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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th June 1843, Edition 2 of 5, Page 7

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      SOUSE OF COMMONS . —Ruday , Jchb 16 . In&fl Hosse of Cbmmtms , 8 ome « oiWBiBaaon arose jrfpecJing the Stade Unties , and tb » present state of obx sa tiations with- ^ Hanover respecting fiiezn . The distance of the replies ol Sir ^ Robert Pad and Mr . ^ jjadstone fo quesHons asked by lord Palmerston , Dr . 2 $ owring , and 2 ffit Sett , to , lhai Blatters stfll jemained indefinite and unsettled , though the British { jovanmeiii-vonia probaby soon be induced to male ^ itsxnlcd on the subject . 3 i 3 Enncess Aiujubu * s Annuity BUI -was proposed for a second reading , on-which loriHosiCE suggested ike propriety or making some prcmsian for tba i&mily of his late Hoyal Bighnfiss the Dnke of Snssex . He did set expect any present answer to Ms proposition , and none was

      TSx . Hume then saia that ie should take a dmaon to the second Madii-g of the BilL A division accordingly took place , -when there appeared For thB seoond leading ..... , „ 141 . Against it— ... „„ .. .., „„ 37 Majority 104

      IRISH ARMS BLLi . 33 js adjourned debate on lie Irish Arm * BUI was lesBmed iy 3 fc Smm as Cra-wfokd , -who traced the discontent of the tenantry to their treatment fey the landlords , and pressed on the < 3 overme 3 t the import snee cf undertaking some remedy &r their wrongB and jnfierings . 31 r . Xekbot defended the Irish landlords , and expressed Iris xegret that they should be msde the subject of constant atttek . 21 i . Basisg "Waxx was satisfied that If the 6 o-TencmEnt wonld announce its intention of -governing Ireland en conciliatory instead of coercive measures , it wonld do more to repress agitation than snythiBg thfiy conld attempt . He liighly disapproved of aie preseni Mil , which was inopportnne acd injflflirifins .

      Hi . Phtt . tp Howjlrd , viewing the bill as -uncon jfitntionsl , could not support it . He hoped it would te referred to a select committee , in order to be resnodellfid . Mr . T- Stnart remarked upon the fact , that the Catholic majority of Ireland had been long governed by jfce Protestant -minority . A "want of confidence was the jastnral result of this state of things . But though Jjs disapproTed of sny thing ¦ which -would have the tendency of placing Ireland under -nmrHiti lair , he would rapport the Arms Bill in its present stage , beesnsB he felt that it -was required , merely reserving to trrnsfftf the light of supporting all amendments in ¦ committee which would remore or ~"" t * g * vh » its objec tionable previsions .

      Us . Bedisgtos considered iliB present stats of Ireland to be due to the policy of the present Government If Jaws were passed for the benefit of landlords , they , should also do something towards teaching the landlords what -were their duties . The present BQl ¦ revived unconstitulionsl enactments , not justified by any of the previous Bills of more recent date . The Irish members were ungenerously taunted with baring assented to preceding JLrms Bills j bnt their successful efforts against coercive measures were forgotten , as 'well as the fact that , tinder the administration of a frfcndly Executive , they had been compelled , by the opposition of Sir Bobert Peel and his supporters , to adopt measures -pilch they would otherwise have resisted .

      Hi . Escott believed Oat the real cause of the present state cf Ireland , as compared with what it was under the Whigs , arose from the fact that the present GoTemment did sot choose to place the patronage of that country at the disposal of Mr . OtkameU . 33 i . Sergeant Hubpht contended that Hie discontent of the Irish people arose from a conviction of real and substantial wrongs . Coupled with the fact of the dismissal of Magistrates , in whom the people bad confidence , the probability -sras , that the present bill would fend to arm the Protestants , and to disarm the Catholies . He would oppose any Arms Bill , whether proposed by

      whig to Tory ; and he could not conceive that this was a time for such a measure , when it had been inccntestably proved that crime in Ireland 'was steadDy desreasing . It ga-ye a power to the Magistracy which could hardly escape abusa ; in illustration of which he told a remarkable instance , in which the mother of a family , in the absence of her husband , had bees transported en the charge of concealing arms—a fact which droTB fcsr-husband to the " wad justice of levenge , " by which bis own life and that t > f the committing Magistrate -were sacrificed . The only mode of abating the Bepeal agitation was to wipe stray ail iniidioDBl&WBfrom fheatatntebodk , and place Englisbmen and Irishmen on a footing of perfect equality .

      Colonel CasoiXT looked upon the Bepeal agitation asinyolTing a crusade against property . It seemed to him that *^» p circumstances of Ireland imperatively cafled for such a Bill as the present Mr . Tutte . conceded the point that an Arms BQl was required for Ireland , but did not think that it should contain so many penal _ proTi « ions as the prtsent one . Se deprecated the exa ggerated statementa respecting the numbers attending B « peal mee ^ ngs in Ireland , which were - calculated to excite unnecessary alarm ; irsrm his own knowledge , be knew that the 2 Juliingai meeting , which "was said to have been attended by nearly 200 , 000 individuals , could sot have comprised more than-12 , 000 . Penal measures ought ts be preceded hv conciliatory o « es ; and these he would support , come from "trhat Government they might .

      S 5 r Hobeet Peel adverted to the story told by Mr . Sergeant ilnrpfcy , which occurred twenty-eight years ago , when ts was Chief Secretary of Ireland . A magistrate , -who bad taken an active part in bringing in-¦ dividu&ls to justice in a case of gross outrage , was murdered by a -conspiracy formed against Trim ; a reward of five thousand pounds was offered for the discovery of the mnrdersrs ; the individual who bad organised the conspiracy became the informer , and he - { Sir Bfibert Peel } had himself paid two thousand pounds to the betrayer of those whom he bad seduced into the crime , and had been threatened by him with an action of damages for not havin ? paid the remainder . Gases like this rather strengthened the argu . "w >« t » in favour of the BQl , which was not intended for any political object , but to secure the rights and safety of the people .

