On this page
- Departments (3)
-
Text (14)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Vaxittiet
-
§$itiX at fyt 1$vt*
-
Empevinl parliament
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
J > oxa 5 ax BEI 5 G asked by & wag , u How many pounds of smoke might be obtained from a hundred ¦ weight of we « d 1 " calmly replied , "Weigh the ashes , and what is wasting is smoke . " Mastkh— Sam , where ' s the hoe t" Sun— " Wid the harrow , massa . " Master— " Well , where ' s the harrow ! " Sam— " Wid the hoe . " Master—" Well , then , where ' s the hoe and harrow both ! Sam" Vv , both together , massa . What do yon want to bodder poor Sam dat way for I" Master— " Go to the r Sun— " Arter you , massa , " The People . —The greatest scholars , poets , orators , philosophers , warriors , statesmen , inventors and improvers of the arts , arose from the lowest of the people . If we had waited till courtiers had ^ invented the art of printing , clock-makipg , navigation , and a thonsand others , we should probably hare continued in darkness to this hour .
Sis Richabd Steele , the celebrated author of The Tatter , who represented Boroughbridge , in 1714 , carried his election against a powerful opposition by the laughable expedient o £ sticking two apples full of guineas , and declaring to the electors , before whom He held them up , that the largest should be the prize of that man whose wife Bhould be the first to bring forth a boy after that day nine months , and that the other should belong to him who Bhould beoome the father of a girl within the same period . This finesse procured him the interest of the women , who are said to commemorate Sir Richard ' s bounty to this day . They once made a very strenuous effort to procure a resolution that no man should ever be received as a candidate who did not offer himself to their consideration upon the same terms .
The Mtxisteb asd his Ma>\— " Well , John , " said the minister , on being called npon by his beadle one of the late sionny evenings , " where have you been this windy night 2 " "Ob , Sir ! ' replied the lacquey , H I was awa , seein' gif I could catch a stipend ? ' ** Catch a stipend ! " rejoined h's reverence in surprise ; " what do you mean , JohnV K Sir ! " was the answer , " ye- ken our nonintrusion ministers tell us they throw their stipends to the wind , and I was just out to see gif the wind wad blaw ane my way . " "Ah ! John , " was the advice of the minister—Moderate , we opine— "don ' t believe the half you hear in these times ; you would sooner catch a butterfly in December , than a stipend in the wind . "—Dundee Advertiser .
Japanese Uses op the Fas . —Neither men nor women wear hats , ex ^ pt as a protection against rain : the fan is deemed a sufficient guard frora the sun ; and perhaps nothing will more strike the newly-arrived European than this fan , which he ¦ will he ' nold in the hand or the girdle of every human being . Soldiers and priests are no more to be seen ¦ without their fans than fine ladies , who make of theirs the use to which fans are pa ; in other countries . Amongst the men of Japan it serves a ^ reat variety of purposes ; visitors receive their dainties
offered them upon thrir fans ; the beggar , imploring charity , holds oitt his fan for the alms his prayers may have obtained . The fan serves' the dandy in lieu of a wholesome switch ; the pedagogue , instead of a ferule for the offending schoolboy ' s kanckles ; and , not to dwell too long upon the subject , a fan , presented upon a peculiar kind of salver ; o _ the highborn criminal , is said to be the form of announcing his death-doom ; his head is struck off at the same moment as he stretches it towards the fan . —Siebold ' s Manners and Customs of the Japanese .
Population of the TJkited States . —The Xeio York Sun remarks that the total population of the United States , according to the late census , will stand about as follows : —Whites , H , 250 , 000 ; free coloured , 400 , 0 uO ; slaves , 2 , 354 , 000 . Total , 17 , 000 , 000 . Cahdi >\ ils . —There has been a cardinal of every nation , except an Irish one ; perhaps lest he Ehould encroach npon the authority of the Pope in , making bulls . —Sirinburn ' s Courts of Europe . We suorxD not care to live if the Court scribe were to die ; our sides would have a sinecure , for he is the most mirth-pro \ oking rogue that ever took pen in hand . Let our readers but read the following paragraph from his effusions of Wednesday , and eaoh and every one will li crow like chanticleer" : — " Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal was taken an airing , yesterday afternoon , in a carriage and fear , with ouuidtrs ! ! 1 "—Satirist .
Kembles Blusdek , or , the Hoese a > td the Ladt . —A ludicrous circumstance occurred oue morning during Kemble ' s management at Covent Garden . A gentleman was ^ -hovra iz : to the greenroom , whose object was to treat about an engagement for his daughter ; but as about this hour a horse dealer had beta appointed to caU , themanager , whose head ran very much upon his stud , mistook one for : he other , and be ^ an by asking the father of Melpomene , " How old is the V ' " Sixteen last May , Sir . " " Oh , she ' s aped , then , and won ' t do for the hard work ; pray is she quiet V " Perfectly , I never knew a gentler creature , " " Has she been long in town V " I only brought her up with me a week ago from East Grinstead . " '' Has she been
properiy handled V " ilr . Taelwall has given her some lessons . " " Has she been ever between the pillars ? " " Sir , I don ' t understand you . " " Weli , well , no matter ; if your terms are moderate , I dare say we Ehall not differ . " " Sir , that I leave entirely to yourself ; Ehe is below , shall I bring her up to -you 1 " " Bring her np ? oh no ( smiling grimly ) , give her to my groom ; hell put her into a stall till I come down to iook at her . " " Into a stall , Sir V a , Sir , into a stall to be sure ; and as you say she i ? quite gentle , and , I presume , perfeetly sound , I am determined to try her myself . My friend Morton , is writing a melo-drama , in which I am to
perform ; and I am determined , should we close the bargain , to make my entree upon her back !" "Upon her back—upon my daughter ' s back , Sir ! Sir , do you mean to affront me ! " ki Sir , I beg ten thonsand pardons , but don ' t you come from the Camberland-mews ! " " 2 \ o , I come from East Grinstead . " " With a mare f " >' o with my daughter . " "Got by Skyscraper out of Andr *~ macht ? ' " 2 vo , she is the first-born of my own and mv ever-lamented wife , Mary Muggins ' s loins . " " 331 ess roy soul , Sir , I have been betrayed into a great mistake ; bat I am glad we happened to be alone—fsolemnly taking a pinch of snuff )—such meetings should be private . "
A Cj _ vi . ve Post-beabeb . —A very interesting scene may be vrimessed any day on the road to Derby . I : appears that the Derby mail is met every morning , at tea , by a do £ from an extensive iron-work at Work-op , waiting to be the bearer of the letterbag for his master , which i 3 regularly dropped by the guard , without waiting . If , however , the caniiie messenger is not somewhere about at the hour of ten , the horn is 3 ounaed , and the dog is immediately observed in the distance coming along the roaJ wnh all speed to meet the mail at she lane-end ; but this is very seldom the case , as the dog usually seats itself upon the walls a < - ljoining the works ,
listening to the approach of the mail . When the bag is thrown down , the faithful creature , without delay , invariably takes the nearest way home , through the hedge and over the fields . Later on in the day , the empty bag is brought by the dog , to meet the same mail to Derby ; but , m consequence of the guard not getting off his seat , it is necessary to send a person with the bag , who can throw it upon the mail while it is going . The dog , feeling its inability to supply this deficiency , denotes his anxiety by barking and howling . With this exception , the animal performs all the duties of a lettercairier for his master with " punctuality and despatch . "—Manchester Guardian .
