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THE vff ' OiTHEfilf STAR. SATT3BDAT, AUGUST 11, 1«38.
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T.EEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS
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TO READERS & CORRESPONDENTS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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EVERY LANCASHIRE PURCHASER of the 'NORTHERN STAR' of this Day will be presented witb a SPLENDID POETEAIT ( FROM A STEEt PLATE , ) OF SIR W . MOLESWOKTH BART ., m . P . FOR LEEDS . Every YORKSHIRE Purchaser will receive a like present on Saturday , the 18 th August , and our SCOTCH and other NORTHERN FRIENDS on . Saturday , the 25 th August . ;
The Vff ' Oithefilf Star. Satt3bdat, August 11, 1«38.
THE vff ' OiTHEfilf STAR . SATT 3 BDAT , AUGUST 11 , 1 « 38 .
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trial and conyiction or the "WHIGS . ThS Sixth of A-ngnst will "be a day ever memor able in Europe , and its-effects will be long felt by all the nations of the « arth- The Sun . has much , very much , Emitedthe importance of the Meeting of the Sixth , byjdescribmg it as a . National Convention . There-were there , Poles , and Russians , and Germans , and Negroes , and Icrenehman ; Americans , Spaniards , and Italians ; all and each- 'hailing the
sentiments as heralds of Universal Liberty- The Ottati ons of Europe know , and know full well , that the snew 3 of Englishmen , oririshmen , and of Scotchmen have "been Tnannfaetared into universal fetters Sox Liberty . England irorid tare crushed the genius of America . England has estabEshed the despotism ^ Trance . England has made the brave Tole a beggar at the English cottage . England is now layingthe foundation of tyranny in Canada , « Bnt < he $ laekne » of -sjihes-wiflinKkTrhere It stood , 1
"VTMle-fhe inlS . mother-screams o ' er her famishing brood ;"; * and to those distant calamities which English policy > iaa caused , is the English mind directed . The eye is stretched , as it were , to countries far away , lest one down-cast look at domestic suffering should fire the native breast to madness . The "fames avrf { thirst for gold ) of the British speculator , has established a Iranian flesh marketin every conn try throughout the would . Tour years since vre paid twenty mDlions at the Indian stall , for black ealtle , we bought the flock ; and this year we paid one million
io the Irish butchers . £ 20 , 000 , 090 for the black fioek , and £ 1 , 000 , 000 for the white shepherds . To the three domestic 'butchers and their slaughter-house men we hare paid more than £ 100 , 000 , while the pacifying policy , of starving Irishmen , into submission , has cost the nation , since the passing of the Uefonn Bill , more tkan five millions annually . There is a side sate of the national eight hundred
million , toll-baT an every port in Europe , and the object of Monday ' s meeting was to take the toll off lEneliih labour , ana place what must remain on English -idleness , on the barren surface of the soil , and not upon the hands that produce , or the stomachs that consume , thereby giving value to the soil . " We nave described the effects of English policy , and fhe objects of Monday ' s Meeting , and now . a word as to the nature and terms of the Union .- So far
Jrom tannting our newly adopted brethren with timidity or procrastination , we now feel convinced of the soundness of their policy , and the wisdom of their delay . Had the men of Birmingham pressed too precipitately upon the present Government , they ¦ would have been chargeable and charged with impetuosity , intemperance , and want of judgment . The necessary- changes under a new system—the moulding of a Cabinet out of the best materialsihe test to which , in a state of probation , the Hichmonds , Staxxxts , BuorGHAMs , and Grahams had necessarily to be subjected—the assimilating of opinions , and dovetailing of measures , "sreremattersto-beadjusted , before a Reforming Ministry could be said really to exist . These preliminaries lave been now gone through , and upon Monday last , an Administration , said to be composed of the recognized leaders of "Whig opinion , was jut upon trial The people of- Birmingham lad been mainly instrumental in procuring for them that trial , and , therefore , a 3 just
and upright jndees , they were "booed to give them a Jair trial . They wisely acted upon the consideration , that a longer period is required for the adjustment of a . nation ' s affairs , af ter years of abuse and neglect , than is required for the remodelling -or improvement of a family , or for the adjustment of the affairs of a small community . ^ The full time has been allowed , and the jury , the ^ rhole jury returned an -unanimous verdict of GUILTY against the Whigs . The question was jut by Mr . O'CoxxoB , and no donht , with the intention of investing the "Cjuon with , an executive
authority to carry into effect ihe verdict of that jnry which they empanneB ed . Upon the m en of Birminglam now devolves the responsibility of . carrying that verdict into full force . The Union and their leaders have assumed an awful responsibility . Heretofore they acted locally ; they now act ¦ universally . The authority vrhieh they required has "been cheerfully , unanimously , and promptly conferred upon them , but mark , not without that responsibility ¦ srhieh Mr . Mxrxxz well described a 3 constituting the difference between a responsible Government 2 nd an irresponsible despotism .
