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Northern Star (1837-1852), 16th January 1841, Edition 3 of 3, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      O'COX > "OR TO THE ENGLISH PEOPLE . uTfcoEs b Ireland is my country , the world is my jjpcHit . " -- *' - 0 Connor . u -jTe make Fesrgns O'Connor a present to the Enggjjj jiadicsJi—D 211 W ( TCotzneU . fQ fBB BLISTERED HANDS , THE FUSTIAN JACKETS , AND UNSHORN CHINS . VT poIiTiCAL Childreh , —It is now nearly nine thl nnce the palsied hand of tyranny removed me t o ™ ron ; it is almost seTen since -we hare had interne ' fTe ' a by letter . How glad I am once more to « eTcB t my feeling * into ears -where they are sure to 2 » welcome ; & *<> heart * from which they are ceraaof » response . will be bat it will be read

      ^ iii letter long , yet or jsigned to by every Chartist in the land . It will be because I mean to run over the whole period of Acquaintance , which has now stretched over a space pf eight years , wanting only twenty days . Daring fccse eight years no man in any age er country ever las been so nmch before the pnblic I hare in that time tttecded more public meetings , and at more places , a ^ any man who lives , or eTer did Uve , ever attended jtroc ^ hoat the whole of life . How I have acquitted jnTsetf in the several situations which' under God I -is called upon to fill , this narrative shall truly sketch _ tou shall say whether the picture has b ? en faithfully Aaim or over-painted , and according to your jndgml tou ¦ will decide whether or not I am entitled to fig only faToni I have eTer asked of the -working

      At gtartinf , let me remind yon , thai the eight years te _ £ }( *! ujy remark * refer is a period -which has been B 3 re fruitful in events than any fifty years comprised j j jlun the time from the Revolution ol 16 zS ; it was a ^ in truth , to try men * souls . I begin- On th » * th ef February , 1 S 33 , took my ^ u an Irish Member in the House of Commons . I \ -0 ozbt with me the strongest testimonials of fitness ^ eoiiSdence from my native county by which any — yjc man has ever been honoured . I rescued the Wfjat , most aristocratic , and priest-ridden county in the rjiied Kingdom , from the united gr&sp of Whig and

      jar , who Sad alternately divided its representation taosaturies . I not oaly did that , but I so roused the « esty > city , and four boroughs , as to return seTen jmalea , which -was then the test of fitness , leaving » jt the hell-bom town of Banden in the hands of the jaria . I brought in with me , for the county , a person ^ aI 5 y minown to the electors . I never asked a man js trie to me , to propose me , or to second me . I - _ bo maney on the election . Mr . O ^ Connell said at a $ bbb , » tDr . Baldwin ' s house , in October , 1832 : "Well , gz OtTonnor , if yon open this county you will have &ae more than all the agitaters put together for the

      b& forty years , but the Aristocracy is too pmj for you ; however , the very attempt till do great good . " I mention this fact more fcr the date I *** " for any value which I attach to the < pjuoii ; observe October , 1 S 32 . That was the first tot I ever opened my lips to , or sat in company -with , It O'Connell , and then I had the county secured . Bk in mind , for reasons which I shall presently exj frnt that I neTer opened my lips to , or sat in company „ Mr . O'Connell , until October , 1 S 32 . He was then fc Cotx ; and although it -was his custom to rouse the sal electors every where else , and though he -was at the

      pa . of Cork at that time ithe awtes were adjourned ts October , in consequence of the cholera upon that jar ; and for the whole period , yet be addressed ne meetig , ted took no part in what h « called a forlom i £ ipB . Well , I beat the most powerful families of Wloiand Tory unitedly . The present Earl of Kingston , then the Hon . Robert King , formerly representafre of the county , and who Toted for the Reform Bill , mi for every reform , and whe > e family had divided the spoils foi time out of mind , wa » the Whig candidate ; Lord Bernard , Mr . Beecher , and Mr . Morris , vse the Tory candidates ; and I was the people ' s can *

      dklate . I dragged all the titled liberal clubs and ¦ sedations through the mire in spite of them . I elecfcified the county with the non-electors , and after an ^ paralleled struggle of five days , I was sent to the House of Commons by a majority ot Si 2 . I opened the County , the City , Hallow , Kiisale , and Tosghall , and ¦ book BanJon by myself ; and the whole cost a mere Betting . This ww considered as a political earthquake . I came to England with all the prejudices cf m Irishman . I looked upon English

      Protestant , and Irish Orangeman , sj terms quite synonymous , and laid at Britain ' s door every grievance d Thich Ireland complained . The House of Commons I&OBght , as far u regarded Ireland , might be taken H % faii specimen of English feeling towards the land tf By birth ; and , in consequence , I hated , abhorred , sad detested the very name of England and everything Sntjisa , Resolved , however , to confirm my hatred , or £ q > el the mist , I determined to think for myself ;—Bart greatest crime ; that is , if , after thought , be ifflBld act far hrm ** lf With this view T attended

      psMie dinners and public meetings , and , above all , I Beaded £ he sober man ' s Parliament from twelve to three , * _» the people ' s petitions were presented . From these ¦ xrcet I goon learned that St . Stephen * was not Eugtomi , and that the House of Commons wai not the Hsose of the peeple . My prejudices began to weaken ; itj hatred was on the -wane ; when the cure of igaottaee ni completed by the noble stand made , hastily , sd of themselves , by the English and Scotch people , part the Coercion BilL

      la passing , let me tell you , that I prophesied the Coercion Bill a year and a quarter before it was ten-foeed , for proof » f which , I refer the Jafer to the Cork Stuihern Reporter of the 6 th of Dasfcber , 1 S 31 , where , in a speech of mine , Watered at a Reform meeting in the Court 2 -rill be found the following prophetic " ^ N « : — " I support Reform for England upon prin-* $ *; bat in Ireland I Ull you that it will be the very * = « measure ever passed , if not followed by a Repeal * the Tnion . Because the very firat act of the Seteasd Parliament will be to pass some gagging Bill , to ¦^^ a the expression of public opinion in Ireland . ' . ' . ' ' ¦ tfcii prophecy was fulfilled .