Da Fbaskxin on Duelling . —In a letter from the American philosopher to Dr . Thomas PercivaL of this town , dated Passy , near Paris , July 17 , 17 S 4 , occurs the following passage : — " It is astonishing that the murderous practice of duelling , which you so justly condemn , should continue so lorg in vogue , formerly , when duel 3 were used to determine law-suits , from an opinion that Providence would in every instance favour truth and right with victory , they were more excusable . At present they deciti ? nothing . A man says something , which another tells him is a lie . They fi ^ ht- ; but , whichever is kiiieii , the point in dispute remains UEset'led . To this purpose they have a pleasant story here : —A gent ' . man in a coffee-house desired anoiher io sit
farther from him . ' Why so !'— = * Because , Sir , you smell offensively . '— ' That is an affront , ar . d you must fieht me . '— ' 1 will fight you , if you . m-i ^ t upon it ; but I do not see how that will mend the matter ; for if you kill me , I shall smell too , - and if 1 kill you , you will smell , if possible , worse thau you do at present . ' How can such miserable sinners as we entertain so much pride , as to conceive that every offence against our imagined honour merits death ! These petty princes , in their own opinion , would call that sovereign a tyrant , who ' should put one of them to death for a little uncivil language , though pointed at his sacred person ; yet every one of them makes himself judge in his own cause , condemns the offender wivhout a jury , and undertakes himself to be the executioner /'
Pbi 5 ce Albebt ' s hunting stud , beagles , and greyhounds , cost the country somewhere about four thousands per annum ! His Royal Highness has been out during the season about five times , which , calculating two hours each time , gives , on a rough calculation , four hundred pounds for each day ' s sport , and something under four pounds p * r minute . The four thousands per year iB equal to ihe pay of one hundred poor curates , and the support of two hundred poor families ! Cat o ' nixe-tails Cabdigah , when he ordered corporal punishment to be inflicted on the soldier on the Sabbath day , adduced , in defence of the act , the old maxim of ** the better day the better deed ; " bnt the strongest reason of all was , that his own soul had received such a lushing that morning from the pnlpii , ii would , he thought , operate in effect a 3 a companion -picture to order the la ^ h to be applied to the oaek oi the poordevii singled out fortorture of the mc < it degrading kind .
Untitled Article
THE FACTORY QUESTION . If humane and reflecting Englishmen could only be familiarized with one half of the practical barbarities which , even in the best conducted factories , are inseparable from the present system of infant labour , we feel persuaded that not another month would elapse ere ttiis monstrous national disgrace were sentenced to complete extinction . We are none of your fancy philanthropists ; we have n » taste for overcharged pictures of any Bart ; nor do we forget that there is hardly a better -way of perpetuating an abuse than by giving its advocates the advantage of being able to show that its evils hare been greatly exaggerated . Opposed as we are , however , to the false sensibility as well as to the stupid impolicy which would unduly magnify any grievance that really deserves redress , we are prepared to show , from an infinite variety of
authentic evidenoe , that the labours imposed upon children in the manufacturing districts ( sanctioned , we blush to say , by a British Legislature ) are generally attended with a systematic sacrifice of human life , compared with which the carnage of cannibals , or the immolations of Juggernaut , are almost tantamount to mercy . Apart altogether from the testimony of the better class of factory owners , and factory inspectors , and factory victims , which , though varying in its inculpatory character according to the interests or intelligence of the witnesses , uniformly represents the cotton mi l l as a dismal instrument of infant torture , we would ask any parent in civilised Europe to say whether children from nine to twelve years old can be subjected to the confinement and labour of factories for tuvlve or even ten hours a day , without involving a course of privation and suffering at which humanity must absolutely shudder ?
Tali of spending twenty millions for the emancipapation of the West India slaves . —talk of forming juvenile reformation schemes at the Cape of Good Hopetalk of philanthropic devices for the protection of the aborigines in British colonies—talk of organizing fine civilisation societies for Africa , and jobbing expeditions to the Niger on a grand enterprise of beneficence—we say it is an utter disgrace to the display gentry who have clamoured for these humbug humanities , that , while mustering in thousands to perform the sentimental on behalf of doubtful and visionary projects , the wretched condition of the factory children , pining and perishing at their ovrn door , and hurried in a frightful ratio to au early tomb , has never wrung a tear from their pharisaical eye 3 , nor quickened one dormant sympathy in their benignant breasts !
As far as regards the shameful indifference of dissenting ministers to this object , we cannot say that we are ' . nuch surprised at it . Considering their exclusive pre . ieiiction fur such foreign or domestic labours as bear more directly upon their own sectarian aggrandizement , we Aid not expect that any interests apart from those which are strietly denominational would for a moment receive the slightest place in their regenerated hearts- But ¦ with respect to the Buxton party , who ar » composed of a sort of Church and Quaker coalition , we certainly did anticipate , notwithstanding the heavy niill-investinents of the Darlington and Dnrhaiu Friends , that something Like a decent consistency would havu impelled them not to confine their philanthropy to mere platform parades
in favour of savage tribes , but to take a prominent lead in extirpating that wholesale system of infant slaughter which demands their interference at home . In this , however , we have been painfully disappointed . The sympathies of the Boston party are too sublime and generous to be occupied with anything so tamely common-place as the sufferings of factory children . What exclusively concerns them axe the hardships of negro cherubs , and the misdemeanours of foreign slavers . Only give them a tale of Guinea abduction ; and , for all that ihey care , the infant population of the manufacturing districts may be handed over t « the tender mercies of demons . We hold np these self-perfuming coxcombs to the contempt of the entire kingdom ; and , by God ' s blessing , the great work of factory reform shall speedily triumph in spite of tkem .
