Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th March 1841, Edition 3 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

Page 4
Page 4
4 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • IHE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY. MARCH 6. 1841.
  • Text (6)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      MESSRS . COLLINS AND O'NEIL , AND THE BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS . XESTI 5 S OP THE TiUESDS ASD MEMEEEB OF THE ¦ -CHB . IBTIAK CHARTIST CHURCH , BIRMINGHAM , . TO CONSIDER THE STATEMENTS THAT APPEASED IS THE XORTH £ R > " STAB . OF THE 12 / TH FEB ., 1841 . A meeting , consisting of 234 of the membera and friend * of the Christian Chartist Church , was held in tbe coapeL Mr . Hill , sea , -was voted to the cbair . Mr . Toll read the statements in the Siar , and the rhttTrman called upon Mr . Style * to read an anrwei to them that had been drawn np by the Committee , which now remained to be adopted , or rejected-by the meeting . Mr . Styles then read the following address , and also a letter from ilr . Tincent , subjoined : — Sialemenl of FacU t * Answer to an Article that appeared in the Northern Star of February 27 th , 1841 . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAJU it to

      glj ^ Yt % consider oar duty contradict an anonymous article in the Star , containing seTeral slleeed facts and insinuations against the leaders of the Christian Chartist Church generally , and Jdessrs . Collins and ONcil in particular . In your introductory remarks , yon intimate that yon have received lateis complaining of an unfriendly spirit manifested towards the associated body of Chartists , by the leaders of the Christian Chartist Church . We reply , that never in one of our meetings have we aliaded to them , much less spoken unfriendly of them . "When they attended our meetings , they were heard with the same attention and friendliness with which any of our own members were treated ; and lastly , to show that the statement was utterly false , all their intimations ( though handed in irregularly ) have been given from the polpit and desk with the greatest frankness , with the exception of the one aftermentioaed , fcr reasons that we shall immediately explain .

      The only ground of dLff < seaca tfeat bas erer existed is , tint most of the munb * r < of the Chorea are not in the National Charter Association , it being , in their opinion , sin its old constitution , ) illegal . The anonymous communication tkat follows , begins with the nua-anaounceKent of the soiree . The facts of tire case are not correctly stated , they are these ;—Their intimations tad generally been handed , in irregularly ; instead of hanging tbem to the CoiBisittee , before the meeting commenced , ttiey were sent in , in the middle , or near tbe doss of the lecture or *<; nnon . In this instance , Mr . Barrett b * 4 been sitting vn the Chapel for a quarter of an bear before the meeting « ommenced ; the Committee -were , as usual , sitting in the Vestry at the sasie time ;; the parties -saw each other ,- daring this time no intimation was presented ; but , as usu \ l , near the cl « e- « f Mr . Hawke ' s lecture , it was handed to the Cliairmaa . .

      It was not givea out ; ifr . Barrett rose , and asked why it was no : » Mr . Q 3 « eil , the ChaiEnan , asked him two que $ tieas . First— "Why was ii not handed in to the Coicmittee ? Second—What authority he had for stating that Mr . Tineent would be present ? adding , tivit if he answered tfcese questions , it should , as usual , be given ont . "She first -sras E * t anssrered ; and , after much egu . ivoca . tion , it &ppaar = d that the coming of Ml . Tinceiit was without authority , tfcsy not aa-nng receiTed-aa answer from him .

      ilr . O * Xeil said that the impressioe made npoa his mind by the announcement of the soiree read by him on Sabbath last , as well as upon the taincis of all who heard it , was that tie gentlemen mentioned were to be present ; so xench so that he was perfectly astoniabedat tearing on the day after , from Mr . Coliins , lhat Mr . Vincent was not to be there . He immediately saw that & false uss b&dbeen made of Mr . Vincent's name ; he felt sorry thai be bad been the means of aiding the spread of the falsehood , and he therefore would not do it now .

      To show , hewerer , that he was perfectly willing to * intimate anything founded on truth , from whoerer it j came , he weald -give out thfcir second announcement j { for there were two ) , viz , that Mr . Dean Taylor would j preach next gsndsy , at Lawrence-street , adding full particulars ae to time , subject , and admission money , j That Mr . •¦© 'X'eil adyised those present not to pur- j chise tickets is a base falsehood , and that any steps j have been tafcen to ma&e ttie soiree a failure , Ls equally ; falsa . Toe inBLasa £ ion against Mr . Collins is a malevolent j attempt to Earr&uad ¦ sritb . suspicion a character j which they hare not facts fuffidecs to injure , ilr . i TiDcent's leVier , sent by him upon Beeing the slander ; in the Star , is-saffitient to disprovs it . The last state- j meat is net only utterly false , in its firat part , but .

      throughout its-style is such as to evince clearly a diabolical anxiety to follow out the above usfonniled suspicion . The enly meeting publicly held in Birmingham for Frosrt'saastoratioB , was the one alind&ci t-o on Hclioway Head , ob the first of January . There was , none other for Mr . -Collins to attend . As to Mr . C-jLins ' s interest in behalf of the exiled patriots , let his two last journeys to Loughborough aad BUston speak . "It is stated , as if to produce an impression of carelessness , that Mr . Csliins and Arthur 0-Xtil came on to the grcuni half an hour after the time for which the meeting was a ^ Vrertistd . It is well known t&it demonstrations rarely c&ramanee at the time intimated ; the charge is aliogd ± er _ paltry , and the fact is that veiy few were on the ground -when they arrived , and the busiae&s did not commenca till more than >*? 3 * an hour after thiy arrived . The C 3 animon 3 election of Mr . Collins

      to the chair , and ths enthusiastic approbation with which he was received , clearly sho-sr that " the people" knew cot of any " just ounces" to forgive ; il is » gratuitous slander . His couduct . as chairman , met with the highest approbation , and when the basisess of tho meeting was ended , oca of the FrjEt Committee proposed a Tote of rh ^ V ^ which was passed with enthusiastic applause . No thoucht of injuring Mr . J " roet lias ever been attached to Mr . Collins , and why the parties , now complaining , did not on the Epot dissent from fh 2 t -which they say was an irreparable irjnry to Mr . Frost ' s character , is for them t-j txplain . Wby they stood by without giving thsir veto E ^ aixist Mr . Collins k passing strange , and more so considering the faet of the Tote of tiiaiLs proposed and carried by them . Seconded by Mr . Hill and carried unanimoualy .