      Mr . Eoebtck overlooked the fact that the present KB was a renewal of previous enactments- The law "was temporary , snd on « ach re-enactment it was expedient that a caseskouH be made out for the measure . The itx&B of Ireland did sot at present justify any extraordinary measure ; and the bill was simply perni-< cious . Under it a rmm might get bis amis branded with the name ol an unsuspecting neighbour , and having committed murder , contrive that the blame should fall -on the innocent individual . The whole country " » ss one vast ganiBon ; the people felt that they were oppressed , not only ~ bj distinctions , but by measures * hich wers an insult as "well as an injury . ThBCburch 'Was the cancerous sore , the great abomination , of lie-Jandj and though , doubtless , they "were excited by-de-Jnagojnes who converted pnbBc ; wTong into private advantage , the causes -of their discontects were real and

      s&bstsat&L Reverse the cases place the Orangeman under the Homan Catholic " priesthood , and compel him ta support the gorgeeUB Church of Some , from which he derived so advantage , and we should speedily hear an outcry from the Consllys , converted into O'Connells . Sr Bobert Peel had been drasged into a blunder , in commencing a war "with magistrates for attending meettnga to discuss a subject which t&ey had as much rigbt to entertain as the House to argue tbe question sow iefore them . Here he was , on the Hoor of the House of "Gommons , declaring , in language not to be TnistaTren , fiatbe washed the downfal of the Church of Ireland : was that a sufficient cause for depriving him of any honour -which he possessed , or to interfere with his ^ rights ? looking to the circumstances of the country sa the verge of a convulsion , he believed that tbe most BOBchievons measure which conld be passed was tbs Irish Arms B 51 L

      fir Ja 3 ees op » w > v contrasted the topics unfed ¦* 5 Ui the motion on 'which they were advanced . Not Oaly in Ireland , -with all ths accompaniments of ^ nartJal preparatioii , but in tbe House , the destruction o * the Church of Ireland was insisted on * - as a condi-^ snoTpsace ; from -wltence lie drew so axguHieiit as tolhe expediency and xtecesatj ol tbe bill , in order to the due maintenance of law and order . Addressing Jfisadf to the statistics of y . r-Pi « ot , in his speech of ^ fi previous evening , he addnced figures to show that relatively to the population , crime was much more ^ bBBdant in Ireland '*>« ti in Bnglasd ; -and adverfiug to the large measures of concession or conciliation which fcaTe been passed since the Act of Emancipation , raised

      ^ kred that Hie great guesfiocs imadei-taJly as k > the Protestant church , fixity of ttnure , said so forth , » ae faii » o important to be ^ iscnsBed casually on a * noSon Kke the present He , and olher advocates oJ ^ ihoSc Emandpatibn , had « ipport 3 d it , on the understanding fhnx the £ stabB £ bed Church was hereby ^^ dEred ^ noresecnre . Tet aeb the position at which *» b bad j » ow arrived , when , after concQi&tton in lre-™ ialad been carried to its utmost extent , it was said «» t nothing but the overthrow of the Protestant Church , ano . " 2 xLty ol tenure" would sstisiy the de-^ Saaos of Jh » Roman Catholics . Confining bimseJ xa fi » MH before the House , and looking to the tadsting *^ eof Ireland , he anticipated-that it wonld be car-» ed by an overwhelming majority .

      2 * ttL 3 ohn BtsSjKtLconldsot refuBfrto the present G&nxBtEeat po- » ers which le himself , as a member of j ke late Government , "bxA felt W be necessary . But " ^ so xeason for giving sew and extraordinary powers , sucn as were asketi by Represent Bill The ^* etii ol Sir James- feiham conveyed tbe imprtssion * t he conaaered the Roman Catholics were nuS itffi-^^ Qj gratefuLfcr thecoccessions wbichba-2 been maue ^ them . Snch an opinion , coming from a Cabinet T ™ a * tsr , would make a deep impresaon . The Whig ^ tniments of 1806 and 1 S 35 , in renewing the Arms f * U " , iad ^ pynrnp ^ T , ^ them with prepoidBons for the ^ prpvement and ^ Felfaxe of Ireland * : s ^ d tht late ' T 3 TE rj 3 ment had laboured to bestow an thai eonisUy the ^ ae nnnucrpal frauchise as that cf EtgiSfid , as well ** ooter beaeaeial enaetments ; but tfcty -ev-re rtsistwi , y ^ after year , tmt ^ they were slsd to secure for the

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      Iriifcpeople what they had done . Fixity of tenure was a -way captivating phrase , and calculated to exeite the P «^ le ^ h fallacipui exptctatJonai stiU the snbject wa » * nefit for consideration . England ana Scotland had each a Church establishment foi the ^ majority of tDelr respecHve i » pnlstion «; and if they were to Jf *^ . fcJ analogy ; fiie Itoman CattooKc Chureh JoaW be estsfcliahed in Ireland . Had his appropriation measure been adopted , he believed it wonia iiave been beneficial ; as it -was , their course was encompassed with difficulties . He wonld raise the Bxanan- Gatholie Chnrch , sot depress the Protestant issQiuishmtnt ; butsobody could affirm that the present condition of the ecclesiastical establishment of

      Ireland rested on a permanent basis . Lord Eliot had refused personal compliments , at file expense of the Government Trim which he "Was connected . 'In tbit case-, he was compelled to say , that the Government was wholly nnfitted to manage Ireland in the diffl . cult circumstances in which it found itself placed The Government might vaunt thai it had a great majority in the House , but in doing so it but imitated ttie bad example of Mr . O'Connell , when he turned the people against the " Saxon . " He hoped that the Government instead of imitating the spirit of either the iord High Chancellor or the Homo Secretary , wonld think better of their high duties , and preserve to the Crown the affection of the loyal Irish people .

      iord STA 5 XBT charged iord Jobs Russell with the gnilt of throwing the great weight o / Mb character into the critical circumstances of Ireland , and thereby inuamiT ^ g an excitable people to madness , for the mere sake of gratifying his spirit of opposition against the Government . If the people of Ireland bad not hitherto been treated en a footing of equality , Lord John Russell must bear his share of tbe responsibility and fee blame , reeing that when the Eeform Bill was passing , he had joined in resisting all attempts to extend the franchise . Baa own celebrated Franchise Bffl r which was the stalking horse of the Tory party when In opposition , he protested was not Ironght forward in a party spirit ; and nothing more surprised him

      than to find it converted into an engine of party contention , ^ Lord John Russell found fault with the Church in Ireland , but was sot prepared to bring forward a motion on it , though Mr . Ward and Mr . Boebuck avowed that they were ready to do so . He wished that the motion were made , in order to see how they stood upon that subject The wealth and the property of the United Kingdom were in favour of the present Government ; and in the midst of much of invectiva , no accusation had been preferred by Lord John Russell which rested on any very intelligible grounds ; and he trusted that the Houbo would ge into committee on the Arms BUI , in order to give a due consideration to its provisions .

      . Mr . Mob . e CFbbiuxl affirmed that the Irish Catholics had acquiesced in the accession of the present Government to power ; if they had not felt it tiieir duty to support it , they at least had sot , given it any factious opposition . But the ^ "fimffnty of Sir James Graham , In his speech of that evening , were not deserved by tha Iriah Catholics , and were calculated to create great excitement in Ireland . It was not Catholics who , in the course of the debate ; had recommended the abrogation of the Established Church . Sir Cha&les Sapieb moved the adjournment , of the debate , on which a division was called for ; when there appeared—For the adjournment ... .... ... 67 Against it ... „ . ... 235 Majority 1 € 8 Captain Berkeley then explained Ms reasons for his vote .

