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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st April 1843, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, APRIL 1, 1843.
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      Untitled Article

      ACGRXKGTON . A P ysuc Mxernre -was held last night , Monday , March 27 ih in the large wearing shed belonging-to MesEia . Dixon and Co . to adopt a petirion to the Honse of Commons against the bill now before Parliasaent for the better regulation of the factorir ? , and for ^ curing an c ducattoa to the infant labourers emplojed in the mills , Mr . Harbottle , baptist minister , w ?^ caljed to the chair . He opened the business of tb * meeting by Stating that they had met that nifiht to petition against the Government scheme of education in connection with the factory bill now before Parliament , He wosld not take up the time of the meeting , but -would introdaee to their nodes Mr . Gt < Sss , baptisi Jdinister .

      Mr , < Jriffe 3 said that the bill now before Parliament was one of a most atrocions chare 3 > er j it w ? -. calcinated in time ( if allowed to pass ) to steep tbe people in ignorance , and establish ssaxn the desj otic power of a Jesuitical priesthood over the minds of tbe people , and destroy those feelings of lova and benevolence which existed between the dissenting minister aad h ? s congregation , and also betwrm the Sons-ay school scholar and his teacheT . He believed iha * . this bill had been brought into Parliament by the Government for no uther reason than to endea-Tonr to causa a division amongst the Corn Law repealers , for they were now afraid of them , and their professed friends had astualiy turned ronnd and basely calumniated a body of men who" were

      endeavouring to benefit the tonditton of the poqrj but all would not do ; they could not came any'difference amongst them ; they would not quarrel amongst themselves ; no one had ever heard them accuse each other , or erer would , although Lord JBrougham had sph forth Ms venom . He remembered thai soma time ago it was in contemplation to make a wooden pavement round St . Paul ' s Cathcaral , when the Bishop of London opposed it . Sydney Smith told the Bishop that they might soon do it with little expence if the clergy woald lay their ieads together . Be ( Mr . G . ) thonght their head 3 would be as well there a 3 any where ; bHt he was sore that those who got np this bill were not ¦ wooden-headed . He had read of a politics !

      economist ( Dr . Godwin ) who had recommended the destruction of children , and that was worse than Socialism , that wanted to separate man from wife , children from parents , scholars from teachers ; but le knew the people of this oart were not of this description . JNow , some philosopher had said that it was necessary at certain times to shave the head , and recommended that Godwin should ; and he ( Mr . G . ) had heard that lord Brongham was mad ; but lie thought to shave his , would do him little good , for he thought be had a hole in his head that allowed all ins senses «> escape . After a good rigging of the established clergy , he eat down bj moving that » petition against the education clauses of the bill be adopted .

      The Chairman introduced Rev . Mr : Lings , who said this bill should have all the opposition he could sive it . It was a measure that the Government was Bringing forward to desiroy that most intelligent class of dissenters . It w&s calculated to break Tip the Sunday schools , in connection with their religions pl&ces of worship , and place the children of the poor , under the guidance and tuition of the fat parsons of the church ; they would be compelled to hear the liturgy and catechism of tbe Church , and thus would the parsons of the Church sain & control over the minds of the young ; besides

      this , threepence would ha Ye to be taken from their wages whether they attended the school or not . He h&u so objection to children being educated ; but he objected 10 dasa « dneation ; besides paying threepence from their earning , the schools were to be built and supported from the poors * rate , which now lay 20 heavy upon the middle- classes . This measure ¦ was iounded in Jobbery ; it would have to be supported by robbery , and it was robbery all through ; he would ,- therefore , oppose the education clause altogether . If a system was to be established , let it be on liberal principles .

      Rev . A . Taylor said that he viewed this measure with the greatest indignation . The parsons of the Church had no feeling for the poor ; he knew that not ten miles from Blackburn , a clergyman of the Church had refused to bury a corpse because they were ttx > poor So pay die fees . He -would ask irere there ADy of the ministers upon that platform would do sol He would Bay no . Bather than allow any of his children , ( and he had seven ) , to be under this act , and governed by church parsons , or hear them say " amen" to those bloated men , he would rather see the slave-driver fetch them from his house and work them like beasts .

      Mr . Dixon next addressed the meeting . He said ; that this bill would aronse the people , for they I viewed it with alarm . It had been said that they 1 were not wooden heads that drew up this bill . He thought so ; he opposed the laying on a tax for the j support or education of a class . If a tax must be laid , let it be for a general system of education and , upon the most liberal principles . He would not occupy their time as it was cold . The Chubmas read over the petition again , and was about to put it to the meeting , when

      Mr . Beeslty lose , and said , Mr . Chairman , 1 understood ihas no allusion was to be- made to any ¦ party , bnt that bad not T > een aahered to . He should oppose the petition before the neeticg , and intended to move an amendment . He was astonished to hear so much B&iu about the expence of educating the poor factory child , bnt he bettered that was not the intention of the party getting it up . He was one who would speak his mind . Bere hewa 3 interrupted by one or rwo individuals , when he said if people could not come and keep their temper , or listen to both aides of the question , they had better Stop at home , tot he ( Mr . B . ) had jw mnch right to speak as anv one , and he would tall them he was aot to be put down . Speak he would , for he had