      I xfcill now take a review of my conduct during the bi PBliameat in which I sat , and which comprised « Saaonj of 1833 and 1834 . When my eyes became * P ® s 4 , 1 became an universal Member , yet not forget-« J Ireland . Though Ireland was my country , the *« MI looked upon as my Republic . In those Sessions * »« m popular vith the Engliah and Scotch people ; "ey sent me their petition * . I presented and sup-J 0 ^ more petitions fhun any man in the House . I ** i& the Speaker , and rose with the House . I tmxr * aabtezL

      * Tat "" -ere the questions , md how did I vote I ** i O'Ccamell to bring Repeal from under hi * bushel . JSposed bis tithe instalment scheme of m ^ ying People pay i 3 s . ^ t ^ ^^^ to y ^ janoia , and * a the pound to the landlord . I voted against ** y daase of the Iriah Coercion BilL I moved the ^ ffl of , and voted against every clause , of the " ^ al Coercion Bill . 0 Connell opposed me , and 2 * ° *^ H aO . I To ted against the fixed duty on Ming substituted for the more uncertain rertric-7 " In fact , I opposed a repeal of the Corn

      J ^ - unaccompanied by reduction of taxation , r * ^ o measurea -which would give to the ^ instead of tt the high , the benefit of the 2 * I voted agaimt the Ballot : for the erne **¦» I would do k again now . I voted against 7 j * kslfi daaae ot the Engliih Poor Law Amend-^ iet , aj itiscalted ; and I bid the satiKfaetion J **^ » letter from Mr . Cobbett , whkh wai ^^ in MiB Tntt Sm , wBjvag , ihai " i /» Uih * JrUh J ***> taking StemaOtm Liberal , had tipod bfMwimt J ?> & ixxtd hvot de / eaUd tiu tqtmmn . " I voted •** er » 7 gaat 0 f money . I -rosed for the expal-. ° f the BUbona tram tha RnniA of I ^ iwlt T

      ^ £ * erery tboMe be&re the Home—the twniport * - ^ L !** Dordiertet labounn , ' « "whose retain I ^« e foandttien ; tht cue of Mri Taylor , onflned t Ua Hoiae termed blaiphemjr ; the liberation ^^ twdBeH , proprietors of theTrmSwm , impri-J *^ tte Queea ' e Bench for what i jary called libel , **> 4 ae Attomey-Geaetal and tiie Whigi ebeered 2 [* IBi a 8 from the preaeat Earl Fitnrilliaia and r ** BeaBjjajn . Qrant and Belli -were impiiBoned i ****^ the same thing which tile other two were tur- of *

      l ^ i ropponed « ome propri ^« Brighton ^ gsiatf his oppressor * , sod » orae persons , ^ jwmea I forget , who we impriaoned for ^** y » ent of chnrcB rate * , r defended the 2 * " TJnkmisti n a legal \ nd . & useful body . I ^* «» rrenr measure in firour of toe Dissenter *

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      and slaves , and all who -were desolate and oppressed . I endeavoured to tax the Irish landlords for a sweeping provision for the Irish poor , but in this , as in every thing else , Mr . O'Connell opposed me . I made five fruitless efforts to get a House , to bring the case of the Irish poor before the country . O'Connell always kept the Irish members away , and the House w&a always counted out I furnished Mr . Littleton with the draft of & new Stamp Act , which I took great pains and trouble in drawing up , and also with the draft of a new Quarter Sessions * Bill for Ireland , by which I songht to bring speedy justice home to every poor man's door , by giving him a cheap court of equity as well as a court of law , in his immediate locality .

      By the Stamp Act , I songht to put it out of the power of the lainUord U distrain upon , or to refuse a lease , or stamped receipt to , or otherwise oppress , or capriciously remove his tenants . By the Quarter Sessions' Act , I songht to confine all cases between landlord and tenant , buyer and seller , master and servant , debtor and creditor , to a cheap local court , and thereby save the expense of the superior and more expensive courts of justice ; these Littleton promised me to support , but he broke his word .

      Daring my Saturdays and holidays , I devoted myself to attendance at public meetings for instruction , and I refused all invitations to Ministerial dinners upon those dsys . 1 refused patronage and other indirect bribes . I opposed the emigration or transportation scheme . 1 voted in a minority of four , in a House of 500 , against Mr . Cobbett ' s motion , for the removal t > f Sir Robert Peel from the Privy Council ; being struck off the records of the House . I voted for the admission of the Jews among the infidels ; and here let me say that that was the ouly vote which I would not now repeat ; not that I hate a Jew , but because I dread the influence of his money , upon a constituency

      quslified by a money value . I would now rather see the devil than a Jew walking into the House of Commons . I wish most sincerely that the single-breasted Quaker , Durham Pease , this " marrow fat" member , was out of it . Such was my conduct for the two sessions of 1833-4 , —my best efforts being marred by Mr . O'Connell . If the debate was upon an English question , be said , "leave it to the English members ; " if upon a Scotch question , he said , " leave it to the Scotch members ; " and if upon an IriBh Church question , " leave it to the Whigs and the Tories ; " tut he always spoke himself ; so did I ; except when he actually held me down , or sat upon the skirts ol mj coat

      Thus ended the two first Reformed Sessions , and the Tories got into office . A dissolution took place , and I was denounced by the whole liberal press of Ireland , and opposed by every one ef O'Connell "s friends and relations in the county of Cork . I was told that I never would have a chance again ; that I hid been a mere bubble upon the Repeal surface . Well , whit did I do » But , le » mo tell you , that at the close of each session I tendered my resignation in the Market-place of different large towns ,

      where I explained my differences with Mr . O'Connell , but it -was not accepted- Upon the second election I took no trouble—I never stirred among the people—I only addressed the electors once , I was engaged till the day before my own election in returning Mr . John O'Connell for Yougbsll , at his father ' s request , who ordered the whole county to attend , but made off himself , and forgot to leave even poll books , here , as everywhere else , I paid my own expenses , and got no fee : but more of this in another place .