      TXEBAHH COPT OF KB _ TTSCEirX S LET 3 S& TO iOKS

      cozxaxs . 5 , Greenland erove , Cravec-itreet , 1 st March , 1841 . Mt dxab Gollixs , —I haTe read a paragraph in the Sorihern Star , to the effect that you had advised me net to risi : Birmingham . I do not wish mistaken to go abroad- I wrote my reasons to the members of the Committee at Birmingham who did me the honour of inviting me . 1 do not snppose yon knew anything cf the matter . Toa ccald not haTe done so when in London , because I had not then received the invitatien . 1 am sorry that my name should be used in matters with which I haTe nothing to do . Prior arrangements and Hiy otto private aSaira prevented ray accepting the kind invitation of tts Birmingham friends . You are q- ^ ite at liberty to make whit use of this letter yon please .

      The coarse against you , sef&r af my tisii io Birning kam ieco-iiixniid , is not tree . Ton had nothing to do in the matter . 2 Ij own reasons have been givea iu my own haEdwritiBg . . Regretting that any dispute should exisj in our own ranks , and hoping that such disputes day be apcediiy settled , so that oar glorious cause may preperlr progr&s * , I am , dear Collins , Faithfully yottr ' s , B £ - \ BY VlSCEM . It wes aftsrwaroi resolTed ncanimously : —

      " That tiie tbankB and approbation of this meeting be presented to Messrs . Cellins and O'Xeil , tor theh inteUigent , and perserering defence , and advocacy cf the cause of -Chartism , requesting them to go onwards in the holy caass which they hare espoused . "

      Untitled Article

      THE ANTI-CORN LAW AGITATION-SIGNAL DEFEAT OF THE " LEAGUERS . " O = Hobday « tening tiiese worthies icet with a complete oTertarow . The meeting was held at tie Crown and Anchor , aad . aeeordiEg to tbeplacards and hacdbills twhicb were by so means widely circulated , probably from prudential reasons ) it was intended to be " The Annual General Xeeting of ths Metropolitan , Central , and District BrsKiies of the Anti-Corn Law Association . " At an early hovs , one of the large rooms of the tavern was crowded by persoas , chiefly of tte working class . From the appearance of those persons , and tbe Bsntiments occasionally uttered by them before the proceecicij coitmeseed , it soon became eridect that tbe Eaooth-tongued po&acal ecoaom : sls , vho have eo kindly taken toe interests and welfare of tie " labouring classes" into their especial protection , wculd not be permitted quietly to haTe it all their own way , and the xesait showed tiat tbaae anticipations w « ie wellfounded .

      At about half-past aereo . o'clock , Mr . 'Warburtsn , M . P . iwho was announced to take the chair , ) entered the room , accompanied by a great number of the " leaguers ; " amongst whom were obserred Mr . Timers , M . P ., Mr . Hawes , M . P ., Mr . J . A . Rrebnck , Dr . Bowring , > It . Aleock { ex M-P . for LudJow and excandidats for E-igt Surrey , ) and a posse , of those wellpaid and £ o& £ eqnent ! y disinterested gentlemen who amuae themselves by going about the country as lecturers . So opposriios sras offered to 3 ir . Warburton taking the diair , and a awmentary gleam of self-satisfaction was apparent on ths faces of ths Honourable Gentleman ' s

      RippBr tfeH , who had evidently apprehended an opposition in limine fej the appointment of another chairman . But this pleasant feeling was destined to be Boon changed into one of deep mortification . The Chairmin , howeTer , witt the eye of a " wary , cool , oM soldier , " at once £ aw Jte position and strength of the enemy , and consequent !/ appeared by no means as if h « were sitting in an easy cfaair . In the outset of Ms opening address Mr . Warburton , by wsy of deprecating the introduction of any otfcsr topic thaa that of the Corn Liwj , read the rules of tfa * Afcsociail . n at the feme it was originally formc * d , which , after a few of the usual claptrapisnas" about < bfe » E&m * J »^ s be-iag

      Untitled Article

      " inimical to the welfare and interests of the labouring classes , " &c . ( a postulate , by the bye , which the msjority of the meeting , by their cries of " no , no , " seemed to think was not demonstrable either by argument or by proof ! , ended With a declaration that their attention was to be confined to the one eole object—to wit , " the repeal of the accursed bread tax , " and that they were not to entertain , nor permit to be entertained , aiy other subject whatever at any of their meetings , or at the meetings of the Committee . ( Here there wtcre loud cries of " Oh . oh , " and laughter from the Chartists . )

      Having reminded the meeting what tho subject was which they had met to discuss , the Hon . Gentleman concluded his few observations by Imploring order and a fur hearing for the gentlemen who would address them ; and after the report should be read , and the resolutions proposed , it would be competent for any gentleman in the meeting— ( loud cheers from the Chartists , and the Hon . Gentleman quickly saw his mistake )—for those who were members —( "Ah , ah , " and "It wont do , Warburton" }—for any other gentleman ( this re-cor rection of himself appeased the angry Chartists ) to address the meetinr .