      -wanted a long time to tell the dissenting ministers what he thought of them , and be had never had an opportunity before , but he would do it now . { Aye , th « is what you come for !} Yes , he would rather tell them to their face whit he thought abont them , than , Berpent-like , do it behind their backs—( hear , hear . ) He believed the dissenting ministera neglected their doty as much as the church parsons , and he suspected them upon this occasion . They had always been foand upon the side of wealth . - If the -middle classes or manufacturers got np an agitation , or mentioned any crotchet calculated to benefit them but injurious to the poor , the dissenting ministers echoed the cry—they gave them their support , approved of .. their plans , and assisted them in

      iheir agitation , but if the working classes granted their assistance , they looted upon : them -with contempt ; they spurned them with insolence and upbraided them with ignorance ; they had never yet , *« his knowledge , lent iheii assistance to obtain for the producing millions their lights . They had not taken the orphan by the hand , or provided ah asylum for the destitute ; but they raised their voices for a measure calculated to benefit the money-mongers ; and now they were crying oni against the best Bill that had ever been brought before Parliament , beeause it would not be for the ^ benefit of tie masters ( hear , hear ) 5 » ud they pietended they wanted the people educating . If so , ¦ why oppose the only measure likely to secure them

      that education they so mnch deplored the want of t In his ( Beeslej's ) opinion , it was not the edncational elanse that was the cause of their opposition ; but it was the BHeld of protection it threw over the infant slave . They talked about the expense that would be incurred for the edncation of a class ; it eamewiih a very bad grace from such men . Who needed instruction more than the children of the poor , who were at the mercy of the tyrant cotton manufacturers ? Wa 3 there not more justice in graining money to educate the children of _ the poor , who were too poor to send them to private schools , than to grant large sums to the colleges of Cambridge , Oxford , and Maynooth , to educate the sons of the wealthy , who were able to pay for their

      own ! Yet they called no meetings to petition against this . Were it not better to grant it for such a purpose , than for the support of the naval and military schools ! Yet they said nothing against this . Were it not better that this Bill should pass , that would compel both parents and masters to provide for the instruction of the children , than to leave them to the merey of the manufacturer , who had evaded the Act that was now in force , by assembling the children in fire holes , and teaching them from scraps of old newspapers , not more than three inches square , and so black that the children eonld not see the letters « pon them 1 . They had talked about the power placed in the hands of the iishops and clergy of the Church . If that was

      what they objected to , why not word the petition so that the House of Commons might know what part of the Dili they old object to , and not nave it in its present form than oppose the Bill altogether . He did not approve of the power placed in the hands of the parson of the church . He lelieved that the dissenting ministers ( from what he had seen of them ) if they had the same power would be equally as tyrannical as the others , though they had railed against them this night most pitifully . They had held np the parsons of the Church as being the greatest tyrants ; but he , Mr . B ., thought they were not the only tyrants . He believed no greater tyrants ever Uved than tbe factory masters ; and , strange to say , tbe ministers of dissent were always found going hand and glove with them , even upon the present

      occasion—( bear , hear ) . Had they aot driven the able-bodied labourers from the market , and compelled them to Bend their wives and helpless offspring to then mills to coin , fox them * from iheir hearts ' blood , immense and princely for tunes . Had sot eh' ^ rw been taken from their beds in early morn , and ean ^ upon the ba cks of their parents through thfipitilees Btorm on ihe winter ' s morning to those dens of vice , until their constitutions had been destroyed , and thousands Bent to a premature gravel Did they not irork in these mills from their cradle , as it were , amongst the most abandoned characters , tbjip tender ears insulted with the most obscene language , —and was it not necessary that they Bhould Save « a education given to tbem io counteract the elect Modoeftd by being in such company I and woald they object to * bill that would Becsre ibis ,

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      because too much power was placed in the hands of a certain psny ? They talked about their being members of the K-tab .-ished Church that were to be the teachers and inspector . " . This he did not agree with , but he believed that if the ministers "who were upon that platform had the same power , the Baptist minuter would look amongst his own congregation for the teachers ; if a Mvthodist , the same ; and a New Ghurch minister , the B&me . In order to show the Government that we were not actuated by factious motives , and believing ako that the best way * ) make men honest was to keep it out of their rawer

      to become rogues , and also agreeing that taxation move an amendment , to the following effect : — and representation ought to be co-equal , he would " That we highly approve of the Bill now before the House of Commons with respect to the proteo * lion it givei to the infant factory children , and for the shortening the hours of labour , and a &o for providing for the means of their education , but believe the power at appointing the trustees ought not to be placed in the bands of any party , bnt ought toba exercised by the ratepayers , and that no deduction should be made from the miserable earnings of the pejr for such education . "

