentlemen are satisfied with equality ; while you require for your friends an ascendancy ; a power in fact , as I shall presently show , to destroy us at pleasure . Yon next

      say" Tbe JN orihern Star , instead of promoting the fmceess of the People ' s Charter , by endeavouring to heal animosities and promote unian among the people , is constantly sneering at all those who have foi years been suffering for the cause of liberty ani equality . " Sir , my boast is , that I have been the first man who has ever succeeded , in any country , in making one indivisible party of that whole class for woo 3 e rights alone I contend , always premising that by no means can the rights of the other classes be guaranteed , while those of tbe labouring classes are withheld ; and , Sir , oall me what yon please , thisin your eyes , and in the eyes of many , very maoy more , is my great , my

      surpassing , my only , my never-to-be-forgiTen sin ! I found the people , even in the several towns , split into sections , and moved by crotchet-mongers . It has cost me years of labour to unite them in one body : but , thank God , I have succeeded ! and now divide them who can . ' ! Did you ever knew me to withhold praise from any man who deserved it ? Have you not known me to step out of my way to bestow it npon unworthy objects , ate ! yourselves , in the hope of coaxing you into the path of virtue ? Is not one of your present most serious charges against the Siar the fact of the Editor having praised yon all ? And here , Sir , give me leave to correct an error ink ) which you have fallen .

      You suppose that the Editor of the Star , when -writing mildly on the 10 th , was in possession of the facts which I stated on the 24 th ; he was not , nor of one of them . He merely learned from me that such a " move " was projected ; and althongh I received an invitation on the 31 st of March to make one of your Provisional Council , that circular is yet on my table ; and never haTe I to this moment , otherwise than in my letter of the 2 ith , informed the Editor of my having received it Again , bear in mind that on the 10 th he spoke aa if

      he supposed the plot would go no further ; when behold ! on the following week it is published in the Sun , with a list of eighty-seven names of persona stated by the Morning Chronicle to possess the confidence of the people I Did this fact , Sir , not justify his increased vigour in opposing and denouncing the scheme ; and when , in the following week , Mr . O'Conneli openly supported it , exultingly declaring its objects , was I not justified—one of those objects being to get rid of me , —in speaking with some degree of warmth npon the euhiect ?

      Yon say : — ' . ' The Northern Star now begins to feel the effect of its unprincipled coad . net in vU declining in * floesce . "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct548/page/7/