On this snbject , as on every other , the conduct of the Whigs , too , has been infamous . During their ten years' tenure of office , and long before they got it , they have incessantly prated about the necessity of emancipating negroes , Papists , Dissenters , parochial ratepayers , hulk convicts , and what not ; but with reference to the crying abominations of mill-infanticide , as demonstrated by the evidence of their own Factory Inspectors , particularly by Messrs Stuart and Horner , corroborated by the reports of Parliamentary Committees , not one thing have they done towards arresting the butcheries of the cotton-shambles , except indulging in regTets , promises , and evasions , which , till this hour , have been utterly unproductive of a single substantial improvement ,
At length , however , we can faintly perceive the dawnings of better days . The factory atrocities which rave heretofore keen winked at by the Whigs and the professed philanthropists , seem li kely at last to receive an effective check from the manufacturing districts themselves . In tardy unison with the humane and intelligent views -which have long been expressed by a few of the more eminent mill-owners , such as the Messrs . Fielden , of Todraorden , and Sir . W . R Gregg ibrother of the Member for Manchester ) , a large mretinn of manufacturers has lately been held upon this subject at Bradford- We are not without a sanguine hepe that this Bradford movement will be extensively followed up throughout the factory district * . The inhabitants of these localities , being best acquainted with the evils
of the present system , must , if they will only unite in denouncing them , pessess a resistless influence in obtaining their speedy extinction . Indeed , it would seem in the present day that the country ' s waiu reliance for the redress of grievances is to be placed chitfly on the very parties who are supposed to have the greatest interest in upholding them . This has been equally exemplified at the Nottingham election , where the rate-payers , who are said to be the greatest profiters by the New Poor Law , have done thtmseWes immortal honour by electing its most distinguished opponent The other manufacturing towns of England , unless we are greatly mistaken , will ,
sooner or later , follow taeir example . Among Buch constituencies as those of Manchester , Leeds , Huddersfield , Ashton , Rochdale , and Salford , the great questions of factory reform and Poor Law repeal ought \ o be the testing points in regard to which the pretensions of candidates should be disposed of . We are happy to understand tkat the sentiments of Sir George Hurray and Mr . Hardy on the Poor Law controversy correspond very nearly with those of Mr . Walter . It is wtll that it is so . The factory communities should now let their voice be heard . It is a very potential one , which Parliamentary candidates must feel themselves compelled to respect . —Times .
Untitled Article
The Pigs , —An Irishman was observed to feed his pig one day to repletion , and to starve it the next . On being asked his reason for doing so , he said : — 4 t Och , sure , and i sn ' t it I that Jikes to have bacon with a strake o' fat to the strake o' lane equally one after another . " Discharges from the Abht . —The Hon . Col . Cavendish arrived at the Cavalry Barracks at Windsor , where the life Guards are stationed , a few days since , preparatory to the discharge of several of the privates , of extremely bad character , for disorderly conduct . This mode of proceeding was resorted to in preference to punishing the men , and then suffering them to remain in the regiment , to bold out bad and dangerous examples to others . Upon several who were dismissed former punishments which they had been subjected to had no beneficial effect in inducing them to alter their conduct .
Untitled Article
HOUSE OF LORDS . —Fripay , April 39 . The report on the Drainage Bill was agreed to , and the BUI was ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday . The Sooth Australian Bill passed through a Committee , and their Lordships adjourned .
Monday , may 3 . The Duke of Buckingham presented 120 petitions against any alteration Mn the Corn Laws . In consequence , he said , of an announcement in another place , he had received several communications from many of the petitioners , who were exceedingly astonished at the intentions of the Government , and expressed their regret that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government should have united with his colleagues in favour of an alteration of the Corn Laws , thus risking every thing that was valuable in the country . For bis ewn part he bad beard with equal regret and astonishment .
the declaration made elsewhere , but he hoped that both Houses of Parliament would express upon the subject an opinion so decided that the feara of the agricultural population might be dispelled , and that they might be enabled to enjoy their own properties in peace , and give employment to the labouring classes , who would be deprived of the means of existence if those laws were repealed . The Noble Duke quoted a former speech of Viscount Melbourne ' s , wheD opposing any alteration of those laws , and said that the Noble Viscount and his colleagues would be answerable , for the results of an attempt so dangerous and alarming .
Viscount Melbourne . said that in all his former opposition to any change in the Corn Laws , be hod always rested that opposition upon grounds wholly temporary . He now felt convinced thit the time had arrived when a change became necessary , in order to meet the financial difficulties of the country . The Earl of Ripon regretted the course taken by the Noble Viscount for the sake of his own character , because , if he had no better reasons than those put forward , he would not stand justified in the eyes of the country . He wished to kn « w if the nieat > ur < j was to be regarded by Govern inpnfc as one of protection or taxation ?—if the latter , it w « . u ' . tl be the most cruel act ever forced upon a reluctant Ln i-laiure Viscount Melbourne , amidfct laughter and cheers from the Opposition benches , said he was not prepared to answer the question .
The Earl of Winchu . SEA said , the measure was one of taxation , and hu would give it every opposition in his power . He hoped the people of England would rise as one man against such a tax . The Government was not acting honestly . The cmntiy condemned them on their foreign , domestic , ami commercial policy , and they now resortrd to the cheap bread cry in the hope of serving their electioneering interests in the event of a dissolution of Parliament . The petitions wtre laid on the table . Lord Duxfermline presented a petition from the seven clergymen of Strathbogie , "who had been suspended , praying that the indictment against them might be laid before their Lordships . A discussion of some length respecting the difference between the legal and ecclesiastical courts of Scotland eusued .
The Earl of Glengall then drew the attention of their Lordships to the case ot the falsification ot the returns from the Clenmel Union , and moved a resolution to the effect tbat Mr . Stanley , in making those returns , had been guilty of a gross contempt of the authority ef the House . The Earl of Wicklow thought the resolution was stronger than the justice of the case required . Mr . Stanley could hardly have been guilty of contempt , for , in his opinion , he h ; uV been actuated by no improper motive whatever . Even if he was culpable , he was certainly not the person most culpable , for he was only the secretary to the board . He was of opinion that Government was not warranted in dismissing Mr . Stanley from bis situation , or rather in accepting his resignation , until the decision of the House of Lords was heard upon the subject .
Lord ELLE > 'Boaotun said Mr . Stanley was selected , because he was the only person against whom the House could proceed . The Marquis of Normandy said that no one could deny that the falsification of the returns was a contempt of the House , although it was clear that the only motive which influenced Mr . Stanley was that of concealing a defalcation of duty . The Duke of Wellington was of opinion that the House must ngree to the resolution , though the Poor Law Commissioners were th « really culpable parties , for they should have prevented such an occurrence . The case Bhould bo probed to the bottom , fur in several other coses there had been corruption , as well as in this . After some observations from the Marquis of Norman by and the Marquis *> f Westmeath , the resolution was agreed to .