      Mr . Gisbob ?> - £ next moved the adjournment of the debate . Mr . M . J . O'Cossell , whs had been alluded to by Lord Stanley , said it was mf ^ y to place him in the position of either eulogist or apologist of Mr . OConnell ; but whatever might be considered the violence of his distinguished relative ' s expressions , they could not do more TrtintibiRf than tbe expressions which had been fisefl bj Sir James Gbahajh that evening . ; Mr . Philip Howajbd also repelled the insinuations conveyed in Sir J . Graham ' s speech . SirH . W . BaBBON also termed Sir James Graham ' s language " insulting" to his country and his Catholic fellow-countrymen . Sir Jakes G&ahah asked for a specification of the expressions which were alleged against him as insulting .

      Mr . P . Howard said that Sir James Graham had itmnnaled that the Catholic nobility and gentry had violated their oaths . Sir H . TV . Babron , Mr . " Wtsb , and Lord Clements cod firmed this as their impression of the meaning of the language employed . Sir James Graham disclaimed all intention of conveying any such impression . Mr . Rebi > gtos said that the cabs tone and quiet manner of Jsir James Graham had in some measure removed the indignant feeling which he had originally felt . The G'Cosob Dos also accepted the explanation . The debate was then adjourned . Mokdat , Juke 19 .

      Sir Robert Peel in reply to Mr . Hindley , expressed his strong sympathy with the Regent of Spain , who , in the midst of many difficulties , had acted up to tbe responsibilities of bis high station ; and should lie be driven from power , he wonld still have the consolation of knowing that he had mainly contributed to lay the foundations of constitutional Government in Spain . Mr- Febbaxd moved for reSnrns of the names of peisoss who save been appointed governors of the Stipton Union Workhouse during the last two years , with tha reasons why they resigned , or were dismissed from the office ; also a copy « f all communications addressed to , or received from the Poor Law Cominisfiioners by the Board cf Guardians , relating to any charges brought against Mr . C . Mottram , master of the said Union Workhouse , with the proceedings of the

      board thf reon ; of the names and ages of all inmates of tbe said Union Workhouse ( as well as of the names of their parents ) who are now , or who have been employed in any factory since the 1 st day of January last , with the number of hours per day they have be « n compelled to work , as well as of the amount of their wages , and of the names of the persons to whom the same have been pai £ ; and stating wbether the owner of the factory is a member of the said Board of Guardians , and whether the employment of the said inmates was sanctioned by the Board of Gnardiana , by the Poor Law Commissioners , or by any Assistant Poor Law Commissioner . Also , a copy of all contracts for food , clothing , coals and timber , which have been entered into by the said Board of GuardianB , since the formation of the Union , with any member , or with any one in partnership with any number of the said board . Ordered .

      HOW TO " MANAGE" PETITIONS . In reply to Mr Hindley , Sir James Ghaham said that the Government'intended to proceed with the Factories' Bill , though the omission of tbe educational clauses would render some alteration of the details necessary . Accordingly , a motion was made by Sir James Graham , that the House should go into committee ^ in order to introduce the necessary details ; but Mr- C&BiSTOfBSB . said he had to call tbe attention of tbe House to SSsulgect involving a gross breach of the privileges of tbe House , anda great abuse of the right of petitioning , which wonld , he thought , be deemed sufficient to justify the motion with which he meant to conclude . It would be recollected that on the 9 tbi of

      May last the Hon . Member for Preston had presented what purported to be a petition from the inhabitants of Hepwortb , a purely agricultnral parish in Lincolnshire , containing a prayer to the effect , that " although the petitioners "were inhabitants of an agricultural district , tb ^ y felt the corn and provision laws to be greatly iijurions ; a » d , believing them to be the cause of the existing distress , they prayed that they might be repealed , as arbitrarily and oppressively interfering with the wise and benefieient designs of Providence , and tending to deprive the people of their < lai 3 y bread . " 2 f ow , whether from publication in thB papers , oi from some other notice , the inhabitants of Hep worth became acquainted

      with tbe fact of such a pretended petition having been presented , and a public meeting was held , at which a counter petition was prepared , to tbe effect that the former one " had been a forgery , and that the owners and occupiers of the parish wished for an inquiry into the circumstances attending the p « p ~ tiation of the fraud , which had now become too common , ana by which the opinions of -constituencies -aere too often thus misrepresented . " At first he declirsed lo prestnt *> uch petition , and , requesting further evidence , the vesiry-clerk " of the parish ( with whicb be had be * n in connexion for upwards : of thirty yesre ) had s « -Bt up a " daclaration" < in place of

      an afihdaviT ) m- <

      Sir G- STJUCKX ^ JiD sa id , on receiving notice of , lie C 5 rcuBu > ta ces bt » had of course made inquiries , and had f mud that he had net received the petition from ; the London Asti-Coxn Law Association , butfrom a similar asiocianon as BoBcaster—tfTonical cnes of Hear , >^ T n He bad written to some of the parties whose ^ es vere to the petition , and their replies confirmed ^ tatea > eDti . of tbe Hon . Gentleman— ihear , hear ) . H ^ bad aWo received a letter from the secretary to ] the 7 n ^ n ,,-n Law Association at Doncaster , which stated ta SX-xe " that the person who had t * ten the peti-« ™ Wewwortb had been recommenced to them as a £ ^ fwe ^^' m .-Dicalerit * ofiear ; ,-and tbathe ^ ^ eD ilTth 7 f ud- ( hea T ) -aadii . that nafct of ? L buwb bb bad obtained were given under a promise

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      wat he would not disclose them for that they were fearful of the fact being discovered— - ( hear ) . Nor was this confined to Hepworth ; forj it had been found that agricnlturists generally had been afraid to sign each petitions—( hear )—so abject vris the bondage In which they ¦ were held—( ironical cries of hear , bear , and oh , oh !) The secretary « aia t further , ^ that he did sot know what motives could have induced the person they employed to commit snch a fraud-Hironical cheers )—and that they had carefnlly cautioned him against obtaining other than iona fide signatures —( continued ironical cheers )—sor could they imagine how he could have found time in one day to forge 119 signatures—fa laugh , and hear , The smtt Corn Law League . could have no wish to screen Bach persons —( hear , hear ;)—bnt it was proper to put the saddle on the right horse— ( loud cries of hear , hear ) —and thinking that a ommittee might nave the effect of discovering some facts - important in the case , he should snpport the motioni-fhear , hear ) . The motion was accordingly carried .