      A second time I was returned , and had the county been polled out , my majority would have been , over liOO . I came again to England , and again proceeded in my straightforward course . My first motion was to bring the Rathconnac murder before the House . Mr . O'Connell and Mr . Hume got up , and asked me if I would embarrass Ministers by such an untimely motion f I said I would—that I was pledged—bat ne one would second the motion for an investigation into this most blood-thirsty affair , now slumbering &s a thing forgotten ; bat whic ^ i , though opposed by thoje of th « same persuuitn u the slain , I will yet bring to light , and have blood for blood , if justice is to be had on e&rth .

      In 1 S 3 » I was ousted by && Election Committee , an Irish repealer voting against me upon every division . Let me name one for curiosity : he voted that a printed paper found upon a file , which the High Sheriff , now Lord Llsu ) vTil , admitted he had never seen , was a good and $ * ficieni serric * upon the High Sheriff . I dont impugn iis honesty , ¥ ut I do his law . I did not know the complexion of the House , and Mr . O'Connell very kindly sent his two sons , Maurice and John , to strike

      my Committee ; and , by some unforeseen accident or another , my case was submitted to six of the most iniquitous Tories in the House . Let me mention three of them—Barnaby , Jockey Houldsworth , and Sir Colin Carapbell : in short , the whole House burst out laughing when they saw the Committee come to the table be to sworn . More of this , however , in its proper place , and which , 1 pledge myself , "will make Englishmen itare .

      In June , 18 S 5 , I ceased to be a Member of Parliament ; and in July , 1 S 35 , I stood for Oldham , upon Chutist , Repeal , and anti-tithe principles . That is five years and a half ago ; and then did 1 form my first alliance with the English people . I wxs defeated at Oldham by a mistake of Mr . Fielden ' 8 . . It was this : —I was first in the field ; but requiring franks , and a knowledge of the leaders of the Radical party , Mr . Fielden , by an accident , enclosed my letters t » Mr . oshua Milne and Dr . Fitton , of Royton , the two principal members of Mr . John Cobtx-tt ' s Committee , who , I was assured at the time ,

      was not going to stand , but for whom those two gentlemen -were hard at work , and in correspondence with Mr . Fielden . I spent fifteen days at Oldham . I went there a stranger—I left it a beaten man ; but roy upright Committee , more than pleased with my conduct , sent for me after their defeat , and announced that my conduct throughout had given universal satisfaction , and that the Committee had come to the nnanituons decision of paying all expenses , which were very heavy , and even asked for my own f r ivate bill , which I would not allow them to pay . A beaten man generally sneaks off . However , I received a public f '""" after my

      defeat ; and , no room being large enough to hold the guests , we were obliged to have every room in . the hotel , and they were too few . I was honoured with a public entry into Ashton , Rochdale , and Manchester ; my Committee attending their beaten man in several carriages , and joining the largest public procession ever witnessed in Manchester . The cure of prejudice , was then completed . I saw England for the first time with the naked eye . I saw a drunken manufacturer , as drunk as an owl on Sunday , wko took me very severely to task for calling upon that day on temporil matters . Mr . Ainsworth was with me . The

      elector could not be " reasonably deemed" in a condition to lie on the floor without holding , but he belshed out that he was for Church and State . I then f « r the first time saw the Rattle Boxes and their victims . J was up betimes every morning , and watched the pallid face , the emaciated frame , and the twisted limbs , wending their way to the earthly hell . I saw the exhausted frame staggering home more ghastly still by candle light , after fourteen hours' toil ; and I said , her e ' a field for philanthropy . From that moment I became the unpaid advocate of my fellow man . Fire years and a half have passed away ,-and were I asked where I am most popular , I shomld say where I have been longest known at Gldham . When I returned to Loadon , I racked

      invention-foT the means of opening England , as I had opened the county of Cork . The grand question of the session was the Irish Corporation Reform Bill : the grand struggle xpon it , was the Lords against the Commons . I held meetings at Brentford and elsewhere to encourage the Commons in resisting the Lords' amendments . The Irish Members were full of valeur , sod , in their pot-valiancy , had resolved to oppoie them to a man ; but the incipient tweet * of unpolluting , became not openly avowed , patronage , stepped in , and the fabric of hope , built by the Irian Liberals on Monday , was blown down on Tuesday , and , headed by Mr . O'Connell , they accepted the Lords' instalments .

      Upon the evening of the following day , I aaw V . r . O'Connell at the "Westminster Club , and « aid to b jm , " Tom have . sold as at last ; I have done with , you . " I then saw that Whigs in office were hungry " Tories , and resolved- that only two political partie-j should exist , till the struggle should terminate in the ascendancy of the people ; and with Hals view \ established the great Radical Association of Mary > ebone , on the 18 th of September , and which was followed by the establishment of fourteen others irx the Metropolis and Greenwich . ) toe first fruita % f which were , the

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      return of the Dorchester Labourers , and the reduction in newspaper stamps . Never was London so organised as during the winters of 1835 and 1836 . These two questions we never-lost sight of ; we petitioned and memorialised , held public meetings and agitated , until we finally accomplished our aim and end . In the autumn of 18 S 5 , when I could no longer defend myself in the House , and having no portion of the press at my command , Mr . O'Connell denounced me to his creatures in Dublin—said I was unworthy the confidence of the Irish people , and made me a present to the English Radicals .

      I wrote two letters to know if he had been misreported , thus opening the old backdoor for him ; but conscious strength , and ignorance of R > y resolutions , induced him to withhold a reply . So I addressed to him a series of letters in a pamphlet , exposing his policy and defending myself ; and from that hour to the present , he has never attended a Bingle public meeting of the people in England or Scotland , while I was at large to meet him .