The Earl of Glengall then moved tbat Mr . Stanley be ordered to attend at liie Bar of the House on Friday , the 14 'hof May . The Marquis of Norma . mjy thought the dignity of the 11 us-- Ua < l been sufficiently consulted in the resigliauon uf Mr . Stanley , and hoped that in his present akite < jf h-. alth Uu would not be called upon to attend ftt the Bjr Lord Ellknbohovgh suggested tbat it would answer the purpose if it was entered upon the journals that , owing to Mr . Stanley ' s state of health , their Lordships would not press his attendance at the Bar .
This suggestion was acceded to , and the Earl of Glengall accordingly withdrew his motion . TLeir Lordships then adjourned .
Untitled Article
HOUSE OF COMMONS , Fridat , April 30 . The Chairman of the Committee on the King's County Election reported that Mr . Armstrong had been duly elected as member for that county . Lord J . Russell gave notice that , on the first order day after thu 31 st of May , he would move that the House should rtsulve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the laws relating to the trade in corn . Immense cheering from the Ministerial benches , with counter-cheering from the Opposition , followed this announcement . The House having resolved itself Into a Committee of ways and means ,
The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward his financial statement for the year . He , in the first instance , drew the attention of the House to the expectations he had formed last year of the expenditure and income of the country . Tbe expenditure he had estimated at £ 40 , 493 , 000—the income at £ 46 , 0-11 , 000 , leaving an estimated deficiency of £ ' 8 o 8 . 0 oo , which he had proposed to meet by a vote of credit . The actual results , however , proved to be that the expenditure amounted to £ 49 , 285 , 000 , and the income to £ 47 , 443 , 000 , leaving a deficiency larger than he had estimated by the sum ef nearly £ 1 , 000 , 000 . By comparing the estimated with the actual income there appeared to be a deficiency of £ 1 , 188 , 000 . This deficiency arose , not from any unfavourable result of the additional taxation which bad been imposed , but
from a failing off in the revenue , which , under any circumstances , would have tukt-n place . The produce of the five per cent duty on customs anil t-xciBe had bem calculated from the returns of the year 1 » 39 , which year gave a great increase on the year before ; and , a * tbat increase did not continue , the additional duties were on many articles unproductive . The articles upon which there had been an increase , both in quantity and duties , "were butter , cheese , coffee , olive oil , pepper , silks ( raw and thrown / , timber , and cotton wooL The articles upon which there had been a decrease iu quantity but an iucrease in duty were raisins , tallow , tobacco , tea , and American deals ; and the articles upon which there had been a decrease , both in quantity and duty , were currauts , molasses , spirits , sugar , wine , wool , and European deals . The falling off in the duty on spirits in Ireland amounted to £ 354 , 000 , which was
no proof , he felt pleasure in stating , of the decreased resources of the country , for it was entirely owing to the increased habiu of temperance in the people of that country . On the other hand the payments into the Irish exchequer showed an increase in the amount of duties on ttaand coffee . There had been also in Ireland an increase in the auction duty , and an increase in the duties on bricks , glass , ground glass , soap , soft soap , malt , vinegar , and in the post-horse duty . The stamps and taxes exhibited an increase beyond the estimate of £ 60 , « 00 . With respect to the decrease in the poetoffice , it "was not the result of a decrease in the number of letters , but was entirely owing to the increased expenditure which it was found necessary to incur in that department . The Right Hun . Gentleman then proceeded to give-the following statement of his expectations of the levenue , and of the expenditure for the ensuing year : —
ESTIMATED EXPENDITURE . Interest of the National Debt „ . £ 29 , 420 , 000 Other charges on Che Consolidated Fund 2 , 400 , 000 The army 6 , 587 , 000 The navy 6 , 805 , 000 The ordnance 2 , 075 , 900 Miscellaneous 2 , 935 , 000 Canada ^ . ... 108 , 000 China , 475 , 000 With respect to China , there were some charges in the account sent in by the East India Company which would be to be paid by the Company itself , and be would therefore put that item down at only £ 460 , 000 and this deduction would give a total amount of expenditure of £ 50 , 731 , 776 . In estimating the comiBg he had endeavoured
revenue , to take a very sober view of the subject The customs last year , which was rather an unfavourable onsy produced £ 21 , 700 , 000 . He estimated them to produce 'the ensuing year £ 22 , 000 , 000 . The excise produced last year £ 13 , 673 , 000 . He estimated the result tbia year to be £ 14 , 000 , 000 . Stampt produced lut year £ 7 , 183 , 000 . He took them at £ 7 , 000 , 000 for this year . The assessed taxes produced last year £ 3 , 989 , 433 , but , a » the increased 10 per cent bad not come into operation for a considerable period of the year , he thought himself justified in wtlnuittng them to produce £ 4 , 300 , 000 . The Post-office he estimated to produce £ 450 , 000 , the Crown laqds £ l 80 , 060 , and miscellaneous £ 250 , 900 , making a total of £ 48 , 310 , 000 . This gave a deficiency of inoeme to meet the expenditure of no less than £ 2 , 421 , 000 . From this defidenov he should
Untitled Article
deduct the charge for CWna of £ 400 , 000 and the navy debt of £ 191 , 000 . as not being permanent annual charges « n the revenue , and for which it would not be advisable to make permanent provision . This would leave the deficiency to be provided for £ 1 , 860 , 000 . Under the circumstances he had stated , he deemed it necessary to increase the revenue of the country to £ < $$ 0 OO , eo * , which would leave £ 1 , 700 , 000 to be provided . In order to raise this amount it would be necessary either to fall back On some of the taxes they had repealed , such as the house tax , or the tax on coals ; or they must bring in those parties who had hitherto been exempted from taxation by imposing a legacy duty upon real property , or they must take away those exemptions by which certain classes were now
benefitted , such as the exemption on horses used for agricultural purposes . If they adopted nene of these , they must tax those new . articles , gas and steam , or lastly , they must resort to a tax which had now become popular—an extensive property tax . If they resorted to taxation at all , they must adopt one or other of these courses , and it was their duty to turn to those which would throw additional burdens on the people . In order to increase the revenue he proposed to alter the duties on timber and sugar . Colonial timber now paid a duty of 19 b . a load , while Baltic timber paid 55 s ., being a protecting duty of 450 per cent He proposed to adopt a suggestion formerly proposed by Lord Althorp , of raising the duty on colonial timber to 20 s . and reducing the duty on Baltic timber to 50 s . By this alteration the consumer would be greatly benefitted , and the revenue would be increased probably to the extent of £ 750 , 000 ; but be would be content te
take it at £ 680 , 900 . With respect to sugar , which , if not an absolute necessary , at all events might be esteemed the poor man ' s cheapest luxury , he proposed to leave to colonial produce a protecting duty of only 50 per cent The present duty on foreign sugar was 63 , and on colonial 24 , and he proposed to reduce the former to 3 b " . This be believed would produce a revenue of £ 900 , 060 ; but he would take it at £ 700 , 000 ., which , with too produce from timber , would give a result upon ' which they might rely to the amount of £ 1 , 300 , 000 , leaving still a deficiency of £ 400 , 000 . This £ 400 , 00 * he did not propose to make any provision for at present , because of the motion respecting the Corn Laws , of which his Noble Friend had given notice , and which if carried would amply supply the deficiency . On the other hand , if the proposition of his Noble Friend should not be agreed to , he must make provision for tha £ 4 « 0 , 00 # by direct taxation .