The men of Birmingham have hitherto stood upon ¦ fhe household top , and have watched our little Universal Snfirzge bark tossed upon the troubled ¦ waters of agitatiea . The tainted gale of faction flriving it to the shoals , from which it has been saved iy ike steady Northern breese . The struggle for -three years nas l ? een such as few will now acknowledge , but the effects of which we feel at tbi 3 moment in every limb ; but " away with pouting and sadmess : " had we forfeited life itself , the price would laTe been far short of the value of Mondav ' s
meeting . The work which , in the hands of a portion of the people , is difficult , when divided amongst the -whole people , "becomes easy of accomplishment . "While the-Birmingham Union were contending for " Household Suffrage , " and the brave , the virtuous , fhe unfiinching ' men of the Uforth were fighting for * Universal Suffrage , " we were as hostile and injurious to each other , as though one of the parties had "been either "Whig or Tory . That we would perish rather than retrograde , -was a fact of irnSch it was necessary to convince our
hrefhren . We hare convinced them , and the result of our perseverance and resolution , has been manifested in the Union of the 6 th of - August . "What are fhe terms of that Union ? That we have conferred executive power upen the Birmingham TTnioa . That yre of the north shall support them frith . aH our heart , with , all our mind , and . with all cur strength . Pardoning every indiscretion , giving them the honour and the glory of every triumph , ¦ jrhile -we are sure of being participators in their every-rietarv . The Union destroys base ambition ,
grmihila . tesjealousy , defies malice , courts censorship , and remo' ? e 3 suspicion . The Union is now the < joveniinei * t-of the eoimtryj " de jure et dc facto , " "W-e have joined the "Union , " hut we have not j oined for thejarpose of insidiouslv watching , and analieionBJy seizing upon an indiscretion as the signal of taant-or revolt "We shall not ,. perhaps , be quite so charitaH ^ as Sis Union has heen to the Whigs ; lutye ± we kh&H « ake allowance &r every frailty io whiehi&e $ iiishek . _ Constituted as the Council is , ¦ we fear no charge of _ greaier enormity than that of indiscretien . "We are now as one man . Attwood
-tnd Fields are colleagues . Watson , Muxtz , . Aasox , Botjglas , Haslet , Edmt / xds , and Salt , with tEsir forty-three . associates , are invested ¦ with executive power . It is well and judiciously Tested . Nothing "but jealoulfe ambition , or treason , can weaken us ; and cnrsecPBe . the fiend , " -who shall not rather bro « 3 silently over his Individual suspicions , than by publishing them disunite us . Our strength is in our union—our power in our voice , and oar success in our perseverance . According to natural impressions —to the artificial construction of society—ib the rnls upon which Governments" exist , and to the terms of the areat moral compact , for the
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furtherance of which man surrendered a portion of his natural rights , in order that he may the more fully and the more freely enjoy those which society sanctioned for mutual benefits ; as squariag with all such considerations , we give the following as our opinion . - —Henceforth , inasmuch as the people prefer an hereditary monarchy , with a republican , or universal power of controul , to any other species of Government , we deem any administration , holding power short of universal nomination , usurpers—traitors against both people and Sovereign , and rebels against the acknowledged
powers of the state . The meeting of Monday was , in fact , the establishment of a new Censtitation , and though bayonets and corruption may ^ for a season , hold it in allegiance , yet let the people be assured that tile will of an united people will , e ' er long , become the law of the land . O ! it was a glorious sight . It was a heavenly spectacle , to see a virtuous court asserting right , and denouncing wrong . God . ' what an Union is a nation of freemen , struggling against oppression ! A band of slaves proclaiming their own freedom , that they may . give freedom to others ! We have lost all recollection of
much which we had intended to say . The merry peal ; the shout of liberty ; the firm resolve of freemen ; the cheer of patriotism ; the manifestation of national love of justice ; the expression of wrong done , and the bold determination to "do or die , " still binds us captive to the scene without other thought than TecoUection of the past . In the fulfilment of the national object will be found justice for Ireland—Justice for England—evenhanded unsparing Justice for all .
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THE DOOMED ONES . The Whigs have surely been laid under a spell . They seem determined to rush upon destruction . Another paroxysm of the self-destroying mania has overtaken them at Dewsbury , where the valiant myrmidons of the Devil's law hare dared to brave the vengeance of their insulted and outraged neighbours . We cannot but regret that any violence should have occurred , and yet , when the provocation is considered , with our knowledge of human nature , our only surprise is , that matters were not much worse . We would , however , most earnestly caution the people to beware of violence ; let not SA 3 ISOX pull down the house over their heads as well as his own . If the Whies love
destruction , let them have it , and welcome ; hut , in God's name , let the people be careful not to be involved in it . Cool resolution , and united exertion ¦ will do all they wish . Tiolence will only retard , and perhaps ultimately defeat , the accomplishment of their own object .
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STATE OF CANADA . The following description of the present state and prospect of Canada is from a Ministerial paper , poblisked in Toronto , received at our office during the present week . Emigration from this Province to the United States still continues , notir itbstanding the immense numbers who hare already left ; but it has changed its character , —and now , instead of being composed of men of strong political feelings , embraces the more cautious and industrious classes—old countrymen as well as natives . Military clangour keeps one portion of the people from brooding over the
general depression , while a morbid melancholy seemed to have seized others , whe are pathetic as to the consequences of passing events , and look upon emigration as a panacea for all their ills . It is but what occurs in every country , that the tradesmen and labourers should seek for employment in the country that can afford to give it ; but , that Hien srno haTe been born in the province , and who have " spent their dearest action in the tented field " in defence of their attachment to the British Crown , and others who have left our fatherland to settle in Canada in preference to the U . S ., "because they preferred the security and magnanimity of British justice , to the fickle and clamorous institutions of a republic—that such men could be induced by any
possible circumstances to abandon their homes , is greatly to be deplored , and demands an investigation as to the cause . To such an extent has emigration , however , been carr ied on , that in some parts of the London District , we have credibly been informed , there are not males enough left to gather in a tithe of the crops . Some farmers have sacrificed their homesteads for a trifle , whilst others have actually abandoned them , " flying from the province as from a land of famine and pestilence , " ( we thank you , Sir Francis , for the term . ) But this is not all . The spir it of change is extending like an epidemic , and several parties from different parts of the province are now traversing the western states , looking for locations to provide for an extensive emigration .