      In December , 1835 , in the depth of winter , I received a commission from the Parent Radical Association , upon parchment , and under hand and seal of the officers , by order of a publicmeeting , to establishbraneh'Associations throughout the country . They , like Englishmen , offered to pay all my expencei : I declined , determined to pay my own way , and avoid the suspicion of wishing to prolong a profitable trade . I was received everywhere with open arms . I established numerous Associations , returned , and was honoured with the thanks of my fellow-labonrers . I then wrote gratuitously tot many London papers . In 1836 , 1 made another tour , and extended my mission to Scotland , where I was received with open arms . I found that between

      the Durham and the O'Connell humbug , public opinion was at sea . I resolved to right it . I established associations in Edinburgh , Glasgow , Paisley , Kilmarnock , Leith , Dunferniline , Dundee , and other places , which ahortly afterwards threw out their branches , as in Eng " land , and covered the land with the foliage of Radical * ism . I was honoured with a splendid public entry into Glasgow , in Dec . 1838 , and addressed an in-door meeting computed at 7 , 600 . The whole of the curious for miles around were present , and every newspaper proprietor and editor in Glasgow . They came to see the play damned ; but it bo far succeeded that at the close I was presented with a flattering address , which awaited my desert ; and I was by acclamation voted the President of the National Association of Scotland , which was

      that night formed . I then became the national gaaette . In 1837 , I visited Yorkshire and the Xorth again ; bu * the first blush of curiosity having faded , I found that the press was entirely mute , while I was working myself to death , and that a meeting in one town did nothing for another . I ordered numbers of different papers , and offered to pay for reports ; but , so , my principles wereheterodox , and the press was closed against me , and thus were my expences doubled aud my toil increased . In June , 1837 , I wrote to Leeds , to advertise a public meeting . I followed in expectation of finding all the arrangements perfected , but no notice was taken , and I had my labour and txpence for

      my pains . Still aware of the danger to the man , but the success to the cause which must follow the establishment of a dissent paper , I called a meeting on Woodhouse Moor , by placard , with loss of time and much money which a single advertisement would have spared , and I there announced my determination to establish a paper if onr meetings were disregarded . That threat was not sufficient ; oar proceedings were passed over with a sneer , and I ordered my publisher , Mr . Hobson , to start for Sheffield , and to arm me with millions of little tongues , whose multiplied voices would ipeak to all nations . He went , and the type was ordered .

      Upon the 18 th of November , the Star was announced to come out Government threw every obstacle in my way , and , in the meantime , came the attack upon the Glasgow Cotton Spinners . I forgot the paper I attended two and three meetings every night I never mentioned the Northern Star , but roused , without any journal to assist me , the whole of English feeling for thoae poor men . I went myself to the triaL I toek some money , the fruits of my labour—much mere was subsequently sent . Ai soon as I arrived , the cards were dealt ; I saw every hand , and that my profession had all the trumps , but that they weuld not play them . I

      all but went down on my knees to persuade the committee , Hugh Alexander and others , te play the game out ' and they were most willing ; but still the vultures saw the prey , and they would not let go their hold . I told them that postponing the trial would but furnish , by delay , an opportunity to . amend the hand ; whereas the men must be acquitted , as at present indicted . I could not stop them . They postponed the trial—the indictment was amended—the prisoners were acquitted on all the counts contained in the old and preserved in the fresh indictment , and were convicted upon the new counts , which delay had given them time to furnish . I left Scotland ; travelled the whole of two nights ; arrived at Manchester on Wednesday evening , saw 3000 sheet * stamped for the first number , and started by

      the mail carrying the paper with me ; arrived at Leeds at three o ' clock on Wednesday morning , when the first side should hare been printed ; roused up the men , set to work , wrote , bungled , put together , and got out the paper ; ( never having tried the printing machine before ) - I saw it printed and posted , and went to bed on Friday night , for the first time that week , thanking God that my 3000 friends were upon the watch while I slept Every one knows how I worked for the cotton spinners . I attended their second trial in January—They came home the other day with an injunction from Brougham , Wakley , and othrn , to take no notice of me , They were within an hour ' s journey of my dungeon , and they turned their backs upon me . I forgive them . If they are ever prosecuted again I will defend them again .

      On the 18 th of November , 1837 , 1 established the Northern Star , the firat paper ever established in England exclusively for the people ; a paper which has given a completely new tone to the whole press of the empire ; a paper which may be truly called the mental link which binds the industrious classes together ; a paper which has , for the first time , concentrated tha national mini into one body , now become irresistible . In 1838 , I established the great Northern Union , another powerful body . In 1839 , I became a member of the National Convention . In July , 1839 , I was tried at York for a libel , consisting of four lines taken

      from another paper . There never was such a farce as that trial . Crown prosecutor , Judge , Jury , and all , were moved to laughter by its absurdity ; but , as I have before informed you , one Patrick Ryall was hung in Ireland for laughing ; and , where the oppressor prowls , what is law in Ireland » o « n becomes law in England . The laughing hyenas laughed me out of my liberty . Yes , the lying scoundrels , they found me " guilty ; " and one of them said that he did so because I bullied the jury . In March , 18 * 0 , I was tried for another libel that I never saw . The principal charge against me was for the

      publication of a raving rhapsody , delivered at Manchester by a fanatical wretch called William Taylor , of whom no one ever heard before or since . I am not here for any thiag O'Brien said , or that I said ; I am here for what "Bible Chartist" Taylor said . I wa « found " goaty" at York , in part to lay the foundation for O'Briea * B being found " ruilry" at Liverpool . Tk-e Attonjey- € teneral laid most stress on the speech of Taylor ; ¦• did Mr . Justice Coleridge , at York ; again , in aggravation of punishment , he laid most stress upon it ; so did the court I never » aw this saint , nor his wall of Jericho I never knew a grain of good come of " Bible Chartism ; " I