Mr . QoiJLiiURX would not give any opinion upon the plans proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for supplying the deficiency in the revenue , bnt would reserve his sentiments until each measure should come before the House for discussion . The Right Honourable Gentleman reviewed the conduct of the Government since the year 1835 , showing that they have been every year adding to the expenditure of the country , while ita income had been constantly diminishing , until they at length crowned its embarrassments , by the delusive institutions of the Penny Postage .
Mr . Hume regretted that not one word had been said that could lead him to hopo that there was to be any reduction in the heavy expenditure which had led to this great deficiency . He had always warned the Government of the result of keeping up the enormous expenditure of the country , and he had a right to taunt them when the difficulties he predicted arose , a right which gentlemeu on the ether side of the House did not possess , for they bad been always urging the Government to increased expenditure . The Hon . Member then contended at considerable length for the necessity of an alteration of the Corn Laws , and defended the Penny Postage , though no system could work well when not governed by a man of business instead of by a peer , who , from his habits and station in society , must be unfit for such a situation as that of Post-Master-General .
Several Hon . Members on the Ministerial side expressed their concurrence in the views of the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the duties on corn ; afterwhich : Lord Francis Egerton expressed his astonishment , not that the Noble Lord ( J . Russell ) after the strong expression he had used on a former occasion upon the subject of the Corn Laws should have now proposed the subject for discussion , but that he should have postponed the subject for five weeks to come , instead of at once enabling the House to re-assure the agricultural interest by a single vote upon the subject Lord Jj Russell , in reply to a question from Lord Sandon , said that the proposition he intended to bring forward upon the subject of the Corn Laws would embody the principle of a moderate fixed duty , and the question would be brought forward by the Government as one upon which the Cabinet was united .
Sir R . Peel was surprised that the Noble Lord should have postponed his motien on the subject of the Corn Laws for live weeks , more particularly as he had connected the subject with the financial circumstances of the country . The Right Hon . Baronet defended his side ut £ hv House for the course they ha < l pursued in supporting the foreign policy of the Government , although it necessarily led to very considerable expence . _ Lord J . Russell said that , owing to the important measures before the House , he did not see any possibility of bringing the question of the Corn Laws before the House sooner than the period he had named . Mr . WAkley hoped that the proposed alteration in protective duties would not be confined to the Corn Laws alone , but would be extended to every brunch of manufacture and commerce .
Lord Howick advocated the proposal of a fixed duty , nnd would give his support to the Government when the question came for discussion . After a few observations , from Mr . M . Philips and Mr . Chapman , Mr . Labouchehe advocated the principles of free trade , and said he could lay his hand npon his heart and declare that if he could be satisfied that these principles , which he had been endeavouring all his life to promote , would be taken up by Gentlemen on the other side of the House , on their coming into office , he would most willingly and cordially support them j because those principles were essentially national , and had been advocated before him by deputations from all classes of manufacturers and mercantile men from all parts of England , and of all political persuasions .
Mr . Herries said that the deficiency appeared to be about £ 2 , 400 , 900 , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to provide for £ 1 , 700 , 900 only , leaving a deficiency of £ 700 , 000 . This alarmed him , for he feared it might be the intention to meet it by enlarging the sinking fund through the medium of the Savings' Sank Act This was a dangerous and most unconstitutional step , and if there was any such intention he should most certainly oppose it The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that such a power was one which no Minister ought to possess , but so long as he did possess the power of funding Exchequer Bills through the medium of the Savings Banks Act , he should not hesitate , if necessary , to exercise it .
Mr . Villieus expressed his gratification that the question of the Corn Laws was at lost taken out of his hands by the Government , and pledged himself to give them every support upon the question when it was brought forward . Mr . Alderman Thompson contended that the shipping interest of London were not favourable to the removal of the restrictive duties on timber and sugar . 'After some further discussion , tbe motion of tlie Chancellor of the Exchequer , which was one of mere form , was agreed to , and the House resumed . The other orders of the day were then disposod of , and the House adjourned . Mondav , Slav 8 .
A new writ was moved for the borough of Sandwich , in the room of the late Major-General Sir R . Donkin . Lord Stanley , in reply to a question from Mr . W . S . O'Brien , said he did not intend to proceed with the Registration of Voters Ireland Bill on Wednesday . Mr . Handley complained of an inaccurate report of hia speech , on Friday night , in the Morning Chronicle of Saturday . He was made to say that he would support Ministers in their measure respecting the Corn Laws , whereas he had really said directly the reverse . He could scarcely believe sush a misrepresentation to have originated in mistake , and he therefore moved that the printer should be directed to appear at the bar of the House . Mr . HUME hoped the Hon . Member Would be satisfied with the explanation he had given .
Sir De LaCY Evans said it was absurd to suppose that the mistake of the reporter could have been intentional . Mr . HandLET , believing his object , that of cor-Tecting the mistake , to have been obtained , withdrew his motion . Lord J < Russell announced that , on Friday next , be would state the amomnt of duty which he should propose to lay upon foreign corn imported into this country . Lord Sandon said he would on the same day . give the House an opportunity of pronouncing an opinion upon the contemplated change in the sugar duties . The House then resolved itself into a committee upon the Punishment of Death Bill . The second clause was opposed by Lord J . Russell , Lord Dungnnnon , and Sir R . Inglia ; and supported by Mr . Hume , Mr . O'Connell , and Mr . Sergeant Talfourd ; and on a division it was defeated by a majority of 122 to 110 .
On the proposal of the fourth clause , abolishing the punishment of death in cases of violation , Sir C . DovglaS moved an amendment making exceptions in certain cases . The amendment was withdrawn after some discussion , and the cUase itself was negatived by a majority of 123 to 61 ; Sir TL Peel declaring , that in cases of murder , atUmptalo murder , and violation , he could not consent to abolish capital punishments . . ¦ ' . . - ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ .. ' ¦ . ,. ¦ '¦' ¦ ' " ' ¦¦ ' " . ; The next clause , which proposed to abolish the punishment of death in cases of attempts to murder , led to some discussion ; but was ultimately negatived by a majority of 83 . to 7 * . The sixth clause was also negatived by a majority of 190 to 73 .