The above will furrish to our readers a much more accurate picture of the state of affairs in Canada than they can expect to glean from the Whig and Tory oracles of mendacity in this country .
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THE AMERICAN STRUGGLE . We have received The National Laborer of Philadelphia up to July 14 th , from which we find the rag-money struggle st ill progresses , though with , an air of desperation on the part of the moneycrats , that shews in beautiful relief the advantage of the Americans overu 3 , in having , by their fine Constitution , a controlling power in the State , to which , when brought into exercise , all factious attempts at domination must succumb . We invite particular attention to the following excellent Editorial article from the Laborer , which , as our readers will see , fully maintains the spirit of the extracts which we gave from the same paper a fortnight ago : —
"The Questions at issue , are , Whether the presidents , directors , and stockholders ofincorporated companies , together with their lawyers , debtors , and dependants , comprising a fevr thousand persons , shall tax , govern , and control as many miilion .- » -af labourers and producers , and exclusively appropriate the products and fruits of labour to their use ; or , Whether our Government shall remain and continue a democracy , whereby the millions will have a voice in its control ?
These are the great questions now at issue before the American people . If the paper money party prevail , they will exempt themselves and property from taxation , and lay the whole weight and burden on labour and production ; but if the people prevail , and the taxes are collected in the currency intended to be secured to us by our revolutionary fathers ; then these bodies of incorporated wealth must bear their share in support of Government . It is this they so much dread , and are determined to avoid at all hazards if they possibly can . Hence the great hatred of these monopolists to a constitution . Henee their constant false clamor made
against our Government and its administration , for its efforts to keep the Government and banks separate . And henee we see in the United States Gazette , of the 30 th June , 1838 , ( one of the official organs of the United States Bani of Pennsylvania , and great head of the paper money party , in our country , ) the most insolent threap against the President of the United States , forcibly to thrust him from the office to which the people elected him , should he dare to exercise the power placed in his hands by the constitution , by resisting any bill which those rag barons may hereafter oe afcle to carry through congress . ¦
We now call the attention of the producing classes of this great nation , to the daring and insulting nature of this threat . This attempt to intimidate the chief magistrate of our conntry , and deter him from a conscientious discharge of duty ! A ^ uty , the discharge of which may be required of him to protect fhe great "body of the people against the raft and subtlety of the dealers ; in paper money , who now hope to prevail on congress , by any and every means , to grant them a charter for the furtherance of their schemes . For this purpose , and to extort a compliance , the President , it seems , is threatened .
Gentlemen monopolists , what do you mean ? We pray you deal plainly and honestly vrith the people , not acquainted with the mysteries of your great
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paper scheme . Do you believe that you ; can overturn this Government by force and Tiolence , and establish one in its stead , where the great mass of the people would have no voice , and by which you could issue irredeemable paper at pleasure , and compel the producing and labouring classes to receive such paper for their products ? Or do you merely expect to frighten the President and deter him from the upright performance of duty ? . You will find yourselves mistaken , in either attempt . "We advise you against both . Fighting is a " game at which two can play , " and you might come off only second best . No , gentlemen , take our advice , and give up the idea of fighting , the
people will understand what you are at , and you can do better for your dear paper system , by almost any other method . You can make more of the people by your old trade of lending to members of Congress and of State legislatures , buying up newspapers and their cattle" editors , making public opinion to quietly succumb under such ' fair business transactions / and procuring charters ; then gamble in the stocks , raise the price by puffing and « ham sales , and then sell ; reduce the price by panic and false rumours , and then buy the same stocks back . These , and all of the various other methods known to you , and unknown to the people , ( by which you can cheat and swindle them out of the fruits of their
labour , ) will suit you better than fighting ; and although you number only as many thousands as the labourers and producers do millions , you will be more than a match for them , because you have practised until you understand your game ; but when it comes to fighting , the labouring and producing classes understand that as well as you do , so you had better not try fighting . As to frightening the President from the performance of his duty , we entertain no fears on that head ; but if you were ever to succeed , you -will enjoy but a short triumph . Any charter you obtained by either fraud or violenc , would be of but little value to you among a free and an outraged people when roused to resistance and retaliation .