      never knew a sound principle hatched wider the wing of fanaticism . They will leave , yxm when they get quiet sisters to par better than the poor Chartist * . I tell you , the Question of civil rights should never be mixed mp with fanaticls-m . Instead of forwarding , it will retard the end . See Ireland ! " O glory be to God , I gained emancipation without bloodshed , " is apalliatlve foroivil restrictions and a cloak for political inquity ; while the whole people are " emancipated" from the one-pound parson to the

      one-pound-five landlord , and from the civil power to a standing army of spy police ; from a Protestant judge to an over cautious Catholic one ; over cautious , lest by even doing justice to a poor Catholic , he stoold be suspected of partiality , and who , therefore , makes him the scapegoat of his accusing conscience . And this is " emancipation without blood ! " while the murders of Wallstown , Rathcormac , and a thousand other spots , crimsoned with Catholic gore , are yet unavenged ! Howbeit-, a time wQl come !! —we most bide ii .

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      In April , 1840 , 1 pleaded not guilty at Liverpool to an indictment for riot , conspiracy , sedition , tumult , and God only knows what ; never having seen the riot , heard the conspiracy , or witnessed the sedition or tumult In May , I was called up to receive a receipt in full for my many delinquencies , when Nottlugham-Denman , the Chartist of 1819 , sent me to a felon ' s prison , which Phipps has turned into an inquisition ; and , thank God , here I am , a proof of my power , of the strength of my cause , and the affection which the people bear me .

      In another letter I shall show yon that I was not fairly convicted ; that I kept within the precincts » f the law ; within the sanctuary of the constitution ; and that , not being able to trap me into indiscretion , they assailed me within the very sanctuary which should have been held inviolate . I mention this to establish myself in your judgment as a prudent general . I mention it to prove to you that , for eight years , I have kept within the law while I have gone as far , or farther , than any other man in bringing bad laws into disrepute .

      \ ou would not have thought me sincere if I had not been victimised . This Is an error of public judgment ; however , we must sometimes respect even prejudices ; and , if anything was wanting to perfect your confidence , I rejoice at the fact of your prejudice supplying this requisite . Now , attend to me , while I state simple faets . From September , 1835 , to February , 1889 , 1 led you single , handed and alone . For flfteon months of that time I

      had the most extensively circulated journal in the kingdom ; and , during that whole period , while excitement was at its height , no man was ever brought before a magistrate , charged with a single violation of the peace arising out of political agitation . I never saw a riot , disorder , or even a drunken man , at one of the thousands of meetings I attended throughout the empire . We heard of no provocations , while I was quietly undermining the Whig citadel , and forming the nation into one body .

      During that time , not one single farthing was levied on the people for agitation . I paid all myself , out of my own pocket ; while the Birmingham wealthy Unionists were spending the poor man ' s money in selling him , and bave never yet accounted for it ; but they shall , er I will sue them for my sixpence which I paid for my ticket I never travelled one mile at your expence . I would aoceptof no fee , favour , or reward , beyond yeur cheering approbation . And , in 1839 , when the nation was taxed against my consent , —and when I was compelled to join bankers , merchants , brokers , manufacturers , barristers , lawyers , parsons ,

      Members of Parliament , and , in short , the whole nest of vermin , —from that moment the country has been in hot water . " You said this , " and " I said that , " and "but for you it would have been s * and so , " " we only did sound so , " and " you advised arming , " and "I was for one pound notes , " and " you got the people into scrapes of which I warned them , " and bo nothing but prosecutions , incarcerations , transportations , heartbreakings , weeping , wailing , and gnashing of teeth . Not one single leader who abandoned us having given a ( billing to defend the people fromi the vengeance which

      they brought upon them , while it has cost me thousands ; and , guiltless myself , every slippery saint and trafficking sinner who has slipped out of the noose , has left his share of the rope round my neck : but of this in its proper place . Always bear in mind that the Star has been over three years in the front of the battle ; that the leading articles , which are the index of the proprietor ' s feelings and opinions , have been well watched , and not one single line has been seised hold of , even by the most anxious prosecutor . Mind that Original matter is that which mione ihould be prosecuted ; all else is matter of news : but that is matter of opinion . Bear

      in mind , that for eight years I have been in the very vortex of politics ; friend and foe alike trying to ruin me ; obliged to bear the desertion of the betrayer , and the disappointment of the betrayed ; and I have never yet got a shake , thank God : and why t Because I stand like a rock in the midst of ocean , against which the angry wave may dash , but parts in foam * Because , for eight years , prying fame has dogged my every step ; and even scandal has not been able to say "he is a profligate , a gambler , a drunkard , a tale-bearer , an evil speaker ; he leaves his bills unpaid , and dishonours our cause . "

      No ! Where is the man who has over heard a bad principle , a mean expression , or even a doubtful word , escape my lips ? Where is the man who has been so watched , and yet so free from slander 1 Where is the man who has sustained one character in the great political drama , as I have done , for eight years , acting it all myself ? Where is the trafficking politician who can say , or who ever could say , to the nation , " I am in bonds for you ; and by account , stated and settled by your own auditors at Manchester , you owe me between £ 200 and £ 300 , not counting the thousands not taken into account ? " Where is the man who has stood by you in the senate-bouse of the nation , at the table of the aristocrat , in the presence of insolent magistrates , and before the awful tribunal of a merciless Bench , as I

      have done ? If these things , then , be true , read my appeal in a shorter letter , and ssy whether or no my prayer shall be granted . I am , Your faithful friend , FEARGUS O'CONNOR .