      The Stcretary ( Mr . Sidney Smith , it was understood ) then read tbe report . It stated that the association had had enormous difficulties to encounter since it ^ first meeting en the 3 rd of August last , arising & \ st from the apathy of the middle classes ; and secon- ny > from the hostility of the political portion of the v . orking classes—leheers )—both of which cause * , hoY , eTer , were fast disappearing , particularly the latter- - ( loud exies of " No , no , nerer , ")—for the working classes had now become most aetire in their co- * operation with the association . ( Here there were stil \ stronger expressions of dissent ) The report « then i rent on to state that the exertions of the lecturer ? had been attended with super-eminent success , and t ' oat they had been vxll received in e « ry part of ike kingdom ! ( This was rather too barefaced for e ? en those who were not Chartist 8 , and , therefore , this Teraciou j rtatement was received with gTeat laughter from allp- arts of the room . )

      After a few unmeaning generalities , ? . he report alluded to what it called a new feature in thair proceedings , namely , the publication and dissesr dnation of upwards of 2 o , ooo copies of the evidence t akea before a committee of the House of Commons . , for the purpose of edifying the agricultural labsurr js , and affording an abundant supply of waste pap st to the butter and bacon shops throughout the ccontry . The committee then referred to the fact , that a manifesto against the Corn LawB had been Bigned by upwards of 1 W influential members of the House -of Commons , from which they argued much good wher i the subject should again be brought before that braac ' a of the legislature . Several parts of the report elicited much disapprobation from the meeting ; particularly those passages in which it was asserted , that the " t ^ tal repeal of the Corn Laws would conduce to the we ) fare of the land , " tbe correctnpss of vrliich piece of Anti-Corn-Law dogmatism was ¦ vehemently disputed , ^ . 'he report having been read ,

      A Mr . Harrison moved , and the well-known Mr . Pbout seconded , a resolution that it should be received , printed , and circulated—and now came the " tug of war . " A Chartist named Wall , got upon the table , and was received with uproarious shouts of applause . The " leaguers , " one and all , looked dismayed . Wall observed , that tbe question for the working classes to consider was , whetiwr their wages were to be lowered or not ( Cbaers . ) Tb « » ole reason why the manufacturers had come forward was , because they knew that owing to high wages they were not ablo to compete with the foreign manufacturer—( chtets )—and hence it wafi that

      tliey were desirous of reducing the wages of tbe labouriBg ciaaa by a repeal of the Corn Laws . ( Cheers . ) He contended , therefore , that they were net agitating for tut against the people ;—( cheers ) , —in fact , they had no other end in view but that of personal aggrsndisoment ( Loud cheers . ) He then moTed , by way of amendment , in opposition t « the report , to the effect that they could not expect , however , the Repeal of the Corn Laws until the people were fairly represented , * c and advising the presentation of a National Petition to the Queen , praying her Majesty ' s interference on the subject of a recognition of the principles of the People ' s Charter .

      Another Chartist , named BOGGIS , seconded the motion in a speech which was really sensible , moderate , and much to the purpose . It abounded with plain common sense truths , which were so nnpalataWe to the Jea ^ uers , teat tier nad the bad taste to permit their elaooeura { at vrhom there were not a few in the room ) to end « 37 our-to clamour down the speaker . From this point of the proceedings all was confusion and noise- The Chartists observed the interruptions , and , on the /«• talionis principle , seemed determined that none of the other side should be heard . In Tain did 3 Ir . Koebuck and Dr . Bowricg avow themselves to be Chartists : they obtained not from the offended audience the " charity of their silence , " and , after seTeral fruitless attempts to gain a bearing , they retired to tbe back-ground discomfited and chagrined . Mr . Yilliers was a little more successful , for he Wis listened to with some degree of attention .

      SeTeral Caartiits then addressed the meeting , and at length tbe amendment was put and carried by an immense majority , amidst the most tumultuous cheering . The Hon . Chairman and his Fupporfcers seeing that tbe " game wasup / 'forihia time , at lc ast , then retired , leaving the remaining business in staiu quo . There was a long string of resolutions to be submitted to the meeting , but the leaguers" appeared to think , and wisely , too , that they had quite enough for the nonce . Caagrin and mortiSation wera visibly depicted on the countenances of the Chairman and those around him at the signal defeat they had sustained at this the Ttry commencement of their London campaign for 1841 . It seems to be clear that tbey hare nothing else to expect at any future meeting they may venture to hold in the metropolis ; and therefore one would be inclined to whisper in their ear , in a friendly way , " discretion is tbe better part of valour . " —ilorntr / o Herald .

      Untitled Article

      THE NATIONAL , CHARTER ASSOCIAT ION * OF GREAT BBJTAX 2 T . THE AMENDED SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION . Amo . sg the many good things which O'Co . v . vell ha 3 said , vrt remember one saying of his : that "the next best thing to being right yourself is to put your enemy completely in the wrong . " We fu . ly accord with this doctrine ; and hence we have ever been most anxiou 3 that the operations of the people sioald ba conducted peacefully and legally : knowing th . 2 fc if their moral strength was

      well marshalled , and their numbers well organised , they were invincible and irresistible ; —able to carry any measure of a wholesome and sanatory tendency , without violating any of tho ? e forms and appearances of law wi : h which the harpies have feaced round the carcase of corruption , in the hope of feasting undisturbedly thereon . There is no power in any state successfully to resist the righteous demands of a people , united in purpose and opinion , and so organised as to enable them to express their opinioa and to prosecute their purpose as one man . Of this the factions are most perfectly atrare ; and

      hence their highest dread has ever been the organisation of the people , and tbeir greatest care to provide against its existence . It is only by a well digested plan of organisation , generally understood aud acted on , that the p ; wer of the people can be tfneiently made manifest . The isolated struggles of individuals , or knots of individuals , or separate societies or localities , eTen though all directed to the same end , are but like water thrown bj bucketfulls out of a mighty river against the walls of a citadel , which expends its force in impotence , producing a splash and nothing mare : while a national