But of what do those chartered monopolists complain ? What has led to this daring and insolent threatening ? Why , nothing more than this , that the people who ought' to and shall govern this country want to collect 3 nd pay out the constitutional currency , gold and silver , whilst the bank party wish to compel the . government to collect and pay out their worthless irredeemable paper promises , the hankers , pretending that there , is not specie enough in the country to support the government . In all of this they well know they are stating falsehoods . There are nine hundred banks in the United States , and if the amount of specie to be collected and paid out was as much as these monopolists pretend , and equally divided between them , it would
amount to twenty thousand dollars to each bank , and it is very plain that a bank which could not pay twenty thousand dollars in the year , never ought to be chartered under any pretext , nor can the paper of such a bank be of any value to the country . But no one in his senses—no one of these bankers themselves—believes that it would require any thing like half this amount to support the government . On the contrary , they know that it would be paid out by the government nearly as fast as received , to soldiers , sailors , revolutionary pensioners , and labourers on public works , who in turn . would pay it away for provisions and clothing , &c . &c . by which means it would obtain a rapid circulation' among the people , and drive out of existence their worthless and fraudulent shin
plasters and rags , and would again return to the banks , making two or three circulations of the same coin in " the year , and gladdening the countenance of labour wherever it appeared .. To prevent this wholesome state of things , the United States Bank organ has now , in behalf of the chartered monopolists , and in the face of this great Nation , threatened the people with violence and revolution . Will they dare the experiment of
physical coercion ? If so , we hope they will soon commence operations , for by this means a speedy termination of their chartered robberies will be effected . We call upon the public to note this iniolence , and to prepare to repel and punish it . The very first forcible attempt on the part of this would-be paper sovereignty to carry its puny threats into execution , forever seals its fate , by rousing Irom their lethargy —We—The People . "
The people of America stand on a vantage ground in the combat with the universal enemy , towards the attainment of which all our energies must be unceasingly directed . We mean Universal Suffrage , the only fair ground on which the battle of freedom can be fought . Let the knowledge then that even with this advantage , the Americans find the " beast " a hard foe to grapple with , stimulate every working man of Britain to merge all minor considerations in the great effort now making ; and never , we hope , to cease or slacken till the parent country shall be able proudly to uplift her head beside the daughter -without consciousness of inferiority .
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. m — TO THE EDITORS OK THE NORTHERN STAR . London , August 8 th , 1838 . Mr Dear Sirs , —Being aware thut the great Birmingham meeting and Mr . Oastleu ' s letter will necessarily occupy no small share of your next paper , I should not claim your usual indulgence this week , but that I deem it necessary to fix your readers' attention on what occurred last night in the House of Commons on the bringing up of the Report of the Poor Law Committee . I wish also to say a word or two on the Grand Midland
Demonstration of Holloway-head , and of another very opposite kind of demonstration , which is at this moment , taking place in Maidstone , before Lord Denman . I allude , of course , to the trial of the unfortunate victims of Dr . Poorb ' S bloody-minded instruction to the military— " to take Courtenay dead or alive /" First , with respect to the Poor Law Committee . If ever a public man deserved public gratitude , Mr . Fielden deserves the plenitude of it for his manly and noble conduct last night . Do , gentlemen ,. if
you possibly can , make room for his masterly exposure of that rascally Committee's rascally " Report . " Fearing you may not have space for it I shall briefly state some of its leading features . Let your readers mark , learn , and inwardly digest them , and then say whether a Report , got up under such infamous circumstances ought to have any more weight with the Country then the " Not Guilty" plea of an Old Bailey thief has with the Judge and Jury of that Court . On Mr . P . Scrope bringing up the Report , .
"Mr . FIELDEN said , he could not let this report eb brought up without saying a few words as to the manner in which the committee had conducted tha investigation , and upon that document which was the result of it . His proposition was , that the committee should examine those whom nobody could doubt were the best witnesses—the labouring people and the ratepayers . He proposed , at the first meeting of the committee , that they , snould procure certain returns from thoBeUnions in which the rates had been reduced fifty per cent . This was objected to , on the ground that the returns would be too elaborate and too difficult to procure . He thea proposed-that they Bhould take those "Unions hi which the reductions had heen sixty per cent ., and the first
three on the list of this description being Ampthiu , Bedford , and Wobura , the committee ordered the returns from those Unions . He ( Mr . Fielden ) sent two men down into Bedfordshire , to make inquiries as to the condition of the people whom the returns showed to be deprived of parochial reueP undeTthe new law ; and he was in hopes that the committee would have gone into a full examination of the ratepayers and ' labourers of those Unions , as well as into the examination of Commissioners , Guardians , and Officers - of the new law . But he had been grievonsly disappointed . The House would find by looking at the evidence , that the committee' had been engaged no less than thirty-six days and a half in examining Commissioners and Guardians . Indeed , the Commissioner * the
alone had taken twenty days oj ^ of fifty-two days that the whole examination had taktBbp . Four days had been allotted to the medical inqniry ^ Teaving ten and a half days for the examination of witnesses against the law ; and thu notwithstanding nearly half a million of _ persons had petitioned against it , stating their reasons . The Commissioners , and the- Guardians too , were persons actually upon their trial . They were persons -who had been complained of ; ana the committee was or iginall y appointed for the purpose v ^ erta i"i ng whether thos e complain t 8 were just . ; Would the House be satisfied , would the country be satisfied , that mis committee had conducted an impartial examination , when it was found that thirty-six days and a half out of fifty-two nad been allotted to the examination of persons who were on their trial ?"
When a man deals , like Mr . Fielden , in sober facts , and not rhetorical flourishes or trumperv declamation , it is superflous to eemmeut on his statements . They speak too plainly for themselves . No person who reads this extract can fail to see that the Committee's examination , was a most foul and one-sided affair . Instead of allottine thirty-six and a half days out of fifty-two to the examination of Commissioners and Guardians these patties ought not to have been examined at all .