Mr . KELLY said that he could not press bis Bill further that evening , opposed as he was by the Government , ^ nor would he press it further that session if the Noble Lord ( J . Kossell ) would proceed
Untitled Article
with the Government measure upon the subject withont delay . Lord J . Russell said he would certainly proceed with the Government measure with the least possible delay * The House then resumed , and the Chairman obtained leave to sit on the 17 th of May . The House then resolved itself into Committee on the Criminal Justice BilL . Mr . W . Patten proposed two clauses , one to confirm , in some particulars , the Charter of Manchester , and the other to provide compensation for certain officers . ¦ . *¦ . „ ¦ . Mr . M . Philips thought the proposal au insult to the people of Manchester . . In fact , they were now asked to buy off the opposition to the Charter by giving some thousands of the money of the ratepayers to those who had ap long persisted in opposing
it . - ¦ ' . . . - , „ . , .. ¦ ¦ ¦ .: -. ' ¦ The Attornet-Gehebal and Mr . C . Bxjllbx opposed the clauses , which were supported by Mr . Cress well . After some discussion the first clause was withdrawn , and the Committee divided upon the second clause , which was negatived by a majority of 128 to 73 . Lord F . Egerton moved a clause to exempt Bolton from the operation of the Bill . After some discussion the Committee divided , and the clause was negatived by a majority of-75 to 31 . The House then resumed , the other orders of the day were disposed of , and the House adjourned .
Untitled Article
" Prove all things , hold fast that which is good . " Feilow-Cosntrymen , —The above motto ought to be ever kept in view , in order that we may come to right conclusions . I deem it my duty to address the following observations to you , in order that you may judge respecting my name being appended to Lovett and Collins ' s plan of organization . I consider the plan will be calculated to establish a system which all * men who wish to see a great and beneficial change-will apptove of . 1 do not call it a perfect plan , but the best 1 have yet seen , according to my judgment' I will not attempt at present to enter into its merits ; and as to its practicability , that must entirely dopend on the will of the people , as all the efforts of the few to better the condition of the many have been , and will continue unavailing until the people see the necessity of
giving those intended benefits their due consideration . I feel certain that until we can bring the above plan , or some part of it , or something similar , into operation , we never can obtain or enjoy our political rights . Those being my views , I have signed the address ; and so convinced am I of its goodness as a plan ; that I would , if needful , add my nama to it again and again ; and I beg distinctly to state that I have acted entirely from my own views in this matter , and without consulting with any person , or holding any conversation with any one on the subject previous to my name being attached thereto . I are . neither an O'Connor ' s man nor a Lovett ' s man ; I am what I wish you all to be , namely , a man of the people , atias a citizen of the world . It is not my business to condemn or justify
the conduct of other meu at the present . It is stated this plan has been brought out in opposition to the plan now in operation— that it is done for the purpose of destroying ths Star , and to bring about Household instead of Universal Suffrage , < fcc . Ac . Now , it Mr . O'Connor , or any other person will prove to me that sush is the fact , and that the enemy of the working classes , Daniel O'Connell , is at all concerned in this affair , then I will withdraw my namo immediately . I believe that Household Suffrage would ( if given ) keep us in the back grounds full fifty years ; as such I nev « r will , directly or otherwise , give my support to anything short of the principles of the People ' s
Charter . As I have been as long in the field as most who are at present engaged in the great struggle for liberty , I have just cause to know that assertions are one thing and proof is another—that it is easy to denounce men and measures—and 1 am sorry to " that recent events have shown that it is still more easy to get a number of people to act on the bare word of another . It may be said what proof do you want beyond what you have respecting Can being one of the clique ? Has he not spoken in favourjof Lovett ' s plan ? He may or may not , for ought I know ; and if so I think he must hive done so to injure rather than forward the design , as his praise is calculated to damn any man or measure , be it ever so geod .
You will say , why bring this " New Plan" out at present , as it has caused disunion ? JN ' o one regrets more than I do that there is so much disunion in the Chartist ranks ; I should have been glad to have seen the plan earlier in the field , and though it may be ill-timed , yet it does not follow that the planners had a bad design in so doing , and if it is not approved of by the Chartists generally , it might be safely left to its own fate . I contend that any person has a right to bring forth a " New Flan" every day , and any person may add their names to it who think proper— motive is everything . Shall a man be assailed on every side for acting according to the best of his judgment ? Is it Democracy or Chartism te say a man id a spy , a traitor ,
one who has Bold himself to the Government , because he appends hia name to a document which have for its object the obtainment of the People ' s Cuarter ? As regards the base insinuations which hus been made against myself , I cast them back with scorn and contempt , as I know the parties making tkem are unworthy of notice . If Chartism consists in abuse , in denunciations , in intolerance , and their despotism , coupled with the aid the base faction are receiving alb this time at the hands of some ef its advocates , in order to turn out the other equally base faction , then , indeed , is the cause in a very prosperous state—but if Chartism consists in brotherly feeling , sober thoughtfulness , and a desire to come to just conclusions , then I regret to say , I am afraid it is ut a very low ebb .
In conclusion , lei me impress on your minds the necessity of Knowledge Chartism and Teetotal Chartism , as I am quite certain until the working classes are better informed aud entirely weaned from the pothouse , we shall never have them with us . For my part It shall be my business to show tjiein by my example to the latest period of my life , tiut the enemy is not to be overcome but by perseverance , firmness , and . union . I remain , fellow-countrymen , Yours , . ¦ ¦ ¦ „ , In the cause of universal happiness ; C H . Neesom . We have also a second letter from Mr , Weesom , as follows : — , .