      organisation , enabling the whole people to move at the sam 3 time , and in the same direction , bending their " energies against the same point , is like the mighty rushing of the whole torrent , against which n © obstacle can stand . The vast importance of this subject ha ? been always seen , both by the people ' g friends and by their enemies ; and hence , from the time when the House of Commons was first sought to ba emancipated from the direct controul of the crown , and placed in its dna position as an independent branch of the Icgiilaturt , to the present moment a period of about 250 years , an incessant struggle

      has been going on , b-jtwsen those who wished to organise , ind those who wished to destroy , the expreosion of the people ' s will for right . This struggle has been carried on with more or less of spiri t , as the parties anxious for right , and understanding it , have been more or less numerous , talented , or influential . It would be easy to run aver the entire history ; bat it would comport neither with oar space nor purpose to do so . Suffice it tb . it the lynxeyed jealousy of faction , watched every Movement ; and , having in their hands the power of lawmaking , met " every organised movement with new and more

      close " restrictions ; till it was thought that effectual provision had been made s& * ainst any possibility of any national organisation exist . ' n # other than such as might accord with tb . 9 designs and purposes of the dominant class . The laws , now in force , in reference to political societies and national organisation , are comprised in

      Untitled Article

      two most sweeping and comprp , deti «( ve statutes , tho 39 Geo . Ill , chap . 7 S , passr ^ ia july 179 o an < j th 0 57 Geo . III . c . 19 , passed . ia March 1817 , and so well are the meshes o' these two insidious aad infamous statutes F ^ re&d out , that it was doubtless deemed to he impossible for any " national " organisation to escape them . And so it would be , in the absAace of a national organ of com ' municalion . " When tbe scoundrels hatched this

      infernal pier ^ Yillany , they did not calculate npon a Northerf t star rising in the political and 6 ocial hemisphe re , and shedding its rays over tho entire surface of the Empire . That advantage the people will d ow feel , as , by meanB of it , they may be enabled to make the plan of organisation now offered them , as thoroughly efficient aB it is perfectly If gal ; and thus baffle all the arts of all the enemies of freedom .

      In calling attention to the plan of organisation propounded by the national meeting of delegates , and to the mode of working it , we begin with placing before our readers so much of the provisions of the law npon the subject , as were capable of being brought to bear upon the former plan . Freemasons , Quakers , and all societies of a purely religious or charitable character , and in which no other subject shall , under any circumstances , be discussed , are specially exempted from the operation of the acts above named ; and with such exception only , by the u nited force of these acts , every society the members of which , or any member whereof shall either verbally , or in writing , subscribe , or asseut to , any test or declaration , not required by law , an unlawful combination and confederation . See

      tho ea * Mulnes 3 with which villany has drawn the net strings ! Not content with prohibiting such oaths , tests , or declarations as might be against the law , the words not required by law extend the prohibition to ail voluntary declarations of whatever character ; even a declared determination , by the members of any society , to uphold the law , might by this clause be construed as illegal . Thismado the very outset of the former system of organisation illegal . The 5 th paragraph , ou " The conditions of membership , " being as follows : —

      " 5 . All persona will become members of this Association on condition of signing a declaration , signifying their agreement with its objects , principles , and constitution , when they shall be presented with cards of membership , which shall be renewed quarterly , and for which they shall each pay the sum of twopence . " Now this signing a declaration was quite unnecessary : every man desirous of beiug a member of the Association , of course , agrees with its objects , principles , and constitution . The " signing " is no

      protection against spies or traitors , whom the good sense and vigilance of tno members will as easily detect without the " signing" as with it . In the new plan of organisation , it is , therefore , omitted . Every Chartist is supposed , necessarily , in virtue of bis being a Chartist , to desire the objects , to hold the principles , and to approva the conscitution of the Association . Thia is the first great improvement of the amended plan ; by which the fangs of the legal harpies are removed from one limb of their prey .

      The next has relation to the abolition of ( he classes , ward divisions , and local officers and councils . By the Acts before named , every Society composed of different branches or divisions , acting IN ANY 1 LLSSRB . separately or distinctfy from each Other , or of which any part shall have any distinct President , Secretary , Treasurer , delegate , or other officer , OK AM" pebson acting as such , elected or appointed by or for such part , or to act is any office for such part , shall be deemed and holden to be an unlawful combination and confederacy . This , of course , brought all the classes , ail the Town Councils , all the ward divisions , officers , aud Councils , all the local Treasurers and Secretaries , and all the Riding

      and County Councils , withio the meshes of the law . Because in aU these cases the several parts of the Association acted separately and distinctly from each other , having reference to their own local arrangements only , aud without any reference to , or any overt cognizance thereof by the whole Society . The Council for Bradford , for instance , wa 3 a distiuct Council for that locality . It was elected by the members resident in Bradford only , and its fuuetions were clearly referable to a part of the Association , separate and distinct from tho other parts . In like manner , the Treasurer aud Secretary for Bradford were officers only for that part of the Association , and not for the whole ; and so on of all the other local officers .