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      TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —Having ascertained what are the ends for which society exists , and the bonds by which it is holden together , we are , in the next place , to inqutre what line of conduct is required , on the part of the Government , in order to secure the attainment of these ends . This is , beyond all question , a subject of the greatest moment aud importance , both to those who govern , and those whose every interest is , not only remotely but directly , involved in the due administration of public affairs . It la not to the theory of

      government that I refer . That may vary in different ages , in different places , and under different circumstances . But the practical application of the principles of what is called government are fixed ; and cannot be departed from without manifest injustice and injury to the parties concerned . We have seen that , in this mixed state ef society , men are congregated together for a threefold purpose , and are acted upon by a twofold agency . The proper line of conduct , therefore , which those invested with authority ought to pursue , is one which will , in the most efficient manner , secure the accomplishment of their purposes , by the

      judicious employment of this double agency . This is , in fact , the line of conduct professedly pursued by all governments , however diversified in their form and character . But I must take leave , from long and close observation , to conclude , that In no single case , hitherto , has the means accomplished the contemplated end ; and because of this , we find the world involved in confusion and disorder , and society , the true prosperity of which depends upo » the calm and undisturbed tenor of it * course , tossed to and tto like the restless wave of the troubled ocean , and the elements of which it is composed appearing destitute of every principle of

      coherency , and threatening to return to their original disorder . Wrapt up in the sycophancy which fills your palace , and lulled into security by the golden glitter aud the apparent prosperity which are alone permitted to meek yeur observance , It is more than probable that you are totally unacquainted with the indications of a gathering storm , which , ar& every where so apparent to the eye of those , who , uoduaied by the glare of courtly Unacy , are accustomed to see things as they really are . ; Yet be assured , Madam , that if by the imbecility , recklessness , ok selfishness of thole whom von have called , or may call , to your councils , the

      bonds of society become loosened , and the just autherity of the law superseded by a system of arrant despotism , which shall plac * life and property in jeopardy—then , and in this oase , the old constitutional axiom , the King can do no wrong , will be of no avail . It will be found that the King must suffer and drink of the cup of calamity , as well as the veriest outcast of the people . There is nothing pleasing in such a scene as this ; but it is the truth ; and the knowledge of it , is , I conceive , alike necessary to the security of your Majesty ' s throne , and the peace and happiness of this great empire .

      The line of conduct to be pursued by the rulers of a great people , divided Into various classes , and embracing a vast variety of conflicting interests , most , to be reaUy beieficlal , be in strlot accordant with , the

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      fundamental principle ot tn ith and justice . To secure the ends , for which soeiety exists , the legislative and executive powers most be « . > exercised , aa to afford ample protection to the honest and well-disposed portions of the community ; it must also be so far restrictive as may be necessary to prevent one man from unfairly trenching upon the rights of another ; it must , in the next place , adopt such a system of criminal ju risprudence , as shall be of an efficiently corrective character ; and it must , lastly , be sedulously engaged in promoting the work of individual and national reformation .

      I would most respectfully crave your Majesty's serious attention to each of these points of consideration . First , I say , the line of conduct required from the Government , in the present state of society , must be such as will afford ample protection to the honest and well-disposed portions of the community . And here before proceeding further , let me premise that , by the honest and well-disposed portions of the community , I mean persona of every class and grade ot society . AH are , according to the theory of that Constitution which you , Lady , are sworn to uphold , equal before the law , consequently , all are entitled to the same degree , as

      well as kind , of pretection , from the Btate of which they are the common children , and which is supported and sanctioned by their common contributions . In this view ot the matter , it appears plain , beyond reasonable question , that "not only every class , but every man , woman , and child in the nation , has a claim upon the Government for the protection of all natural and acquired rights ; and this involves in it , not only the protection of life and property , in the conventional use of these terms , but the protection from aggression upon all and singular the things which a man can call his own , including , of course , the means by which he acquires those things .

      Thus , it is the duty of the Legislature to provide that no class of the community shall combine together to the manifest injury of other classes , or of individuals ; and it is also its duty to prevent or controul the introduction of such means and powers as shall bave a certain tendency , direct or indirect , to increase the wealth and comfort of one or a few , at the expence of the comfort , morality , and life of tens of thousands of the industrious population . Under this head , also , it is the duty of the public authorities to provide for such a remuneration of labour , as shall enable the able-bodied workman to procure good and

      ample food and clothing , together with a comfortable habitation , and the means of a sound , practical education for himself and his family ; to which I will add , that no Government does or can afford the amount « f protection which can justly be expected from it , till it provides that all this shall be within the reach of every man who engages in the pursuit of business , industry , or labour , eight hours in the day , for the six working days . I am aware that it naa been calculated that four hours of labour , each working day would produce enough for the comfortable and respectable maintenance of every individual in the empire ; in

      allowing , therefore , double that amount of time to be thus employed , there would be ample means provided for those who , by infancy , sickness , and old age , were rendered incapable of working " at all . If your Majesty should think that eight hours ef the day spent in toil is too small a portion , I would refer you to an authority which should have some weight with royalty . Your glorious predecessor , Alfred , divided his time into three portions , devoting eight hours to sleep and the exercise of devotion ; eight hours to business ; and eight to study and recreation . I think this royal apportionment of time cannot be too closely copied both by

      the court and the country . Included in this duty of providing for the protection of all , is the provision for the poor , which must be made by law , and which every state , by the recognition of what is called the right to possess landed property , binds itself to provide . Nothing can be clearer than the right , which every one born in the eountry possesses , to live by the produce of the land Of his birth , and it is therefore obvious that any one who should claim a right to appropriate more land to himself , than is Sufficient fer his own wants , including , of course , those of his family ; or who should set up a

      claim to the soil after his crops were removed , without , at the same time , taking upon himself , in some way or other , the burden of providing for those whom he had deprived of their natural means of support , would be guilty of an act of usurpation and robbery , which it is the bounden duty of the Government to prevent In the present state of society , the land is not common right ; it has become the property of individuals ; but to use a legal term , the whole people are in law seiaed of the land , by virtue of the original grant , and have therefore a right te demand a maintenance from it , which demand must be complied with in one or all of the following ways : —

      First , one portion of the community must be fed directly from the soil , by being located upon it , and receiving a given portion of the produce , ( or an equivalent for it , in money , ) as the wages of labour . Second , another portion of the social family must be indirectly maintained by the land , while engaged in the pursuits of trade , manufactures , and commerce . That is , the landlord spends his rents , and the farmer the profits of his stock , in some shape or other , amon the trading , commercial , and manufacturing classes , who , in their turn , become , as they prosper in their several pursuits , better tenants to the landlord and better customers to the farmer ; and thus tend directly to increase the value of the land , which otherwise would soon cease to pay the cost ot cultivation .