      THE KING GE HANOVER . Mr . Blewitt rose , according to notice , to put a question of the deepest importance to her Majesty ' s Attorney-General It respiected the extraordinary position occupied by the King- of Hanover , who , while by birth owing allegiance to the British Crown , and moreover a peer of Parliament and a Field-Marshal , also exercised the rights of aa independent , if not arbitrary , monarch abroad . It did not appear possible how his Majesty could exercise properly rights so utterly at variance . As a peer of fthe British Parliament he claimed the right of sitting in the House of Lerds , and of intruding on the councils of the Executive , — ( laughter , ) while , aB a Marshal in the British army , he might claim the privilege of leading the troops of this

      country— . ( laughter )—even when at war with it .- { Loud laughter . ) Hon . &anttemen might lough—( hear )—but the very absurdity of the thing was hie chief complaint That admirable constitutional lawyer , Blackstene , in his Commentaries , laid it d » wn that by changing his country a British subject wonld not change his allegiance ; and again , that the peera of Parliament were the hereditary councillors of the Crown , and as such had a right to advise it on all matters important to the . public wtlfara So anomalous was tbe King ' s position , that it had been said that the Bake of Wellington had declined his Majesty ' s proxy when oifta-ed . In conclusion , the Hon . Gentleman said he hoped tbe Learned Gentleman would not forget his oath of office , —( laughter , )—and sot answer , or decline to answer , from " fear , favour , or affection" —( Laughter ) . The Hon . Member then referred to his question , which stood thus upon the

      ? otes : — "On the motion for reading the order of the day , to ask a qnestion 6 f Her Majesty's Atterney-General whether , in his opinion , it is consistent with the constitution and the conflicting duties of His Hanoverian Majesty , as King of Hanover and Duke of Cumberland , that his said Majesty shonld take his seat in the House of Lords and exercise his right as a peer of tbe realm and councillor of the Queen . In cafe the Attorney-General should decline to answer that qnestion , to move as an amendment to tbe motion for reading tha onJer of the day , that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty , praying that Her Majesty will be graciously pleased to revoke any license wbich Her Majesty may have granted to enable His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland to vote by proxy in the House of Lords ; and that Her Mnjasty will further be graciously pleased not to renew such license while his Royal Highness shall remain King of Hanover . "

      The Attobmet-Genera ! said , he had every desire to discharge the duties of hiB office property ; but he thought , sincerely , that on the present occasion he should best discbarge bis ! duty by declining to answer the question —( cries of " Hear , hear" ) . Mr . Blewitt intimated , that owing to a private suggestion from the Speaker ( on a point of order ) , he had been led to believe that be conld not proceed with the remaining part of his notice .

      THE FACTORY BILL . Sir J . Graham , in answer to Mr . T . Doncombe , stated that it was not the intention of tbe Government to abandon any portion of the Factory Bill except the educational clauses —( hear , hear . ) Those clauses having been abandoned , various alterations in detnil became necessary . He should ; propose , that the bill be recommitted pro f orma to enable him to make them ; when the bill would be published precisely in the form in "which he should propose it again —( bear , hear . ) If it were the pleasure of the House , he should wish to take the committal as soon as possible—( bear , bear)—and as it stood on the orders for to-night , perhaps it could be taken now . " O ; i the order for the committal of the bill being read , Lord Ashlev . said , although he deeply regretted the Ion of the educational clauses , he , for the sake of the rest of the bill approved of the resolution tbe Government had come to . Even had it been possible for tbe Government to have carried the measure in that House .

      he did not think it would bave met with that cordial sympathy and co-operation from the different classes affected by it , without which it could not have been effectually carried ont . It should be borne Jin mind , that the Church , with a view to conciliation , were ready to make the very l&igest concessions , larger certainly than they had ever done before ; but concessions made in tbe hope of conciliation and peace . But when they found that tbe terms which they propoasd , so far from leading to conciliation and peace , only led te . greater disunion and almost to effectual war , they bad no alternative but to stop , at all events at tbe point to which they had already advanced . Somewhere or other , however , a very great and deep responsibility did lie—( hear , hear . ) It was not for him to point out

      who wera the parties really responsible for the position at which they had now arriveJ . He certainly must say that the Government had shown their readiness to act . Be saw the church prepared to make concessions for tbe sake ttt conciliation and peace , and on the other hand be saw the great body of Diassntera rejoicing tbat they had been successful in their efforts to defeat tbe measure . Wherever the fault lay , one thing was quite clear—tbat the really suffering parties were tbe vast body of neglected children , who , as far as present appearances went , were new consigned to ui eternity of ignorance . ( Hear ) . At the same time , however , that he deplored the result to which the measure had come , be must be allewed to express his satisfaction at the manner in which it had been received and entertained in the first instance :

      and at the absence of all violence with which it had bees received by the Dissenters in tbat House . Tbat reception did sertainly afford some ground for hoping that hereafter something might effectually be done to arrest the farther progress of vice , ignorance , and immorality in the country' by means of some system of education . At present , however , it appeared that if united education were to become hereafter possible , tbe question was at present involved in tbe greatest difficulty , and it was one that had already produced the greatest agitation in the country . He , for one , therefore , was prepared to say , that unless a very mighty change should take place in the mutual temper

      ef both parties , he would never be a party to any system , the object of which was , by mutual concession , to bring antagonist parties to act together in tbe aame general plan . Once more , he desired to express his gratitude for the manner in which the proposition bad been first received , and since entertained , and also to state hiB cordial hope and prayer that the time "was not far distant when some means might be discovered whereby tbe men and women of this country in future generations might be put into tbat state which would ; flt them to be good subjects , and above all , Christians , and extend to them the fruits of a religious education , by preparing them to share in a blessed immortality . ( Hear , hear . )

      Mr . M . Gibson could not understand how it was that the Noble Lord used the word " concession , " as regarded the conduct of the church with respect to the education clauses of the Factory Bill—( hear , hear ) He protested against the use of that word , " conces" 8 ion . " —( hear , hear ) . On the contrary , he could tell the Noble Lord that it was because the framera of tbat measure bad proceeded on tie doctrine that there was some recognised superiority in Churchmen— ( " hear , hear , " from the Ministerial benches )—some sort of divine right in them—( hear , bear )—to trample on the religious liberty of the Dissenters—( "No , no "); and to take the money of the Dissenters to teach the tenet * of the Church of England—ibear , hear ;)—it was because you persisted in recognising this sort of superiority the of

      that yon bave failed ^ accomplishing object a general system of education . Proceed on tbe real principle of religious freedom ; Jet men not be treated with reference to their theological opinions , but simply as citizens of a free conntry , having the right to worship their God in their own troy , freely according to their own conscience ; adopt this as the principle of legislation , and it wonld not fail . ( Hear , hear , from the Opposition benches . ) But , in fact , the N « ble Lord s remark abont the confessions , as he called them , of the cturch having failed , only amounted to an admission tba » - the church had not conceded enough . Treat all sects in the spirit of justice , and never fear for the accomplishment of the benevolent object they had in ¦ view —( hear . ) Even , however , if the Ministerial plan had been carried , U must be admitted that it was a

      very partial and pitiful proposal , considering the great amount of destitution ; with regard to religious education that prevailed in the manufacturing districts . It was admitted by all . parties that the measure now abandoned would not have caused the education cf s single child in the large city of Glasgow , and of no * many more in the manufacturing districts in England , than were educated now ' ; for it was only intended to apply to cotton , flax , silk , and woollen factories ; and it left the children in mines and collieries , and in many other employments , wholly unprovided with education . The small amount of education that would have been afforded by the maasure was one reason for not so much regretting its rejection . ; It "was a plan that could not have effected much good , but ¦ which was certain , on the other hand , to have done much harm—( hear , hear ) . : >