      Having declared the eases in which political societies shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies , these Acts provide : —That any member of any such society , and every person who shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or intercourse with any such society , or with any division , branch , eommittee , or ether select body , president , treasurer , secretary , delegate , or other officer or member thereof , as Euohj or u-ho thall by contribution of money or otherwise , aid , abet , or support such society , or any member thereof , as such , shall incur certain penalties . The penalties are of two kinds . " 1 . By summary process on information before ONE Justice of the Peace , on conviction , a fine of twenty pounds , or three month ' s imprisonment in the common gaol . 2 . BY INDICTMENT , ON

      CONVICTION , TRANSPORTATION FOR SEVEN YEARS . " Thus was it doubtless hoped to render anything like a national organization for political purposes utterly impossible , without subjecting all the parties therein concerned , to the full penalties of thiB master-piece of class-legislative villany and cowardice . Indeed , our own opinion was , after having carefuliy and often looked through the acts , that there was no possible node of escaping their provisions , otherwise than by taking advantage of sc = me one er other of the forms and names

      incidental to some one or other of the special exemptions therein provided . And , as we most conscientiously believe the Christian religion to inculcate all the doctrines of truth and righteousness , personal , social , and political ; as in fact we hold politics to be part and parcel of Christianity , and inseparable therefrom , being mixed up with , springing out of , and sustaining all its principles aad doctriueg , we were desircu 3 to have seen , for the first time since the age of the Apostles , a true Citholic and Christian church , acknowledging , in all the fulness of their comprehensive import ,

      the precepts of that religion which being liicherto talked of , but neither understood nor practised , has been , and is now being made , tho most fearfully effective tool that ever tyranny employed for the destruction of man ' s liberty , and of alJ clear recognition of the principles of moral right . We hold the principles of Chartism to be religious principles , and every Chartist society to bo consequently a leligious society ; and we were desirous to seo them eo declare themselves , aud leave to the vilo herd of despots the option of openly and manifestly trampling under foot their own laws , or of crushing

      along with Chartism , Methodi&m in all its varieties of aspect , the association of tbe Baptist churches , the Society of Friends or Quakers , the confederated unions of Unitarians , the newly-organised and admitted association of " Rational Religionists , " and every other religious society whose creed , forms , discipline , or worship , should involve declwations of principle not required by law , or the several societies of which should correspond with each other , or appoint deputies to meet each other , or in any other way transgress the almost

      all-comprehensive provisions of these two acts . This was our opinion : it baa been our opinion long—in fact , throughout the whola movement : we were sorry to be unsupported in it by O'Connor , for whom , and for whose opinions every true Chartist must have respect , amounting almost to veneration ; but we permit not even the respect due to him to shackle ns in the entertainment and the expression of our own honest sentimentF . We ask , however , for no deference : we are quite coateHtcd to iiave our opinions estimated by the people , and to accept for them just

      Untitled Article

      so much influence as they are thought worthy of . The National Delegates refused to slriskfroai the direct avowal of their politioal objects and purposes ; claimingtherighttoconsidertheirprincip ' iestobethose of religion , they would not take advantage of that right to place themselves in any oth . er position than the bold and manly one of meeting the enemy in front . Their voice taid , almost unanimously , "Let ns go right on—legally , if it may bo—illegally , if the law be suoh as . that we cannot comply with it—but lex US AT AIL EVENTS GO HIOHT OH . " In the Spirit Of this determination they sat down , with the law before . them ,. but without any assistance from its VVtVf " * ¦ w « w ¦ - i ^ — , - v ^ K

      ^^ paid mystifiers , to exercise the shrewd judgment of plain -workiDg men , the clear heads of teetotal Chartists , and the earnest anxiety for the " following Of peace with all men" of Christian Cbartistu , in the concoction of a plan of national organisation which , while it conducted the peoplo ' B operations on a straightforward aud avowed basis , Bhould , at the same time , render strict submission to all , even the most tyrannous , requirements of the concentrated essence of tyranny , which lay before them in the two Acts of Parliament so oft reverted to above They have succeeded , we believe , to the very letter ; and right glad are we to congratulate them and the people upon that success .

      The entrapment of the local Councils has been wisely provided agaiast , by the amalgation of all those into one body , as a General Council of the whole Association , provided for in No . 7 , of the new plan . The entrapment of the local officers has been in like manner provided against , by making them not local , but general officers , acting respectively , not for a part , but for the whole , of tho Association . While their elootion , not merely by the members resident in their own locality , but by all the members of the Association , guards effectually against the wily trap of a part of the society acting separately and distinctly from the other parts .

      The Bradford Councillors are to be now considered , and indeed arc , not local Councillors for Bradford only , but members of the General Council , by whom the whole Government of the whole Association is conducted , and whose residences happen to be at Bradford ; the Bradford Treasurers and Secretaries are , in like manner , not Treasurers and Secretaries for that locality alone , but Sub-Treasurers and Sub-Seoretariea , acting under

      the direction of the General Treasurer , and General Secretary , and performing such duties as may be necessary to assist them in Conducting tho atfiirs of the whole Association . Thus , every officer acts as an officer , not for any part separately or distinctly , but for the whole . Thus , every mesh of this most elaborately and cautiously constructed legal net , has been avoided by the wisdom of the delegates .

      Of course , and of necessity , the plan , to be legal , is exceedingly general , and it may be somewhat undefined , in its dotails . We observe some of its provisions which are liable to abuse , and which may , unless precluded by the prudence of the people , give rise to some inconvenience in its working ; but on comparing those most carefully with the tortuous enactments of which its concoctors had to steer clear , wo are fully satisfied that no

      other way , or , at least , no other way bo good , could have been adopted for securing the double object of the delegatos , the active operation of the people , and the eviting of all collision with the law ; ami we know too much of the people not to feel satisfied , that when these points are fairly laid before them and explained , their watchfulness and prudence will come in to the assistance of their leaders , and take care that that shall not be crippled in operation which has been devised so well and wisely .