      A third portion of the people , those who are destitute and incapable of labour , have an equal claim for a subsistence out of the land of their nativity , and which ought to be furnished to them not as a boon but as a right ; for it is to them an equivalent for the fee simple of the land , of which the arrangements of society have deprived them . The provision for the poor , of which I have been speaking , should not , I conceive , be made by a tax falling directly upon the land , nor do I think- that the trading or commercial portions of the nation should be charged with any considerable share of this impost . It does appear reasonable that the burden should be borne principally by those who caused it , and however

      the taking up the land as private property tended originally to give birth to pauperism , it is plain that the increase of untaxed machinery has given to it its gigantic stature , and that , while it remains unchecked , pauperism must of necessity go on and increase . The protection of a good Government will , therefore , be employed in securing the honest and industrious from the ravages of hopeless desperation , ( driven to madness by the pressure of distress , ) by » judicial system of parochial relief , the means for which it will derive from those sources which are most clearly pointed out by the dictates of equity and justice . It will be neceisary again to revert to this subject as we prosecute our inquiry .

      These and a thousand other matters are intimately and necessarily connected with the protective functions of civil government . Upon the dne disehargo of this important branch of its high duties depend theprosperity of arts , science , and literature . It is that by which the weak is to be defended from the attack of the strong ; it Li to be the watcker over publio health , the guardian •( public morals , and the slumberleai superintendent of public liberty . Without this , public interests would

      be neglected , anarchy and confusion would supersede social order and domestic qttiet ; that confidence , which remits from a sense of security , would give place to fears and jealousies of an undeflaaWe character ; and while every man would feel himself compelled to stand with a defensive weapon in his hand , the bad and vicious passions of men would obtain a fearful predominance , and rapine and disorder would soon be the order of the day .

      Intimately connected with this subject , is the second point necessary to be attended to in the line of conduct to be pursued by the persons that rale , I mean those act * of the public functionaries which are distinguished as restrictive . By these , I mean those wise and salutary provisions , by which one man is forbidden to invade the rights , destroy or misappropriate the property , impede the industry , destroy the character , injure the good . Wk » e , « r lake » mr > by ftr « e or fraud , U » life fo

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      his fellow-man . Man , in his present fallen and degraded condition , is a being of selfish , avaricious , revengeful , and tyrannical propensities . His selfishness leads him to place his own interests as supreme , and those of all others as subordinate ; his avarice is ever on the watch to obtain possession ef what he deems desirable , no matter how , or at whose expence , he can obtain it ; fox avarice is by no means confined to the inordinate desire of getting money . His revengeful passions incite him to be , on all occasions , his own avenger j and bis lore of power Impels him on to act the tyrant , whenever he can find a helpless

      victim and a favourable opportunity . True , it is , that those baneful and noxious weeds , which disfigure and deform the face of God ' s moral creation , may be eradicated by the influence of a pure and genuine religion ; and plants of a far nobler nature introduced into their platesi By religion , here , I do not mean the external profession and reception of the creeds and dogmas of this , that , or the ether sect or party , calling itself Christian . I mean that principle of natural good which is of the divine mercy inseminated tram , birth into the heart of every man , be he externally Christian , Jew ,

      Mohammedan , or Pagan , and by which selfishness can be superseded by a noble spirit of benevelence ; the coldest avarice give place to a glowing flame of generosity ; revenge retire before compassion and forgiveness ; and tyranny resign his throne to the generons rule of patrietlsm and philanthropy . This , Madam , is genuine religion , wherever found , alike honourable to God , and safe for man ; it is that , which , did all possess , rulers would be , indeed , nursing fathers , and subjects would be obedient children . ' * Earth would by angels' feet be trod , One great garden of her God . "

      It is a melancholy fact , however , that this is not the case . In every social state there are some in whom those detestable passions are entirely destroyed by the prevalence of the opposite virtues ; they are , however , but few , but it is impossible to overrate them . They are the salt of the earth , the light of the world , and with or without law , they are a law unto themselves . Besides these , the mass of the population consists of persons of a mixed and varied character . In such , the better principles of their nature struggle to reject the bad , and , aided by surrounding circumstances , they generally succeed . To such , the restrictive laws which public wisdom and virtue bave established , are of the most essential importance . They confirm them in their

      desires to pursue the path of rectitude , and by exciting their salutary fears , they restrain them when , from some supposed advantage , they are tempted to act wrong . As to those bad spirits , who can neither be allured into the paths of virtue by the prospect of protection and security , nor restrained by ihe enactments made forth * good of society—to them the rod must be applied ; and for this purpose the other two functions of the executive must be brought into operation . These must , however , form the subject of a future essay . I am , Madam , Your Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , London , December 31 , UiO . NUMA ,

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      •• MOTHER GOOSE . " TO THE EMTOB OF THB NORTHERN STAB . Deab , Sib , —Lying is a necessary attribute In the defence of a bad cause : hence has Mother Goose stolen away the wreath from the brows of " Neddy . " In a leader of last week , headed " The approaching Reform Demonstrations , " the " Goose" labours hard to criminate the Star , at , rather , to nullify the effects ol your advice , evidently al « rmed for the consequences But mark the mode he takes : first , he breaks the heads of Chartists , and then , with " soft sawder , " tri « t his best to plaster them up again . This dust wont blind a real Chartist , though ; coaxing is too late , and gammon is only laughed at