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They were , as Mr . FieldEn justiy observes , o « their trial , so that their proper place , if brought into Court at all , was the dock and hot the ¦ witnessbox . Their evidence is therefore no more admissible in foro conscientio !) than 'frould be t $ at of Dr . Poqbe and the Officers in respect of the Boseuden ¦ Wood Massacre of which they were the perpetrators . I say m foro conscjen < i " ce , for though law and conscience ought always to go hand in hand , it is unfortunately but too notorious that they have long since been divorced in this ( as Old Glory calls it , ) " favoured land . " The proper parties to be examined before the Poor Law Committee were the
rate' payers on the one hand , and the immured paupers ^ on the other . The rate-payers have aright to see that their ^ funds are , not improperly lavished upon either Commissioners or paupers . The paupers have a right to good substantial food , goodclothing good beds , good aii , and all the decent comforts compatible with their situation . The Commissioners and Guardians are appointed by thepublic to see justice done between ¦ ¦ these ; parties . Instead of causing justice to bedone , they have provoked the complaints of both parties by their injustice . To ascertain whether these complaints were just was the object of
the Committee . The Committee was therefore a sort of tribunal or court sitting in judgment on the Commissioners and Guardians . If the latter had exercised their functions in such a wayastogive satisfaction to both rate-payers and paupers , they could not fail to have witnesses in their favour from both . If they had benefitted either at the expense of the other , they were still sure to have the evidence of one side . If they had caused a just reduction or saving in the rates they were sure to have the rate-payers with them . If they had promoted the comforts of the poor , ( although to the detriment of the rate-payers , )
they were sure to have the poor with them . In any case but one they could not have failed to have witnesses enough in their favour . That one is the supposition that they had dealt improperly by both rate-payers and paupers . In such a case they could have no witnesses in their behalf but themselves and their minion-tools—the participators of their tyranny and malversations . Now it is precisely in this plight—in this odious and I disreputable plight—that the Commissioners
and Guardians must have found themselves . Since , in order to find a justification for their conduct , their patrons ( the Committee ) were obliged to make them witnesses in their own cause , and thus ,, as it were , tofoand their verdict upon the evidence of the inculpated parties themselves ! "What a trial and what a court ! In no other country than this could such a mockery of justice take place . A report or verdict , got up under such circumstances , can be no other jthan a foul and impudent imposition on the public .
But look to . Mr . Fielden's other statements . I said in my letter last week , that the design of the New Poor Law Act was not « o much to reduce rates , as to reduce wages . I said that if fully carried into effect , it would reduce the latter , at least , sixpence a day , or three shillings a week ( on the average ) all over the kingdom , a . s it has already done in parts of Kent , and Essex . Three shillings a week is £ 7 16 s . a year , and supposing only 4 , 000 , 000 persons to suffer such reduction , the total reduction would be upwards of £ 33 , 000 , 000 sterling per annum , besides the reduction in rates . Now
what says Mr . Fielden . His facts do actually exceed my calculations , and this notwithstanding that the Act has not yet heen half-executed . He has shown upon the authority of his opponents themselves—on that of a farmer named Overman , for instance , ( vice-chairman of the Ampthill board , ) whose evidence was intended to prove a rise in wages caused by the Act , that the very reverse has taken place in the Ampthill Union . He has shown that instead of wages having risen in that Union , ( as Mr . Overman pretended before the Committee , ) they have actually fallen from 25 to 37 £ per cent ., measured in wheat or food . Overman pretended
that wages had risen , because in 1 S 34 he had given only £ 77 o 13 s . 4 d . in wages , whereas he had , 1337 and 1838 , given £ 8 G 9 14 s . But Overman wished the fact to be overlooked , that in the former case he had employed only thirteen boys and twenty men , whereas , in the latter years , he had employed twenty-six men and eleven boy * . This made a difference of just eleven-pence a week , ( against the New Poor Law Act , ) measured in money . And then there was the price of wheat which Overman had also overlooked . This brought the difference to what I have stated , namely to between 25 and 37 $ per , cent . of reduction on the wages of 1834 . But hear Mr . Fielden himself . His statement shows
the infamous manner in which Committees get up reports to gull the public . "As Mr . Overman and his table were cited in the report as the proof of an advance in wages , he ( Mr . Kielden ) proposedan amendment to that part ol the report , which he would read to the House . It was aa follows : —' That so far from the real interests of all classes haying been , consulted by the Administration of the Poot Law Amendment Actj as expressed in page twenty-five of ' Qua . report , the interests of the poor have suffered by the withdrawal of relief and the reduction of wagea , as appears by the evidence ( 15 , 305 , 15 , 318 , 15 , 361 , Ceeley ; and 16 , ij 2 , and 16 , 474 , Raw-son ; and 14 , 345 , 14 , 349 ; 14 / 335 . 14 . 354 , 14 , 370 , 14 , 479 , and 14 , 480 , Overman ) .