      We havo studied the plan most carefully ; we think wo understand it ; aud we have no doubt of being able to shew tho people that , though its form is apparently more general , and its details less bracing , than the original , but illegal , plan of organisation , it may be mado in working to superadd to ( lie immense advantage of being perfectly consonant with the law , every practical advantage possessed or provided for by the old plan . For this purpose , as we kave been requested by the delegates to call to it the attention of the people in a series of articles , we shall return to it , probably more than once . We shall take up its several clauses , and shew tho people how we understand

      them—hotv we think they should be applied in operatiou—what means wo advise for the avoidance of any inconvenience which might otherwise arise , from any necessary laxity of expression forced on its authority hy the tyrannous mandate of the law ; wo shali show them how , so far as we understand this document , they may , by a oaroful and universal adherence to its provisions , go on , certainly , eal ' ely , legally , successfully , and triumphantly , in the prosecution of those great priuciples , to which thebenevo ^ lent and just of all classes are pledged and bound by their adhesion to the rulea and principles of moral right .

      Thus shall we put our enemies completely in the wrong , by fencing ourselves round with the provisions , not merely of moral , social , and religious * but of legal right ; taking ail these upon their own showing . The National Charter Association of Great Britain , may then bid defiance to the Government . It shall stand ; it shall prosper ; it shall flourish ; in despite of all their power , and in despite of all their sophistry , or they shall do one of two things—they shall make a special law

      for its extinction , as was done with the London Corresponding Society—( the very law now in amended operation , by which it was hoped to extinguish all political societies for ever)—or they shali at once throw oif the mask , which , we have no doubt they will do as eoon as they may deem it expedient , and , trampling under foot all semblance of respect for the laws of their own making , try the temper of tho people by a further experiment of undisguised brute force .

      Untitled Article

      LORD MORPETH'S IRISH FORTIFICATION ,

      OR " KEEP-OUT-THE-FRENCH" BILL . We said , last week , that a denial of administrative improvement may lead to an increased demand for organic change ; but little did we think that individual folly could bo speedily lead to party absurdity as has been proved by the debate , during four mortal nights , upon Lord MoRP £ XH ' s " keep-outthe-French" Bill .

      We did not wait for the result , or even for the commencement of the grand fight , to approve what wo thought just , and reprobate what we thought unjust in tho measure . We did not take our cue upon tho subject from the collective wisdom , but , as wo shall presently show , we urged every single point which has been made matter of controversy , pro and con , before the battle commenced . Let us again repeat the object of the Bill .

      It is , then , no other than to lure Ireland into passive slavery , while the Whigs fill themselves and feed the Irish patriots , so long as a balance-ofpowcr-party of the latter can confer the means upon the former . This compact was entered into long since , but the great difficulty in its observance , upon the part of the patriots , arose out of the general disgust to Whigs and Whiggery . However , rogues are seldom at a loss for tools when a principle is agreed upon , and as it was impossible to appear satisfied with positive and substantial tyranny , the aid of an unsubstantial and ghostly enemy gave to the substantial tyrants that negative support to which their own acts imposed a positive barrier .

      The magician , in exhibiting his phantasmagoria , very prudently shows the pigmies first , and , as imagination heightens and demand for novelty increases , ho mends his hand , until , at length , he introduces his giants and monsters . So with the Irish patriots . The * ' keep out" cry commenced with the buggabooism of Old Cumberland , and dread of him , added to some idle stories relative to the conformation of the Quean , gave rise to the cry of " Keep Cumberland out . " By degrees ,

      Untitled Article

      however , the constant apparition of old blue beard on the wall , magnified familiarity into contempt * and the magician , for that figure , substituted another , and with another change of-note , " keep oat the Tories . ' * Familiarity having deprived this apparition of its terrors also , and the experimental toura to the North of England and the North of Ireland having failed in giving freshness or increased hideoosness to the monster on the wall , it is at length , replaced by a panoramic view of France , and the note is changed to ** keep out the French . " Thus making each new apparition dance to a new and appropriate tune .

      Now , all we require to perfect the panorama is a good sea view , wiih Daniel in the foreground , with a loan of Neptune ' s trident , surrounded by his dupes * and eingJDg to the tune of" Faddy Buraa was a man deemed of mighty great knowledge , Sir ; Behind a great futn ditch , in the bog , he kept his college / Sir , " the following words : — Daniel by the water side , and Russell on bis knee , A roaring out together , " KEEP OUT THE SEA . " We have ventured this paraphrase upon the two lineB in iho original , which run thus ;— - " Master by the fire-side , and Shaneen on his knee , A roaring out together great ABC . "

      Having Eaid so much npon the magical performance of the jugglers , let us now turn to some consideration of the realities which were seen on the wall through the awkward guise of Whiggery , and also how , and by whom , and for what purpose , and with what hope of success , the Morpeth measure was really introduced . We find thi 8 Bill brought into the House of Commons , —mind , the people ' s House , not the House of

      Peers , —by the son of the Earl of Cablislb , Lord Mokpeth : we find the leader of the Opposition and first speaker , to be the son of the Earl of Derby Lord Stanley ; and we find the debate closed by the son of a Duke , and the brother of a Duke—Bedford , Lord John Russell . This remark will have no effect upon tho House of Commons , nor yet upon the " Establishment , " but it will have its due weight with those for whom we write .

      We are led to believe that the purpose of this BUI is to extend the franchise ; and the statistical accounts read in proof of the progressive decline of Irish constituencies would strengthen this belief ; while the hope of its success was said to depend upon the decision upon the second reading . To disouas the real purpose and probability of success , is now our intention . The ostensible

      purpose of the Bill is to do away with perjury , by allowing disiuterested officers to attach the value to property which shall confer a vote , instead of leaving its value to the oath of the holder ; thereby removing all questions of doubt as to sufficiency . This is the principle of the Bill , while the Irish and the English people foolishly suppose that the enfranchising of every holding , rated at £ 5 to the poor rates , is the principle .