      Sir R . Inglts hoped tbat Ministers wonld not abandon their principle . If they had taken a more uncompromising course , they would have bad a stronger support from a _ large body of t&e well-wishers of their measure . Mr . Hihdlet thanked the Government fer having abstained from pressing' this measure , as their strength might have enabled them to do . He denied that the Church had given up anything , and hoped that in another session the Cnnrchmen would tee the fitness of acting very differently . Sir Q . Grey considered this failure as by no

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      means absolving the Ministers from the obligation of looking to the education of the people . He would advise them to increase the annual Parliamentary grants . j Some further conversation followed , in ; the course of which Sir J . Grahim intimated that tha Government would gladly recommend an increase of tbe Parliamentary grant , if voluntary contributions should be raised in qho proportion to it . : An attempt was made by Sir V . Blake to introduce a discussion ^ respecting the precautionary measures lately applied in Ireland > uponi the plea of their involving a breach of privilege ; but the Speakeu decided ! that the topic was not ofauch a class as to be entitled to precedence of the orders of tbe day . ¦ The ad jonrned debate on the Irish Arms Bill was then resumed .

      Mr . Gisbobne was the first who addressed himself to this exhausted subject . He criticised the tone of tbe speech delivered b ^ Sir J . Graham on Friday , and contended that the question of the Irish Church was a topic not improperly introduced into tbe discussions of the preceding nighta , iHe disapproval the conduct of the Government in dismissing the magistrates who had attended Repeal meetings , and in appointing Judges who , though men jof high honour and character , had evinced in the House of Commons what , for want of a better word , he must designate as bigotry . A person of the an ti-Protestant party wh * should be tried before them would reasonably feel misgivings like those of the poacher , who , being summoned before a couple of Norfolk justices for killing a cock pheasant , told them they might just as well try him before a jury of cock pheasants .

      Mr . Colquhoun maintained that thestate of Ireland required an Arms ; Bill . Witnesses and Jurors in that country were in danger of their lives for the evidence and tne verdicts conscientiously given by them . Individuals were denounced , , by the priests from the very altars , and thus placed in a state of frightful insecurity , for no crime but that of voting for Protestant candidates . He cited examples of these things from the evidence given before the Lords' Committee on Ireland , and argued that Ireland thus differed so widely from England as reasonably jto require laws which in England would bo inapplicable . He enlarged upon the

      peculiarities of the Repeal agitation , as furnishing additional reasons for this legislative precaution . He read extracts from speeches and songs Of the Repealers , breathing as fierce a hatred against the Whigs as against the Tories , and thence rebutted the assertion that ail which waS / WantiDg for the tranquilization of Ireland was to restore the Whig Ministry . It was not true that the whole body of the Irish Roman Catholics adhered to the present movement party of Ireland j and it was the duty of the Government to protect those peaceable subjects of her Majesty from the terrors of an unconstitutional agitation . :

      Mr . Williams said , tbat Ireland would be quiet enough if the Government and Parliament of England showed a disposition to do her justice . ¦ Lord J . Manners referred to Mr . Roebuclft repetition of the proposal for paying the Irish priemhood—a proposal based upon a most undue belief in the powers of Mammon . That priesthood w ; is not to be silenced . Indeed , it had been well said of that plan , that there are two objections jto it—first , that the priests were not willing to be bought ; and , secondly , that we were not willing to buy them . It was not historically true , that the religion of Rome was the ancient religion ot Ireland ; it had been first introduced by Henry II ., and formed part of the very system of English conquest against which the' agitators were so loudly protesting . He feared that no-material benefit was to be secured for Ireland , unless some improvement could be made in the physical condition of her people .

      Sir H . W . Ba ' rron , alluding to Sir J . Graham ' s enumeration of the concessions made to Ireland , contended tbat they were concessions made only from fear , and in the most ungracious niannir . Emancipation had been forced . Reform had been stinted . Then as to the Church jpiopeity , it was proved by history and by tbe statutes to have been destined for three purposes—religion , education , and the relief of the poor ; but it was not now so applied—a great portion of it was spent in keeping up Protestant livings where there were no Pratestant congregations . There was no such preponderance in the amount of crime in Ireland over the amount of crime in England , as to justify tbe enactment of this special law against the Irish people—nay , the : proportion of crime was greater in

      England ; and though Sir J . Graham bad presented a contrary view , yet when certain returns should be produced which would be moved for , Sir J . Graham ' s view would be disproved . Sir H . Barron then attacked the bill in detail . The act , as renewed by the Whigs , was free from the objectionable clauses of this bill . He did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the present ministers ; but he would say that the whole Irish people was against them , by reason of the judges whom they hud , appointed , and of the stipendiary magistrates whom they had dismissed . The Bishops too had been selected from the enemies of National Education . The Gibinet itself was wholly disconnected from Ireland ; not a single member of it was Irish ; and

      accordingly no measure bad been introduced by it for the redress pf any Irish grievance . The Church was not the only grievance of Ireland : she had many others t 7 hich required tne attention of Government . It bad been said , that the wealth and intelligence of the country were with Ministers ; imt London and the other great cities , were a good criterion of these , and tbe majority of their representatives were adverse to the Government . Nay , even the counties , which had at first been with . ' the ministers , would be found against them if they ventured on a dissolution now . He admonished them tbat the Catholics were no longer a powerless race , but equal to the Protestants in every civil right .

      Mr . Hardy took the real question to be , whether there were not in Ireland extraordinary circumstances , requiring this extraordinary remedy . If there were , then that man was an unreasonable man ' who would not submit to a little particular inconvenience for the sabe of general security . Ho referred to the analogy of the law under which tha houses of people employed in the woollen manufactures of Yorkshire and Lancashire may be entered , for the purpose of putting them to the proaf tbat any woollen goods found there have been honestly como by ; that was a law reversing the general rule of proof , and a taw not extending to the kingdom at large . Mr . Hardy proceeded , at some length , to denl with several of the general topics of Irish politics ; but tha impatience of the House made it difficult , to apprehend Ha arguments .