The statement of weekly wages paid for farm , labour during four years by Air . T . W ; : 0 verman , accompanied by the list of labourers in his ftmployment , from . July , 1834 , to July , 1835 , and from July , 1837 , to July , 1838 , in the former of which years he had ' twenty men and thirteen boys , and in . the latter twenty-six-men ana eleven boys , shows the following result . In this calculation 5 s . per week only are allowed for . the boys in both years , although Mr » Overman , inhis evidence , ( 14 , 378 ) says boys ' wages had been advanced . 1834 and 1835 . £ . a . d . Thirteen boys , each 52 weelf 8 , or C 76 weeks for one boy , at 5 a .......................... 169 0 0 Twenty men , each 52 weeksj or 1 , 040 weeks for oneman , at 11 s . 8 d ......................... 606 13 4 » ^ 775 13 4 Amount paid , as per Mir . Overman's statement - j £ " 775 6 1 1837 and 1838 . uf . s . a Eleven boys , each 52 weeks , or 572 weeks for one boy . at 5 s .. ^ ... ; ..... ,. 143 0 0 Twenty-six men , each 52 weeks , or 1 , 352 weeks for one man , at 10 s . 9 d ......., 726 14 0
^ " 869 0 Amount paid as per Mr . Overman ' s statement ^ 870 8 0 A reduction of labourers' wages in money , of from lls . 6 d . perweek , in 1834-5 , to 10 s , 0 d . per week in 1837 .-8 , or eight per cent ., Is thus aW *" by Mr . Overman's statement ; and lls . 8 d . would buy the labourer 129 } pints of wheat , at the average p rice of wheat per quarter , ( 46 s . 2 d >) during the year 1834 ; whereas , 10 s . 9 d . wouldpurchase hiin only 99 pints of wheat at the average price ( 55 s . 9 d . ) during the year 1837 , being a decline in his command over wheat of 25 per cent ., and , taking wheat at the average price of the week ending 5 th of Jtilv last , his command over wheat then , as compared
withl § 34 , is reduced 37 J per cent ., and this has "been goins on under the operation of the New Poor Law , notwithstanding Mr . Oyerinan stated in his evidence that there is au increased demand for Labour ( 14 , 336 and 14 , 337 ) , no scarcity of work ( 14 , 132 and 14 , 467 ) , that , wagea have been advanced and the men . do more work , ( 14 , 183 , 14 , 185 , and 14 , 209 ) and that farming has not been so prosperous for many years as in 1837 ( 14 , 507 ) . ' He _ had moved this resolution , when complaining in the committee of the whole report , and he asked whether he had not a right to complain of such a delusive statement being sent forth to the country as that vrbjeh he had just pointed eat . "
Mr . Fieloen's speech abounds in well-authenticated facts , all tending to confirm the conclusions warranted by the foregoing extracts . For instance , Mr . RaWSON , a manufacturer , at Leicester , proved " That wages hadVheen reduced one-tkird since the NeivLaw came into operation , and he apprehended a contimied reduction . " Again Mr . Ceeley , a surgeon from Aylesbury (" whose evidence" says Mr . F ., "is well "worthy of being lead , " ) proved that a similar result had followed from the act in his neighbourhood . Mr . F . himself offered to prove that " good , honest , and industrious labourers , with their families , were now living upon threepence a-day per head , "—partly , if not mainly in consequence of the act . Even Assistant Commissioners
themselves had given evidence to the effect that in Somerset , Gloucester ^ and "Worcester , the wages of agricultural labourers did not average more than Is , 5 d , ' per head for themselves and families since
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the Act came into forces But it is needless to multiply examples . Let one more short extract speak for all . " He" ( Mr . Fielben)—had received letters from all parts of the country , from so far west as Barnstaple , and so far east as Norwich , from Carlisle , and from many places in the interior of the country , addressed to him by magistrates , clergymen , guardians of boards , and by tradesmen , all complainin ^ of the operation of this law , and all stating it to harc the effects which he had anticipated with dread , and which he had often stated to the house . " Now , Gentlemen , was I right , or was I wrong when I said that if this act were fully
earned out , " it would confiscate the property of labourers to the amount of aji least thirty millions annually—in other words then it would rob the work people of more than £ 30 , 000 , 000 sterling every year , to be transferred into the pockets of landlords and profit mongers , that is to say , into the pockets of the represented , at the expense of the unrepresented And have our legislators any right to enforce such a law ? Have they a right to' legislate our money into their own pockets , and to call us " seditious , " u violent , " u disturbers of law and order , " and so forth , for resisting them ? "Would our rulers suffer themselves to be rohbed
with impunity ? No I—they would resist it to the death . "Well , let us go and do likewise * Let us do , to the best of our ability , what our rulers themselves would do , if placed by us in similar circumstances . Let us resist the law by every possible means consistent with the safety of the people , which is the supreme law . £ 30 , 000 , 000 a « year is no
trifle . It is just three times the entire rental of Ireland . ' If we resist the law , with success , we shall have saved in ten years what would more than purchase the fee-simple interest of all the landed property in Ireland . If we do not , we shall have lost as much by the expiration of that time . Surely this is worth struggling for . But no more , till we hear what OaSTLeu has to say on the matter .
The London Radicals are very anxious to . see your account of the Great Birmingham Meeting . The London papers , I need not tell you , have either altogether Burked , of shamefully travestied and vilified it . The Advertizer had a report of it , on the following day , ( Tuesday , ) but the report was a very indifferent one , —a circumstance , perhaps , owing to the unavoidable haste in which it was got
up . The Chroniclers ( of the same day ) was shortened , but better than the Advertiser ' s . It did not , like the latter , make most of the speakers , talk broken metaphors and rank nonsense . Most of the evening papers abridged their accounts from the Chronicle ' s ; but , with the exception of the Sun , they all threw dirt and odium on the " demonstration , " The Globe in particular distinguished itself in this
way . Such a farrago of contradictory , and , in some parts , unintelligible stuff as the " ball of dirt * " let fly on the occasion , it would be vain to look for out of its own columns . It was also rich in had grammar , but that is no novelty in the Globe . The Times ' s account ( which did not appear till this morning ) is thus introduced— " This account reached us yesterday morning , but we did not think it worth the while to stop the press for stick a mass of . outrageous Radicalism . " After such an introduction , your readers may guess the sort of report furnished by what was once the great trumpeter of " Brummagem" politics in the palmy days of "Whiggery and Newhall hill . We are all anxious for your report .