      Hear LordMoRPEra upon the subject , who ia the first speaker of any importance upon the government side ; he says , "The question of amount belonged , more properly , to the committee than to the second reading . " Now this at once takes tbe popular principle of a £ 5 franchise out of the bill , and makes it a bill for defining the Irish franchise which has yet to be settled in committee , and which has been forestalled in the debate .

      The principal speakers npon the ministerial side wore Lord Morpeth , Lord Howick , Mr . Macadlat Mr . Chas . Buller , and Lord John Russell , the rest were all froth . Sheil fought a shake in the main with Sir James Graham , whom he gcnorally selects as an antagonist , perhaps to insure a safe butt for a little personal ribaldry ; and Daniel spoke his Repeal speech , his Corporation speech , his anti-Tithe speech , and his Appropriation speech over again . Upon the Tory side the speakers wero Lord Stanlev , Sir W . FoLLETT , Sir J . Graham , and Sir R . Peel ; the rest of the Tory pack merely filled up the cry .

      We have stated Lord Morpeth ' s opinion a 9 to the £ 5 rating , which he admits may amount to an £ 8 rent ; now , it will be borne iu mind , that we established it , " before the debate , at £ 7 16 a . Lord Howick 6 aid "the question was not whether the Houso would adopt the amount of £ 5 , or any other particular detail , but whether it would adopt the assessment to the poor rates as a test of franchise ; and , probably , the whole object might be attained by requiring that the voter should be rated for a certain amount beyond that for which he might be rated iu the shape of rent ; that is , for a bona fide scuplus belonging to himself . " Hence , then , it

      appears that instead of tho stumbling block of a fourteen years' tenure , which is already in the way , the Committee may introdUJe the double title of a bit of fee simple , which alone can belong to a man ' s self , and a certain amount paid as rent to a landlord . Now we imagine that twopence fee , and sixpence , or any amount , ot rent , would be tantamount to the general disfranchisement of Ireland , as no farmer has a fee simple property to any amount . But the Noble Lord went further , and said , " that the importance of settling the question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our fore i gn affairs . "

      Lord Howick once before said that it wohH be time enough to listen to complaint when fires took place . Ho might just as well have said " go it Chartists , " but the Chartists were top wise . However , as we shall presently shew , the iuvitation has now become too general and pressing to be longer declined . Mr . Piqott , the Attorney-General for Ireland , argued that the amount of rating , which should carry the franchise with it , was matter for consideration in the Committee .

      Mr . Macaulay , who , we undisguisedly admit , is far in advance of every member in the House if he had back , eaid that he could not consider the question about the amount of £ 5 as anything but a question of detail . He certainly made a most slashing speech , in which he mangled the whole of the present system of representation , without mercy ; His , aad Mr . C . Bulleb ' s , were the gems of the debate upon the Whig side . Buller concluded his Bpeech thus : — " He did not apprehend actual rebellion during the life of Mr . O'Connell , who had taught the great lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which never broke out , but was always io be apprehended . " Go it again , Chartists ! growl away good dogs !

      The next , and last speaker , upon the Whig side , was Finality Jack ; and he admits that the amount is no part of the principle of the Bill , but mere matter of detail for th « Committee . But what further does he say ! Why , hear this ; he says "it was not fair to twit the Whigs with surrendering to threat of outbreak , when the Tories yielded emancipation to a like apprehension * He was not a believer in the theory that the Irish would , under exasperation , transfer their allegiance ; but it made much difference in the strength of our negooiations with foreign powers , whether we were supposed by them to be a united or a distracted people . " So that all that is required to make Russell surrender to fear is to make him a believer ! Surely we can do that for him !!

      What say you to all that , brother Chartists ? Are your eyes now opened to the motive of the "Establishment , " in making you appear a weak , a disunited , a cowardly , and * a contemptible party in the opinion ' of foreign nations 2 Mr . Slanet , who also spoke , and voted for tho secon ' d reading , hinted that he thought the £ 50 standard , as in England , would be a very fair amount of principle to introduce in committee .

      So much then for the juggle of a £ 5 franchise , which , in committee , will be augmented to a £ 59 or £ 60 holding for a term of fonrteen years , and a-fewrestrictions in addition to those already in existence , and then the real object of the Bill will have been achieved , by an additional hurrah for a thing that

      Untitled Article

      aevcr was intended— "the Whig £ 5 franchise , and no mistake at ail at all . " Let us now turn for a moment to the Tory oppo * sition , which was vigbronsly led by Lord Starlet , who spat fire for three whole boura , covering i , . land and everthiog Irish , with his lava . He ce » tainly made a powerful Bpeech , ofae which a Whig cotemporary designates as " a heavy shock to ths enemy without being of service to his own party . " This , tons , appears rather paradoxical ; however , apart from the Irish venom of the poisonous vipe » we find the following bit : of English principle , u contained in the Reform Bill , and which , no doubt , the noble spit-fire would gladly apply to Ireland to insure her people ' s independence ,- he says : —

      " In England , he was happy to Say , a contrary state of things existed . There , it was Yery generally undo . stood , the tenant , in his political acts , vna guided to Lia landlord —( Miniaterial cheers)—there no unwilling , ness existed on the part of tbe landlord to give such leases as should carry with them the elective franchise In England , such was the good understanding on tab subject , that it was always easy to calculate ths result of a county election as soon as it was known cow tt » great landholders intended to vote . ( Cheering from tin Liberals . )

      Every one was aware of this before ; but there k something very shocking in the open and unblushing avowal of guilt ; and so all those who were perfectl y cognizant of the fact , and many who actually owed to it a liberty to be there , set up a most withering shout of virtuous indignation ; just as a dock full of criminals at the Old Bailey would , if any man should have the presumption to call them rognea . Hare we beg , once more , to introduce OUT oft toft tale : " So long as one man ' s property constitutes another man ' s neglect to vote , so long will vote and property belong to one and the same person . "