      How the shifty rogues change their tactics ! " There will be no opportunity for proposing an amendment for Universal Suffrage , as no resolutions whatever will be put ; to the meeting , " , says " Goose . " Indeed , who believes this ? But , whether or not , tome business is to be done ; and 1 fancy Chartists know bow " to give an impulse to opinion on the great question of farther organic changes , " as well as the geese , with all their gabbling . But , oh fle 1 you mngrakful wretches I Yes , Cha » tists , to attempt it ! Mother Goost further : says , " The Chartists cannot be ignorant of the fact that , almost without exception , the strangers who are announced to

      be present are friendly to their cause . " Friendly , indeed ! There is , onr very excellent "friend , " Joe Hume ; what do we think of Joseph ? Why , he must be ground over again before he is our " friend "—ha smells too much like a part of Dan ' s " tail . " Now , Sir William may be our . "Jriend , " and so may Roebuck , D unco in be , Bo wring , Ewart , Gisborne , Langdale , Thompton , and Crawford ; but not just yet . Whether we look prospectively or retrospectively , the lynx eye of a ChartUt can detect the black speck on the disks of those luminaries , while travelling in their orbit ; and will never acknowledge them as "friends , " until the Charter becomes . their grand centre of attraction .

      Let them talk as they like , and let the " GoomT talk for them if she . choose , " words are but wind , " so long aa they seek ( or others seek for them ) to tail themselves upon the big political swindler , Dan Out upon them ! they are our enemies , and the Chartists , therefore , ' will find something to do at the Demonstration . " But how , are these gentlemen the " friends" of the Chartists ? Because , forsooth , "Sir William Molesworth helped Lovett and Collins in their time of need ; no man has so fearlessly exposed the cruel prison

      treatment of the Chartists as honest Tom Dancombe ; Roebuck has gratuitously defended Chartist prisoners whenever called upon to do so ; Colonel Thompson has stood by them through good report and through bad report ; Sbarman Crawford and Dr . Bowring defend their principles ; and , in short , almost every one of the guests invited , have befriended , on one , or more occasions , the prosecuted of-the Chartist party . " He then goes on to say , " Hew mad , how irrational , how ungrateful , therefore , would it be , were they to take measures which could only disgust their friends (?) without advancing their principles one single step . "

      Here , then , are private reasons for the regulation of public actions ; more villanous reasoning , than this , I never met with ; and yet , Sir , I can give you a parallel

      case . After we had given John Ayrey his discharge , as a candidate for the office of Councilman , for the North East Ward , on account of his " Household Suffrage " notions , he told a neighbour of mine that he and his friends had it in contemplation ( as 1 was at that time very ill off ) to send me a leg of mutton ; and that it was actually ordered ; and a person appointed to deliver it ; and that something very handsome was intended to be done for me after the election ; but now , that I- had ceased to exert myself to ensure his return , rather than help , he would do me all the harm he could ; which has been fulfilled to the very letter . At this time , another of his friends having given me , one evening , a

      piece of bacon and bread , value about sixpence , which favour I neither a § ked nor hinted at , in any way , but for which I certainly expressed myself grateful ;—yet , Sir , when in faithfulness to my principles , the Charter , I felt conscientiously called upon to render nugatory this new attempt at Whiggery , by upsetting the whole clique of" shams , " the little-minded , charitable (?) individual , boasted at the very next public meeting , what great things he had done for me ; and , like this humbug Editor , denounced me as " mad , irrational , and uagrateful , " because I would not ( considering all that he had done for me ] sacrifice the right of thinking and acting in b * half ' "of my own principles , and assist la carrying the destructive measure of Household Suffrage . .

      What , then , is to be inferred when a Sham-Radical does a tmaU kindness to an individual 7 I answer , we may be certain the viper is only baiting with a sprat to catch a salmon—that in serving another , he is only striving more efectaally to serve himself . And this base editor would hare us suppose thai those gentians hs mentiom , because they hare assisted a fellow mortal in difficult circumstances , expect , nay claim , eternal submission in all things—that henceforth the free expression of opinion by Lovett and Collins , and others , must be bounded by the principles entertained by them , or they are " mad , irrational , and ungrateful . "

      Will the gentlemen thank " Mother Goose" for this f I beg to say that Messrs . Dancombe , Thompson , and others , entertain no such feelings , much less such a gentlemaa asSharman Crawford : and that this crawling sycophant , yclept a Doctor , uoi drives the Geese , in thus maligning the character of honourable men , by bringing them to the level of his own discreditable : and lowbred baseness , is fitter far to hold the whip of slavery than the office he fills—is a real apologist for political plunder and oppression ,, and had he lived in the days of the rack and inquisition , would have made an excellent heretic-burning Bishop , or bull-thundering Pope . - . . ¦ . " . .... "¦ . " . ¦ - ¦ ' . ;¦ ¦ .- ¦ '¦•' ¦ , ; : ¦'¦ ' . - .

      What are we te think of the present state of things , when every poor working man is expected to sell Mb " birthright foramess of porridge I" When he must do this , or , aa " the man" said of me , at one of his hofe and corner meetings , " he omght not to be tolerated in society . " Things must be altered , Sir , or man will never know how to perform a retd act of kindness . Our slavery is complete , when a gracious look , er a favour done by a great man , is expected to padlock the mouth , and direct the actions of others . Freedom I * but a name , until we get rid of this obligatory pontidk . This shall be done ! Hurrah for the Star 1 Hurrah for O'Connor ) Hurrah for the Charter I Hurrah for ourselves t Worn populi . wm Dei . > I am , dear Sir , ¦ ¦ ' - ¦¦ ' ¦ - ¦• . -: ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ArcalCbartist , - / .. ¦ : - WstHisjL

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      ^ __ THE NORTHERN STAR . 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 16, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct533/page/7/