With respect to what is going on at Maidstone , I hare only room to say that Lord Denman delivered an infamous charge to the Grand Jury yesterday . According to that charge , the friends of COUHTENAY are murderers , —and . the New Poor Law Act is " a law which tends so signally to the alleviation of the distresses , arid extends relief so largely to the poorer and more unfortunate classes
of society , that— " &c . &c . &e . What may we expect after that ? Most probably the accused will be found guilty of murder , with a recommendation . of mercy from the jury ; and the Whigs , to show' their merciful bearings , will commute the sentence to transportation for life . Yours , &c . BKONTERRE . • Cobbett's old name for the Globe .
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Barnriley . —Mr . Hill -will have great pleasure in meeting his friends at Barnsley , on the 21 s / inst . Mr . Wiley has had all the Portraits due . Mr . Dean must apply to him for them . Working-Men ' s Association Sutton in Ashfield . — Their letter shall be handed to Mr . O'Connor on his return to Leeds . Morian . — -We are sorry we omitted to notice this communication last week . We have had an article prepared on the subject to which it refers some time , but could not find room for its insertion . Mr . Darken ' s Portraits of Andrew Marvel were forwarded to Mr . Hetherington .
Wan . Marshall . —This letter was overlooked last week . Its subject is now stale . ' George Simpson , Blacteburn . — We are astonished at Mr . Simpsori ' s behaviour . We received , a , letter from him , requesting his account to be sent , vihich was attended to : we have also sent another letter to him , both of which letters have been returned to our office refused . Mr . Simpson will oblige us by "emitting the amount due to the office immediately . A few Democrats . —We thank them for their good opinion . Our columns are so constantly filled with sentiments precisely similar to those in their
address , that they must excuse our inserting it . As for the fellow and the church 'tis a very ordinary case—one which will constantly recur until the people get sense enough to throw all such fellows overboard and work for themselves . General Meeting . — We have received a letter from the Working Men ' s Association at Middleton , stating their cordial approbation of the project agreed to on the \ Uh at Unsworth , for a general meeting of the surrounding townships .
To the Oastler Committee . —From you j or from some friend in Huddersjleld , I have received a circular , being a copy of an address published in the Northern Star , respecting a proposed National Subscription for that friend of the people—that father of the oppressed , Richard Oastler . I have only to say . that so far as the services of a working man can be of use , the friends of the " oldfashioned Tory" may , inthis great act of national jxistice , rely upon the hcaity exertions of their democratic friend , ¦ GEORGE JULIAN HARNEY , -
T.Eeds And West-Riding News
T . EEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS
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Hand-loom Weavers' ' Commission ; - — The Corainissioners . o ' f enquiry relative to the condition , of the hand-loom weavers opened their Court on Tuesday morning , last , but in consequence . of there being no parties present to give evidence , the Court was adjourned to six o'clock oh the same evenings The Commissioners , proceeded with their enquiries on Wednesday , and again at six . o ' clock : on Thursday evening . Nothing , however , of much importance has been further elicited , while all the evidence tends to depict the miserably distressed condition of the poor Hand Loom Weavers .
Meeting of Beersellers . MDn Thursday evening last , a meeting of the BeeraaDers , residing in Leeds , was held at the Public Sifiy for ' the purpose of petitioning parliament against the New Beer Bill of Lord Brougham . Business commenced at about eight o ' clock . There was a very good attendance ; the number of beersellers present would be from eighty to one hundred ; Mr . Royston was unanimously called to the chair . ~ He introduced the business by stating the objects of the meeting , and poke of the partiality of Government in protecting the Licensed Victuallers and oppressing the beersellers . Mr . Rogerg , the secre tary of the society , in moving the first resolution , read a communication which he had received from London , stating that a deputation of beersellers had waited upon Lord Melbourne and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer , to ascertain their opinion of the probable success of Lord Brougham ' s Bill , and that that opinion was decidedly favourable to the interests of the beersellers . It also intimated that a number , of delegates of the licensed victuallers had been in London for a considerable time , and were uiirig their utmost influence with several members of parliament to prejudice their minds against the beersellers . After he had finished the reading of the letter , Mr . Rogers adverted to the necessity of the beersellers being sufficiently awake to their own interests , reminding them that the opponents with whom they had to contend were . those whose interests were at stake . He expressed his surprise at theconduct of Lord Brougham in introducing this bill , and was still more astonished that the Duke of
Wellington should have promised his support to that measure , promise by which he had virtually bastardized the child of his own creation . ( Hear , hear . ) Though , during the present session , nothing of importance might be done in this question , it was almost certain that early in the ensuing , session a deadly blow would , be : struck at the interests of the beersellers . Knowing this , it would depend entirely upon the exertions of the beersellers : themselves , whether they stood or fell . If the question were regarded in another point of view , be might state , during the year 1837 , 45 , 000 licenses were taken out . The beersellers who tqbk out these licences ,
with the brewers which they would create , would amount to about 50 , 000 persons who had embarked more or less property in the trade . Some had invested their hundreds , some their fifties , and some twenties , of pounds ; and taking the average amount of money invested by each at £ 40 , there would thus be a destruction of property to the amount of £ 2 , , 000 ^ all of which had been invested on the faith of an Act of the Legislature . ; Buttbis was not all ; many persons depended for their maintenance entirely from tke profits of the trade ; and supposing this Bill to pass , it would , taking the children of the 45 , 000 persons into the account , deprive about 200 , 000
persons of the means of obtaining a livelihood , and might . probably reduce them to a state of beggary and starvation . ( Hear , hear . ) These reasons , he thought , were amply sufficieat to induce not only himself but all beersellers to support the resolution which he tad risen to move . Several others of the trade addressed the meeting , ( which we should have before observed was entirely composed of beersellers , ) rebutting the charge so unjustly urged against them , that all the crime committed in . the land originates in the beerhouses , and earnestly recommending ajl interested in the business to be united for the protection of their own interests . After the addresses were
finished , the Secretary intimated that therehad been a Beersellers' Society formed for the mutual protection of each other against common informers , &c , and that by paying Is . entrance , and id . per week , they might always have funds for the engagement of an attorney when any of them were charged with an infraction of the law . It was announced that the weekly meetings of the Society were held every Thursday evening , at the Victoria Tavern , North Town End ,: and all the beersellers were earnestly invited to become members of the . Society . Business being ended , a vote of thanks was given to the Chairman , - and the meeting separated ^
Foot Eace . — Wax v . Ink , —On Monday last , afoot race of 150 yards , for £ 25 a-side took place near Hajgh Park Race Course , on the Pontefract Road , between John Hodgson , shoemaker , of Sheffield , and Benjamin Clarksou , copper-plate-printer , of Leeds . . The former took the lead : in fine style , and frequently beckoned of his opponent to come forward . He beat his companioa with ease from ten to fifteen yards . Several wagers of 5 to 1 were bet upon the Sheffield man . The race was first intended to be run on the Huddefsfield road ; but owing to some delay occasioned by some of the parties ? , the competitors were prevented from trying their swiftness , by six policemen who came up , while the preparations were being made , and ordered them off the ground . We have not heard what reason was assigned for this interference .