      It will be borne in mind , thatm introducing thh subject to our readers some weeks ago , we stated that Moepeth ' s Bill was not a voluntary act of grace towards Ireland , that "it was merely intended a 9 a match for Stanley's , lest tho Nobk Lord ' s nag should have a walk over . " That ws were right , in this opinion , as well as upon the amount of boiiafide value , which a £ h rating would be required to represent , is proved by the Noble Lord ( Mokpktu ' s ) own admission . In- apologising for the imperfect documents which he submitted to the House in support of his Bill , he said that , " ha had been hurried in his preliminary arrangements , in order to have the start of the Noble Lord , Sta * . iey , in the race . "

      In fact , the most unblushing and barefaced admissions have been made on both sid « s , and vie suppose the parties , in the outset , agreed like those school boys who rely upon their experthess , and in order to prevent disputes , agree before they commence a game at marbles , that " cheating is fair . " Tbe Noble Lord Stanley so pummelled the question for three whole hours , that from Monday niehi

      till Ihursday he left not a word of new spleen fox a single soul who followed him ; indeed , so much so , that the Right Hon . Ex-Leader , who , upon tkis occasion , was the very bell of the Fox ' s tail , conde » scendedj contrary te his custom , to deal largely ia personalities , partly , no doubt , owing to his change of situation . In fact , take the speeches of Stanley , Macaulay , and Buller out of the debate , and it was

      " One weak , washy , everlasting flood . " Having so far disposed of the Whig and Tory parts , w » now come to our own triumph ; aud hew again let it be understood , that mask the question of the franchise as you will , after argument , the mind must come back to the only just principle , Universal Suffrage ; and the justice of which we now undertake to prove was not only admitted , but was declared only to wait upon force to establish it . Hear our proof .

      There have been three great obstacles to Universal Suffrage pleaded by the enemy , namely , want of property , waut of knowledge , and want of independence , adaed to which we may throw in the finality of tho Reform Bill , upon the only principle contained in the Bill , and contended for by LordJoHK Russell . To eay that finality could be applied to any other part of the measure than the franchise is to talk nonsense , else would it be tantamount to a supercedeas against all organic change , or legislation of aay sort , differing materially from the old manufacture .

      The finality , then , must be applied to the principle , otherwise it meant nothing ; and add to this , Russell ' s declaration , that the object of ihe Reform Bill was to represent property , and , with these two , couple his vote and speech , and what becomes of Inality aud representation of property ? We now take George Hemky Wahd , M . P . for Sheffield , as the writing advocate for knowledge , his declaration being , that the people of England aro not sufficiently informed to make the possession

      of the Suffrage a safe trust in their keeping . Now , for the hundredth time we ask the Hon . Gentleman to point out the brauch in which they are deficient } and , for the first time , we ask in what the operatives of Manchester , and the artisans , of Sheffield , are inferior in . political or other knowledge to the Irish classes , who would be apt to be rated to £ 5 on the poor rates 1 Will he answer this ? or can he answer this , and show that they are inferior ? Wo dare himj we challenge him ; we defy him .

      And now comes ihe old offender—the stickler for all these ingredients as requisites for an English voter's qualification—independence as to property , and as to action , and the possession of knowledge to direct ' the voter in its use—such persons only , have the Editors of the Leeds Mercury declared , may be " reasonably deemed" fi $ for the franchise . Now we admit that it would be folly W call OUT neighbour to account for consistency of six months ' duration ; the honest bauntings of the tender conscience of one-of the two Editors may be pleaded in justification of change , as in the ease of the ballot . But we have yet unfiled bofore iis , within the bills of mortality , yet unburu d , —and no declaration , of change , no confession of error , no Editorial

      qualms , or retractation , — -we say we bare now twenty columns of uufiled mortal matter , all written long within the half year , to Marshall , Sxansfeld , & Co ., and we ask our friends now to ' reconcile tke then objections to enfranchising the Irish . " bogtrottkbs" ( that was the term ) with the shy , sly , and laudatory little articles upon Mobpetb ' s B ill , and the old Fox ' s vote thereon . Will he , too , tell us that he only voted for the grand principle of defining the franohise , and will he vote with the Tories in committee against the £ & standard \ Will he , who thought the Reform Bill final upon the question of franchise alone , tell us that he has been consistent ? Will he , who said that he would . only extend the franchise in England

      to such £ 10 agricultural voters as , upon enquiry , may be found of sufficient independence to make an honest use of it , now tell us that those rated to one half the amount in Ireland are better qualified , without more information than Lord Morpeth gave , aad confessed to be very imperfect , and with which our member was mote than satisfied ? Will any one tell us , or dare to tell us , that the Iran in Ireland ^ whom the £ 5 franchise , or a 5 s . franobiss , would let into the sanctuary of the constitution , would be made a worse man by it , or that the constitution would be the worse for having his aid instead of his hatred and opposition ! And will any man dare to tell us that an Englishman is not equally entitled to his right with an Irishman i

      The readers of newspapers in England are as one to seventeen of the whole population , or one to three of the adult male population , the one reading it for the other two . They take innumerable tracts , and exchange papers , and read all sides of every question ; they have their debating clubs and their various association dubs , which lead to knowledge of practical business . They are all politicians ; they can all manage their own affairs .

      In Ireland the readers of newspapers are scarcely one in two hundred of the whole population . Not one in five hundred , who would be enfranchised by the new Bill , ever sees a newspaper ; such of the work-

      Ihe Northern Star. Saturday. March 6. 1841.

      IHE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY . MARCH 6 . 1841 .

      Untitled Article

      A THE NORTHERN STAB . " • • . - •' ¦ :

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct539/page/4/