      Mr . E . Ellice , though he had supported the former , bills on this snbject , felt himself obliged to oppose tbis , as a part of a system of coercion , for the Government bad now declared tbat conciliation had reached its limit The Church aDd tbe tenure of land were / he knew , very tSifficult subjects ; but was Government , therefore , to shrink from coping with them ? At all events there should have been some Inquiry on the subject of the tenures . And as to the Church , it was so monstrous an evil , tbat be regarded Mahomet as a merciful conqueror in comparison of those who had founded its establishment in Ireland . | . He would apply its whole reveuue to

      purposes of real' utility for the Irish , people . The Government of Lord Grey had the will . and the power to deal beneficially with Ireland , and was in a course of such dealing—and who had interrupted it ? Those who Beceded from that Government—Lord Stanley and Sir J . Grabnm . They who told us there was to be no more conciliation were ; the real causes of the excitement in which Mr . O'Connell was so active . He would not conclude without expressing his conviction that the downfal of this empire would date from the day which should sever the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland ; but he could noti therefore , consent to concur in a system of coercion .

      Mr Milnes said that tbe great error of this and of all former Governments had been that they bad neglected the feelings of the Irish Catholics , who were a people essentially religious . He must own , indeed , that he could not see what real grievance that people now sustained ; certainly they would gain nothing from tithe abolition , which , since tithe had been commuted into rent-charge , would be a mere transfer from the clergyman to the ; landlord ; but history showed tbat even imaginary grievances had important consequences , and ought not to be disregarded . He thought this measure necessary ; and trusted that Ministers would continue to fulfil thtir pledge of impartial government .

      Sir C . Napier made a somewhat angry attack on Lord Stanley , insisting particularly , and amid much laughter , npon tbe necessity of good temper in debate . He censured the conduct of Government with reapect to Ireland , and bestowed an equal reprobation upon Mr . O ' Connell . For Shis own part , be did not wish to see the Irish Church destroyed ; but he wished to see it reduced to tbe real wants of tbe country ; not , however , with any view of suffering the rent charge to sink into the income of th ^ landlords . Mr . SaCKvilije Lane Fox entered into the question of the Irish Church iu reference to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill , which he regarded as a very injurious measure ; and he quoted many texts of Scripture as authorities for hiB opinions .

      Mr . M . J . O'Connell commented -on Sir J . Graham ' s speech ; which , however , as well as the other speeches on tbe ! subject of agitation in general , appeared to him irrelevant in a debate upon an Arms Bill . He then examined , and found fault with , some of the details of the bill . Mr . Muniz justified agitation in general , having himself , at tbe time of ths Reform Bill , been an extensive agitator . He « pd bis coadjutors had then been encouraged by Sir J . Graham , and no harm , had come of it , and no harm had been meant by it Why then it was fit to leave the same latitude to the Irish . Still , however , if the great question of the stomach were right , he believed Mr . O'Connell'a agitation would be all in vain . He wished the Government would resort to conciliation instead jof coercion . Tbe House then divided on the motion tbat tbe bill should be referred to a aolect committee .

      For the motion ... 122 Againstit . i ... 276 Majority for tbe bill ... 145

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      THE NATIONAL BENEFIT SOCIETY . ITS FOUNPATION , PRIHCIPLE . TO THE CHARTIST PUBLIC . Brothers , —Mr . Galpin hath readily , and I may add , generpoaly , ( seeing tbat it is not usual with disputants te make admissions in favour of their opponents , ) admitted , that under . exciting circumstances his proposition will be open to all the objections which I make in the election of tbe central or local presidents ; and relies upon the impression tbat his thjtee fundamental truths are capable of making upon every individual mind for speedy success . ( See letter thirteen , paragraph nine . ) In tha latter part of tbe fourth paragraph he says , " My dependence is not upon any person who may ba selected to preside over the society , but on the truth of the prinbiples on which it is to he based , and on the daily increasing knowledge that will be gained of the science of human nature and of cociety . "

      I must here remind you , Brothers , that the objection referred to above , whereunto tb . 9 foregoing is a set off , amounted to this ; lhat if , as Mr . Q . set forth , the people were incapable of electing a council for the society , they were equally incapable of electing a president for tbe society . This position I conceive- to be unalterable by any circumstances . It is self-evident that , if the first objection is valid , the second , of necessity , must be equally valid ; and , following the same comprehensive and easy mode of reasoning , if tbe impression of tbe truths whereof ho writes , and the increasing knowledge of ( he scieccts of human nature and society , are capable of rendering the people fit to elect tbe first presidents and all tbe local presidents , they will surely make them fit to elect the

      central council , and tbe local councils to set with , and counsel , the said presidents . For what do we need a council ? Is it to serve us or tlie president ? If it is to aerve the body , tow absurd to give tbe president power to choose them , and Oisaiisa them at his pleasure ! When we appoint a council , is it not under the impression that their collectivtj wisdom will be better than the wisdom of one man ! Are they not appointed to take counsel together and decide on that course they deem best to perform the woik we require to be done ? If tbere was any one member of a council that bad all the knowledge and ability that is requisite to do tho work himself , even then the . propriety of your giving him the power to rto us he liked would be questionable ; and if a president is

      allowed to appoint , his councillors and dismiss them at will , it H virtually giving aim the power to act as be pleases , ¦ wjifhout having any guarantee that he posseeses sufficient ( ability and integrity , Again , if the Presisident is to be thought so superior to the council as only to listen to tbeir opinions ;\ . ud uci with or without them , what need' of going to tbo expense of supporting a council for him 1 because he could collect together any of the members that lived near him and have tbeir advice , and afterwards' if be felt iEcliiied , tell them their advice was not good . He need not approve of it , and might not act npon it ; and thus'dismiss them , without insulting them with tbe empty name of a council . Indeed , this council without the power to act , being without a veto , reminds niu oi' that act of the National Assembly of France which divided the people by a sort of negativelafilruiative , into citizans active and inactive ;

      thereby disfranchising the great majority of the French nation , after they had declared all the male adults frea and equally citizens of France . But are there not duties for a council to perform other than merely giving their opinions , or deliberating ? Should they not take cognizance of tbe acts of the secretary , treasurer , and president ; . and see that each of them do their duty ta tbe suciety ? Should they not be watchers of the honesty of each ? checks against any inclination of either lo defraud tbe body or act iu any Way dishonor able- ? Should not they have the power to sse the book , bonds , check * , aud papers of every description pei taining to the association , that defalcations may ba checked ere thoy become ruinous ? In the societies , whether political or trade , to which I have belonged , such have been the duties and powers of tho committees or . councils , where there was money to nny . considerable amount . There were stewaida oa the

      committee ; and the cash wa 3 placed in a box with three , four , or five locks , one for each officer , so that tbo money should not be taken eut without the whole were present . -But if the council hold their office at the will of tbe president , how cau they perform these important duties ? I maintain that to discharge these duties fully , they must bold their office at the vri l of the members , and be responsible to them for the strict fulfillment thereof . It is a question how far a good system of education and good circumstances from youth up would remove the liabilities of mankind to errors aud injustice . But , be that ns it may , whilst we live in old society , and are open to the taints of her faulty institutions , we must be goverued by our

      experience ; and therefore guard against all those faults of our race that bave oecurred , and are continually occurring , and in all probability will continue to occur . Wherefore , however honest virtuous and wise wo may think our fellowmi : i , in placing them in offices of trust we must pises sufficient guards about them to prevent , if we can , the possibility of their doing ou- ; ht dishonourable , and thereby preserve their characters unsuHieO , and . our persons , aud properties unharmed . In support of the necessity of such mutual checks , I could cite numerous instances ; some where they have saved societies from ruin , and others" r here tbe lack of it'lias produced ruin '; but for the present shall rest on the arguments I have adduced .