Coach Accident . —Adjourned Inouest at Lofthouse Gate .-t-Oa Saturday last , the inquest touching the death of Mrs . Morallee , the lady who lost her life by the overturning of the Leeds and London Courier coach , was resumed , when the following additional evidence was placed before the jury . Mr . Barr , solicitor , of Leeds , attended on behalf of the proprietors of the Courier , and called witnesses to prove that it was not a common practice to lock coaches , for the parpose of descending Lofthouse Hill , and that Kowell , the coachman of the Courier , had done all he possibly could to avoid the catastrophe which unfortunately occurred ; the
only chance of safety being to pass the Express at all risks . Our readers will easily perceive where the evidence commences . Mr . Brown , of the firm of Harrison and Brown , solicitors , Wakefield , appeared to watch the proceedings on behalf of Mr . Morallee , the husband of the deceased lady . The evidence coacluded about six o ' clock ia the evening , Mr . Lee then remarked that it appeared quite clear that the deceased came to her end by the overturning of the Courier coach , but they would hare to take into consideration whether that , accident had occurred in consequence of an opposition between the two coaches . If they believed that the Courier had been overturned in consequence of the Express
designedly pulling up to retard its progress , it would be , their duty to find a verdict of wilful murder again st the coachman of the Express , but if the Courier had been overturned , by racing or careless driving , then they would have to find a verdict of manslaughter against Michael Howell , the coachman , of the Courier . Mr . Lee concluded \> y observing that the proprietors could only be punished by deodand or forfeiture , and commenting on the dangerous . practice of racing , and the duty of proprietors to find careful drivers , &c , The Jury consulted for about three quarters of an hour , and then returned a verdict of manslaughter against Michael Rowell , the Courier coachman , with a deodand of £ 50 upon the coach , and £ 50 upon the horses ana
harness . Sermons . —On Sunday last , two Sermons were preached in the Primitive Methodist preaching rooni r Bottoms , near Todmorden , in the Knowlwood circuit , by the Rev . J . Featherstone , of Wakefield , and collections made amounting to £ 11 17 s . Od ., in behalf of the Sunday School connected therewith . Boy Drown " ed . —A boy , between four and five years of age , son of Mr . James Scholfield ,. Joiner , &O ., of Todmorden , fell into the " river Calder , Todmorden , on Monday last , and was carried away by the current , and has riot been heard of since . The youth had on at the time , frock and trowsers , made of grey cotton and worsted mixture . He was of light complexion , and had red hair . A revf ard of One Guinea is offered to any one finding the body .
Northern Union . —The members of the above Union held their weekly meeting on Monday evening , at Mr . Standing ' s , Temperance Coffeehouse , and after the admission of several members . and several resolutions being passed , and a general plan of future operations being agreed to , the members proceeded to discuss the question which had been adjourned from their ; former meeting night , viz : — : ¦ " Will Universal Suffrage alone prscure for the working classes a better system ' of Government . " The discussion was kept up with much spirit until the hour of departure , when it was unanimously agreed , " that no system of Government can confer any lasting or permanent benefit on : the people without also giving them a good moral and political as well as religious education . " It is intended to cause lectures and dissertations on the
science of Government to be read from time to time . This society is in a flourishing condition , and is composed of that portion of working men who prefer the cultivation . of their minds and the . attainment of knowledge to the pot-house and jerry lords .
To Readers & Correspondents.
TO READERS & CORRESPONDENTS .
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IiEEPS . Pocket Picking . —On Monday , Eliz . Monro , was brought up at the Court House , charged with baring , on Saturday night , p icked the pocket of William Wray of 4 s . 6 d ., at a lodging-house in the Boot and Shoe Yard , in Kirkgate , Leeds . She was apprehended shortly afterwards with a similar amount and description of coin m her possession . She was committed for trial to the VVtkeneld House of Correction .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 11, 1838, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct528/page/4/
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