TO THE EDIT 9 B OP THB NOfiTHEHN STAfii-, London , May 3 rd , 1841 . Sir , —I received a letter dated Leeds , April 28 th , from Mr . Wra . Rider , informing me that the letter . I sent yon on last Monday for publication had come Into his hands . It appears he has thought proper to prevent its appearance , on account , as-fce states , that I would reconsider it In looking over the copy , I do not see one word I wish to alter ; it'does not contain any thing an honest man can object to , and if it had , I should think you , as the editor of the paper , wduld have pointed it out in your comments on the same . How Mr . Rider baa got possession of it ,
Untitled Article
it is not for me to say , as it was addressed to tha Rev . Wm . Hill ; u such it must have passed through your hands . Ibis , Sir , looks very nuch like a " secret move ; " at all events It is an act « f gross injustice to withhold from the public any thing that would tend to make known to them the views and intentions of a person charged with being a traitor , to . Had my letter contained any thing like what you are pleased to call repentance , escape from the Rat Trap , &t r doubt not you would gladly have caused its insertion I should not then have , been asked to reconsider mi letter . * Sir , I trust ; I am capable of judging for myself , t spurn with indignation any attempt made to fetter my mind , though it be made under the mask nf friendship . ^^ l Trusting to your high sense of justice , I again request that the letter may appear without further delay . I remain , Sir , yours respectfully ,
CHAS . H . NEESOK 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . In placing the above letters in out hands , Mr . Ride * accompanied it by the folowing : —
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOBTHEBN STAB . Sib , —I have now , according to the promise made to Mr . Neesom , given his communication into yon » hands , yet , as a Chartist , I cannot allow it to go forth to the public without remark , however "unpalatable '' those remarks may be to Mr . Neesom . In an affair which affects the interests of the Working man , I neither regard friend nor foe , nor shall I hew the rough corners off my words to please any individual whatever . Shonld Mr . Neesom object to the tone of expression , let him do so , as I shall " call a boat a ' boat , a fish a fiah , " , ^ tool a tool , and a traitor a traitor . First , allow me to say a few words in repl y to hia letter to me of yesterday ' s * late .
He states his surprise to learn that I have caused the publication of his letter to be delayed , and considers It an " unwarrantable interference" on my part , and insinuates , in his letter to you , that there is something " secret" about my doing so , as the letter being " addresssd to Mr , Hill , must have passed through hi « hands . " - Now , in answer to this , I ask Mr . Neesom if he sup . poses that the labour attendant on preparing matter fox a weekly paper is only equal to that of a tailor who makes a suU of clothes per week ? If he does , he is strangely mistaken . One tailor and one ahopboard is quite sufficient for the suit , but it requires more than one pen or one desk to do the work at the Star office To assist at this work is a portion of my duty !
Mr . Neesom's surprise at the circumstance of his letter coming into my bands , may be obviated by informing him of the ordinary course of business correspondence attheofSoe ; which is tbat all letters addressed to the office , either to the Editor , to the Publisher , to tbe Clerk ( Mr . Ardill ) , or to Mr . O'Connor , go first into the hands of , and are opened by , either Mr . Hobson or Mr . Ardill , just which , may happen to be in the way . These gentlemen , when they open the letters , pass those addressed to the-Editor , and all sent for publication , as news , &c . iuto the hands of Mr . Thompson , the Assistant Editor , who looks them through , and prepares sqcq as are on ordinary business for the compositors , into whose hanUs the " copy" thus prepared frequently passes , without beingseen by the Editor . Such of tbe correspondence
as needs to be seen by him is reserved for his inspection and decision . I occasionally assist Mr . Thompson in thus preparing " copy , " and in the course of my so doing , I fell in with the letter of Mr . Neesom ; and having a respect for Mr . Neeaom for " auld long syne " and feelingfor his present position , I determined to write to him as a friend , to implore of him to reconsider hia letter before I gave it into your hands , telling him , that if , after such re-consideration , he still felt determined on its publication , it should be handed to you . I acted on this determination ; and this explains the manner how the letter came into my hands , and shews that Mr . Neesom ' s insinuation of " secret move" " because the letter addressed to you , must have passed through your hands , " turns out to be , that Mr . Neesom has cut off his first button .
He says his letter " asks questions which may not be very palatable to Mr . O Connor , if that gentleman la not prepared to give the answers . " A very sage idea , Mr . Neesom ; " if that gentleman is NOT prepaiedto give the answers . " But , suppose , he is prepared to give the answers , will those answers be " palatable ?" Look at that hole , Mr . Neesom , and see if a patch is not very necessary . His next remark is an echo of the discomfited Leaguers and sham-Radicals' cuckoo note— " Many who call themselves Chartists , I am aware , will give abuse , and display a , spirit of intolerance and despotism which
none but dishonest men will countenance . " Then ¦ wlien men turn traitors to their country and propound schemes to stultify and disorganise the people , they must be overshadowed with the mantle , siJence . No , . Mr . Neesom ; that will never do ; you were not wont to promulgate or practice any such hetorodox tenets ; and the Chartists will not subscribe to tkem through fear of being stigmatised with " intolerance" or " deg . poti 8 » i . " Error must and will be opposed . Treachery must and shall be exposed , and , depend upon it , " honest men" will countenance the crusade against all renegades and impostors .
He then proceeds thus— " You know well had Mr . O'Connor wrote or spoke in favour of Lovett ' s plan , it would have been applauded to the skies by those who now condemn it . " I know no such thing ; neither do I believe it possible for all the political agitators combined , to divert the attention of the people from the pursuit of the full measure of their rights . For my own part I shall oppose O'Connor , and shall call upon the people to aid in such opposition , the very moment he calls upon us te strike the flag "Universal Suffrage , " and hoist that of a more limited standard . The assertion is a libel upon the Chartists^—they are not led by
men , but by principle ; and I repel the insult thus given . I shall not dwell much upon his devout prayer— " 0 , for a larger supply of knowledge Chartism ! " I am one that would rather fight for the fruits of Chartism than fall down and mule and pule for " a larger supply of knowledge Chartism . " Who would supply the knowledge ? Why , the "New Movers , " when they get hundreds of thousands of our money ; but they have not got , the NEW " rint" yet , and , to their grief , they never will . What kind of knowledge would it be ? We have the sample , and , consequently , may judge of the stock yet in the sack .
I did think , Sir , of making same few remarks on hia letter to his " fellow countrymen ; " but I leave it untouched and open to others , though , as a Chartist , I claim a right to give utterance to my views ; but , perhaps it would be "an unwarrantable interference on my part . " Yours , truly , Wm . Rider . Leeds , May 4 th , 1841 .
Untitled Article
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOBTHEKK SIAB . Sir , —Having sent the Star to Ireland for some time past , I thought it my duty , when Dan O'Connell made use of the base assertions that he did respecting Chartism in Ireland , to test the principles of the parties to whom . I sent it , when I received a letter , of which the following is a copy . By your giving the same a place in the people's paper , you will greatly oblige Yours , a constant reader , And one of the oppressed , JOHN PULLENS , Secretary to the Manchester Petition Committee . Manchester , May 2 il , 1841 . Sin ., —I received your letter of the 19 th , a day or two since , and feel grateful for your kindness in sending tt . i Star to one , who , though a stranger personally , i » not so I hope in principle .
As to your question concerning my receiving the Slat regularly , I beg to say , it is sometimes detained till three or four weeks after its publication ; but , be it ever so old , it is read with eagerness by all into whose hands it may fall . As to your other question , with regard to Dan driving Chartism from Ireland , I , to one am not the least uneasy on that point ; for there is here a growing spirit of democracy , that will at no very distant period , baffle the deceiving cant of Dan and Co ., or the power and tyranny of those who assume authority , though backed by the gibbet , the bullet , ami the bayonet . When we Irish are once convinced that we have been humbugged , we don t withhold our hands from the readiest means of settling accounts with those who have deceived us ; and surely we have been deceived by as base a crew of cut throat and pretending patriot * as ever this earth suffered on its groaning bosoms .