      In reply to the third paragraph , I would say , that a Council without a vote cannot be democratic ; and , in acknowledging the compliment to myself in the second paragraph , I must say I am happy to think that the spirit of my letter hath given friend Galpiu such pleasure , as I would ever wish to carry on any discussion , in which I should engage , in a friendly , yet firm spirit ; and having found a similar spirit pervading ray brother disputant ' s letters , I have felt like pleasure-in the paiuaal thereof . With these remarks , I move en to letter 14 . In reply to tbe second paragraph , if tbis applies to who should fill tho chief offices , I must assure Mr . G . he mistakes mo . I do not care who tbe persons are that

      load such a movement for the benefit of the people . It matters not to me whether they are sprigs of the court or the cabin ; peers , priests , patricians , or peasants ; nor of what sect . If they will sincerely and zealously , and industriously assist in such a work , they are of the people . I depend on the influence of ths principles of truth and justice on the minds of men to tffest that unity of purpose and unity of action , tbat friend Galpin seeks to produce by vested power in the presidents of the association : and I hope yet to convert my honourable disputant to that faith in his own doctrine of circumstances and education , that he shall place hia whole reliance on tbeir influences on oar fellow men to produce that desired unity , and abandon his love of despotic authority .

      Third—With regard to Mr . O'Connell , or any other leader giving explanation of bis conduct , I think it is pretty evident , that it should bo done w ' &eaever required by those who have a right to know , and not be led blindfolded . Indeed , O'Connell bath recently given a strong proof of the necessity of leaders , explaining the motives of their actions . ( See his calumnious insulting refusal of Chartist aid . ) Fourth—With respect to the Chartist agitation of 1839 , 1 join my hopa with his . Bat a people goaded

      with wrongs , with increasing oppressions and starvation and death staring them in the face , will , however tame their disposition , sometimes become excited . I think , that we did all tbat laid within our power by our speeches , &c , to show that tbe Chans " ' ) we sought was for the benefit of all . But influence . p itronage , prajudice , and ignorance made tbe middle aud upper classes deaf to our appeals for political rights and common justice . Poverty , however , with its fearful strides , is breaking dawn those barriers to their feelings ; and tbere appears some hope for their conversion .

      Fifth—To stick a thorn in the sides of any Govornmeat , or of any individual of our fellownien , ia no wish or purpose of Mr . Galpin ' s . There is a principle in that ; but it is different to the law of the woods , as Hawkeye said to David Gammut No it is not ths law of the Wilderness ; and we live in a mental Wilderness , and shall find ourselves obliged to act accordingly . Neither is it the law of tbe Socialists ; for are not tbty a thorn in tbe sides of the priesthood ? Aye , aa surely as tb . 8 Christians were a thorn in the sides of the Pagan priesthood ; as snrsly as the Protestants' were a thorn in tho Papal priesthood ; as sura as the Dissents vere and are a thorn in the sides of the Church of England

      priesthood : and the priesthood deal with them as an irritating thsrn in tbeir Bides ; and if the Socialists succeed in drawing the people from the said pria ^ thood , they will have served them as we did the Whigs , —bring them th * ir high placea to the earth . But tlwy will riot find this task so easy as was ours with tbat ruling faction . They will find their work is even now scarce begun . I will not say they will ever do this ; but of one thing I feel confident , truth will ultimately prevail , be it on whichever side it may ; ami longing for the age of truth . I remain , Yours iu hope , Gracchus .

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      A few weeks since , ia aii ancient chest bought at au auction iu Ipswich , was found , in a hidden partition , a deed of the age of Elizabeth , connected with , apparently , a largre estate in Kent , and some old coins . The chefet had been in possession of the family from whom it had been purchased at the sale aa far as memory reaches , without knowledge of its hidden contents . On Tuesday a desperate casoo ? suicide occurred in the Infantry bsrracka . A private soldier named Marshall , who was acting as servant to one of the

      officers , put ja period to his existence in a very cool and extraordinary manner . Ha had taken off his shoes and stookinga and laid himself down ou his back ; he thea put tho muzzle of his musket into his mouth , and pulled the irigger with his too . It is supposed the gun w ? . i charged with more than one bail cartridge , as a wim ' ow ia the room was shattered by tho concus-iou . It is needless to say that the poor man died instantly . No cause can be assigned for this drvautul aut . A very short time previous to its ortnvnission Vie seemed in his usual good spirits , —Glasgow Chronicle ,

      3ea^Mal Tpartiameni*

      3 Ea ^ mal tPartiameni *

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      Negro Fvhng . —Tho editor of the Boston Mail ridicules Mr . Henson and his aerial steam-carnage , and predicts that tha first career down the inclined plauo will end somewhat like Sambo ' s first expert ment , when he undertook to fly from a garrat window with a pair- of win ^ s tnsinuMotured out of a leather apron . The honest n % io Sivack the gfouud with his head hard enough to break a sledge-hammer ; and springing to his feet withja kind of a rebound , scratched his wooUy pate , exclaiming , " Dem ' s fuss rate ^ ifi ^ ; no bird do him quicker ; but goll y dey ' s dam hard lighting . ' "

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      The Empire and the South America steamers , says a New York paper , in thch- ascending trip ou tbe 23 rd , ran one hundred miles in four hours and ahalf . The qvu&tiion is yet undecided which boat has the greatest speed .