Again , in answer to your question , whether we have a Chartist Association formed here or no , I can only say thnt in such an aristocratic town as Lisborn , the formation of one would be attended with great ditienlty , as most of the working people ore tensnts-afr willto the Marquis of Hertford , and if any person allowed a meeting to be held in his house , it would be followed by immediate ejeciment ; for I can assure yon that tjranny exists here to a great extent , as they are at this present time making use of their power to drive me-from- my present abode , and if possible from the town . . ¦
Again , the publicans and the shop keepersi axe either Whigs ex Tories , and are only waiting totvi opportunity to vent their spleen as jurymen on tne flr « t Chartist victim that may have the honour of appearing before a judge at the assize ; but , under au disadvantages , a society could , and I hope wll Vv formed , whenever a place of meeting can be P ? " ^ without endangering any person who has the misfortune to be at the the disposal of tyrannical landlords . , In conclusion , their everyday doings are > PPlD 8 their own foundations , and lending the democrats helping hand to pull the fabric of corruption aM « their ears . !
Yours , in the cause of truth , W » . ROBINSO * Lisburn , April 25 th , 18 « .
Untitled Article
Ths Judge before whom Alderman Per "" ' ^ Dublin , was brought on his arrival in New »? f ~~ a charge of having defrauded his creditors m fn * land , has discharged him from custody , W" ? f * evidence bad not been made out to justify I" 3 *" tention . ?
Vaxittiet
Vaxittiet
§$Itix At Fyt 1$Vt*
§ $ itiX at fyt 1 $ vt *
Empevinl Parliament
Empevinl parliament
Untitled Article
MR . NEESOM ; HIS ADDRESS TO THE
EDITOR AND WILLIAM RIDER . It will be recollected by our readers tbat the name of Charles H . Neesom was appended to the document issued by Lovefct and Co . relative to the " New Move , " and , as will appear from the following , Mr . Neesom sent us a letter in justification of his conduct , which , along with a mass of other correspondence , was given into the hands of Wm . Rider for examination , previous " to being placed in the hands of the compositors . Mr .-Rider , it seems , believing that bis friend had not sufficiently re fleeted upon the steps he had taken , immediately wrote to Mr . Neesom , conjuring him to reconsider the subject , and if , after such consideration , he was still anxious to have his letter published , he would give it into our hands for a decision . After a lapse of five days , Mr . Neesom Bends the subjoined reply to Mr . Rider : — London , May 3 d , 1841 .
Friend Rider , —I am much surprised to learn you have caused the publication of my letter to be delayed . I consider it an unwarrantable interference on your part Myietter requires no reconsideration ; in looking over the copy , I don't see anything that can be fairly objected to . It asks questions which may not be very palatable to Mr . O'Connor , if that gentleman is not prepared to give the answers . You say the Chartists will give me no quarter . Many who call themselves Chartist 3 I am aware will give abuse and display a spirit of intolerance and
despotism , which nonebut dishonest men will countenance . You know well that had Mr . O'Connor written or spoken in favour of Lovett ' s plan it would have been applauded to the skies by those who now condemn it , many of whom , no doubt , have not examined any part of the views and objects set forth therein . O , for a large supply of knowledge Chartism ! Again , I request " that my letter may appear in the Star without delay , as I am not to be diverted from my purpose by the threats or coaxing of uny man or set of men . 1 never have" nor never will act intentionally wrong in the cause I have so long espoused .
" Au honest man is the noblest work of God . " In conclusion , I am compelled to view this interference as a very unfriendly act on your part , and altogether at variance with strict justice , leaving out anything of " Auld Long Syne . " Yours respectfully , Chas . H . Neesoji , 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . The following is the communication alluded to : — TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . London , April 25 th , 1841 .
Sir , —As there are strange reports abroad respecting my conduct in relation to my name being appended to what is called the " secret move , " or Lovett ' s plan , I beg the insertion of the following letter in the forthcoming Slur , as it will be an answer to the many letters and inquiries that I have received , and also an act of justice towards me , which I feel confident you will not deny . I am , Sir , your's respectfully , Chas . H . Neesom , 76 , Hare-street , Bethnal Green . .
Untitled Article
6 THE NORTHERN STAR . ¦
Untitled Article
PRESIDENT HARRISON . Old President Harrison—we beg pardon , that is not quite it—we should , perhaps , say young President and o'd Harrison , has hopped off his perch . Twas a pity , that with all his exquisite knowledge about the Greeks and Romans , he should not have been allowed to shew us what he meant by that unmerciful long yarn tbat he spun us a week or two before he took his departure . 'Tis a thousand pities that so very soon after he had set up business in the President line , he shou'd be obliged to hand all his easterners over to his journeyman .
What could the free and enlightened citisens mean by choosing a man wba had not four years of life in him ? Positively , it is a great impugnment of the wisdom of the great unwashed on the other side of the Atlantic , and we think that some free and enlightened Member of Congress ought to make some motion about it . Every future President ought , we think , before he is elected , to give four surgeons as his bail that he is able to live out at least three of his four years of office . It is really excessively , we may say ontrageously , disgusting , that after taking all the trouble of speechifying , canvassiDg , bribing , and electing , and all in order to get a man who is thought to be a capable man , that at the end of a month or two they should find that they have enly got a sort of under deputy , whom nobody knows anything about , and nobody would give a fig for .
Who is this Mr . Tyler who now comes ont with his declaration and calls himself President Tyler ? Does his Christian name happen to be Teddy ? Because , if it does , perhaps he might be useful to give us some information as to tbe fate of the other President , whose present situation is at this time so doubtful . Of all the lives on board that boat , we confess we should most like to hear of the safety of poor Power ; and if Teddy the Tiler cuuld just tell us what has become of him , it would only be returning many a good turn which poor Power has done for him .
We really are sad about President Hatnson ( although not half so sad as we are anxious about our own countryman in the other President ) because Harrison did seem to be a steady , honest , hearty old fellow , and more of a gentleman than American Presidents generally are . We promised ourselves a great deal of amusement in the old boy ' s future lucubrations abont the Greeks and Romans , and we thought we might possibly get on pretty well with him without coming to blows . As to this Tyler we don't much like him at first sight Ten to one but what he will vraBt to show his independence of his predecessor , by undoing the very little he has done ; and , perhaps , he may hang M'Leod , and invade our boundary , jus I for the sake of distinguishing himself . — Satirist .
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct548/page/6/
-