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      HARMONY HALL . LETTER XT . 10 THB EDIT . 0 B OF THB NORTHERN STAB . In my last letter I stated my Intention of reverting at Itngth to some points of Mr . j Owen ' s preliminary Charter , and showing their relative importance when compared with other objects of agitation , which now engage tbe public mind ; but previous to doing this , I think it desirable to inquire what ; are really the chief wants of man . That question , calmly and seriously put by any reflecting mind , may be easily answered , and will show what are , in reality , the most valuable kinds of wealth . \

      We shall find the chief requisites are air , water , food , clothes , shelter , instruction , amusement , the affections of those with whom we associate , aud good society ; and if these could at all ' times be procured in abundance , then would men have all the materials that could be desired to insure their health and happiness . | If we proceed to inquire , in the next place , whether the means exist to supply man with all the kinds of wealth thus shown tojbe requisite for his health and happiness ? we shall find that they do exist most abundantly , with one single exception . The means required besides air Which all can obtain of some description or other , ! without purchase , )

      are land , water , labour , skill , and capital . These exist in great superfluity , ! not only for the supply of the present population of the world , but also for its unrestrained increase for many ages . All that is required is the knowledge how to apply the materials to procure these results , land maintain them through succeeding ages . If we further ask the qnestion—how is . it that these results have not been attained , and the well-being ana happiness of the human race have not hitherto been secured ? there can be but one reply , namely , tb ' at we bave hitherto been too ignorant to understand our own interests , and to be so united as to apply [ the abundant means around us in a manner that shall secure our happiness . S

      To produce at all times the greatest amount of the most valuable wealth in the shortest time , and with tho greatest pleasure and benefit ] to the producers and consumers , it is necessary that upon a certain proportion of land there should be united labour , skill , capital and population ; and that these materials should be combined and directed by those whoj understand the three great principles , or fundamental truths on which I have proposed to base the seciety to be formed , namely , that man does not form his own character , but that it is formed of his original organization , and of tbe

      circumstances that surround him in every period of his existence ; that he has not the power tio believe or disbelieve except in accordance with tbe impressions that are made upon his mind ; and that hejhas not the power to love or bate except in accordance with tbe feelings created within him by any object . Such persons would alone be enabled to unite in' their due proportions the materials for tbe productisn of wealth . Let us look at the present state of . society , as it regards the whole business of life ; and what cau be conceived more absurd or irrational than ia there presented to our view ? |

      With land sufficient , if even moderately cultivated , to supply one hundred millions of people , we kave in ibis kingdom , with a population ot about thirty millions , the greatest outcry made to alldjw us to import corn from other countries , under the supposition that if this be not done we must starve ! whilst our own fields present a mean , beggarly , and pitiful appearance , solely because we do not apply to them ] that healthy exercise and skill which is capable beyond all other things of giving pleasure and enjoyment , b | oth physical , mental , and moral , to all who can take part in the performance of tbe labour . !

      Wtth millions Of our people unemployed , or ill employed , we keep them in idleness , daily and hourly contracting vicious , degrading , and disgusting habits , destructire of all their powers q ' f body and mind , and rendering them the scourge and dread of those who consider themselves their superiors ; j whilst these superiors might , by rightly training and exercising their own faculties , and directing those of the parties who are now thus unfortunately placed , receive advantages of a far higher nature than any that have hitherto been placed within their reach . I

      With plenty of well skilled and highly talented individuals in every department of science , who ate unable to obtain beneficial exercise for their skill ; and those who are employed being chieflyjer solely ao , in minor , trifling , petty matters , such as are utterly unworthy of the present age , we suffer toorI grievously from the want of important measures being carried out ; measures that would provide in the most liberal manner for the food , clothes , shelter , instruction , and rational amusement for every individual , and thereby prepare him to form a part of that good soeiety which ! will tend above all things to gratify tbe feelings and desires of all , and lead them forward with increased vi to the

      gour pursuit of more extended and enlarged happiness . With a machine-power twenty-fold larger than our population , and capable of extension in any proportion that may be required , we suffer our people to be naked or ill-clothed ; we still permit man to perform heavy , laborious toil and exertion , more severe than that to which the inferior c ; imina ! s are doomed ; and we daily and hourly depress the meanB of ( procuring the common necessaries of life , until , if we proceed much longer at tho same pace , we shall be overwhelmed by such au amount of vice , crime , and misery , as the mind of man has not hitherto conceived . I

      With capital so abundant thatjit cau procure scarcely any remuneration for its employment ; with between eleven and twelve millioDS of specie lying idle in the Bank of England ; and with a restriction of tho circulating medium utterly incapabie of representing tiio amount of wealth that is created ] wo allow Und , labour , skill , and machinery all to stand separate , disunited , and unproductive , thereby en tailing an amount of misery upon our children and our country , which , when we shall have acquired the knowledge I speak of , it will appear to us almost an impossibility that we should ever bave allowed to exist whilst the means of preventing it lay so immediately within our reach . I am glad to see by the letter iof your correspondent

      " Gracchus , inserted in this pay ' s paper , that our Chartist friends are likely to btcome fairly roused to tbe importance of a National Society . Let ub proceed fairly and promptly with this subject ; and we may speedily acquire a strength capable of demonstrating to our rulers the eoso with which every requisite fur human happiness , may speedily ] be placed within the reach of all . j We ueed not longer to quarrel and contend about who shall possess thia er that power . The power of doing good , of providing well for ourselves , our families , and every individual of our species , is now within our reach , and let us ] lose no opportunity of embracing it . Let that spirit of unity which can alone lead to successful results be seen a * nong us . Let us find out the persons that are jmost advanced in the sciences of human nature and ef society , tbat they may direct our united energies in the best manner for the benefit of all . Let us bring into use all the appliance * which the ingenuity and invention of man has brought

      so liberally to our aid , and we shall soon be enabled to produce such a change in the appearance of society as shall astonish and delight all who behold it Tbe crisis which is now rapidly progressing , as is most evident in every department of society , requires that we act most promptly on some well defined principles , capable of universal ( application , that they shall Immediately be embraced by all . Let any rational man look at tha feelings now being called out by the agitation of the various remedies that are proposed , and then say whether he can expect love , peace , truth , or charity , to emanate from such ! sources . If we look at the Repeal qm stion , the debate now going forward is hkttly to excite and irritate to such an extent tbat until true principles jshall be placed before them , must of necessity goad the different parties onwards to such measures as shall , if carried far e ough , produce consequences at which tbe human mind shudders to contemplate . .

      The education clauses of ths Factory Bill have been obliged to be given up , on account of their want of universality ; tbe parties on both sides wishing to coerce the mind to believe certain matters , without waiting for evidence being brought to tr . sure conviction , j The repeal of tbe Corn Laws is sought for on the most partial and imperfect grounds , aud in a spirit calculated to aronaet tbe most angry fee ' . ingB , and to injure the personal interests of our fellowmen ; instead of being placed on the legitimate basis of our having free trade iu all things with all the world .

      Tbe advocacy of the People ' s Charter has hitherto been conducted in a spirit the ' reverse of what I hope soon to see rannifes ed . Tbe numbers of its advocates , aud of the Repealers in Ireland , are quite sufficient , as soon as the spirit of unity shall be well developed in both , and they shill proclaim themselves the advocates of universal measures beneficial to every individual , to produce a public opinion that shall urge upon the Government the necessity for a ptactful change , in a manner tbat they will be unable to resist . Let this public opinion be once secured , and the whole of the practical steps necessary to produce en immediate change , as it were by magic , are ready to be developed . Contention and strife , persecution and anger , may be immediately and ] for ever banished from among men ; and evury one may enjoy all that is truly essential for his well-being , physically , mentally , or morally . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Galpih . Harmony Hall , Hants , June 17 , 18 i 3 .

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      ___ , _ THE NORTHERN falR . | 7

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct487/page/7/