      After many more observations , Mr . B . sat down amidst tbe approbation of the meeting . This brought Messrs . Dixon , Lings , and others upon their feet again , Mr . Bcesley again replying , when they agreed to both motion and amendment together , and to strikeout the objections in the petition Mr . B . had made , and that Mr . Beesley and the Rev . J . Harbottle should meet in the morning , and draw the petition up as Mr . Beesley had stated . Thus ended the meeting upon the Factory Aot . The following b the petition i—To Vie Hemmrable Vie Common ? of Great Britain and Ireiand , in Parliament assembled . The Petition of the undersigned Inhabitants of Accriagion ,

      Hbsibl" ? Ses"weth—That your Petitioners being duly sensible of the importsTit benefits of education , and having made and encouioged efforts for tbe extension of that invaluable blessing , cannot view -without considerable alarm , some of the provisions of a BUI intituled * e . That tbe part *) of tbe aforesaid Bill against which we object , are those which give undue influenr ) and irresponsible power to the Clergy et the established Church in the appointment of trust : es , masters , and inipectors — -wkich exclude all but such as are of that Church from the office ot schoolmaster , or inspector of such schools

      —which takes a portion from the hard-earned wages of the poor , and in addition requires tbe expenditure of public money , apparently to adY&nee the interests of one clssa of religious professors . To these and similar regulations ve do most decidedly object as being likely to impose new grievances on Protestant Distant m , HethodiBts , Koman Catholics , and others—to throw into tbe bauds of the clergy a power of taxation , constitutionally belonging to none bnt the chosen repr « sentatives of the people , and to produce a spirit of domination on the one hand and of resistance on the other , thereby increasing those religious animosities already unliappUy too

      prevalfent-That your Petitioners , approving of the details of the Bill for shortening the hours of labour and giving due protection to the factory child , humbly pray that you will erase from the Bill tbe above mentioned clause or clauses , which give such undue power to the Bishops , Clergy , and Churchwardens of the established Church , and substitute a clause empowering the ratepayers to elect the Trustees , choose tbe schoolmasters , and adopt sach rales tor tbe government of the schools as may to them seem most proper , and also to fix the xate of salary to 13 paid t » each schoolmaster within their respective lcrvlities ; andfurthei , that no deduction be made from the hard-earned pence ot the poor to pay foz an education which ought to be gratuitously afforded . And your Petitioners , &o

      The Northern Star. Saturday, April 1, 1843.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , APRIL 1 , 1843 .

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      MONOMANIA . 5 ISCB Ox ? 0 BD " popped" at the Queen , the times have been most prolific in the breed of monomaniacs . With the proverbial fecundity of ill weeds and vermin , they have sprung up bo rankly that they seem to be becoming rather " the rule" than > ' the exception , " and the London papers ** look not like themselves" unles 3 we have gome of their exploits duly chronicled . This insidious disease , like most others , has various forma and phases . It manifests itself in many different ways . Latterly , the decided preference BeemBtohave been given to

      the homicidal form of dsvelopement , in its direct aspect . This aspect of the disease has at least one advantage ; that it is easily dealt wiih . The patient exhibits symptoms of physical determination to homicide ; knives , pistols , pop-gnns , JLe , appear npoa the surface ; a woman is fired at , and a man is shot : by these symptoms he disease is at onca detected , and the " unhappy sufferer" is taken care of , and prerented from going longer at large to do more mischief . Bat there are many forms of monomania besides this ; one of which is an inordinate and irrational desire of fame .

      There are some men whose ambition seems to be of a kind distinctly and exclusively their own ; at once insatiable and unscrupulous ; caring nothing for the sort of fame they may acquire , bo that they may bnt Uve in memory—so they may bnt do something to be talked of . Thus we have heard of a Bailor who , from mere love of notoriety , ate a large quantity of mustard , with which his messmate fed him from a table spoon . A like strange anxiety to become posthumously the " table talk " of gossips is believed to have been the incentive to one or two of the recent fatal leaps from the Monument ;} and , in a previous matter , the evident pleasurable emotions with which the * lionising" of the

      thing inspired poor Jonathan Mabtih , induced many to suppose that his was an instance of this form of the distressing malady . Disease , like death , 13 most impartial in its visitations . It is an effect ¦ which surely visits every subject -who may have put its cause in operation . Hence wealth , and rank , " and " station , " form no barrier to itB ingress . It seats itself with as little ceremony on the judicial bench as on the coaler ' s Btall . "We lately had a lamentable instance of its freaks in this line in the vagaries of " the modern Jeffries , " who made np his mind to atone for a long life-time of mere muckworm wriggling by a last dash of the uncommon , '' which Bhould get him

      a Damned to everlasting fame . " He Eucseeded , as such unfortunates do always , in producing , in some minds execration , in others pity and contempt , but in all a conviction that it was requisite for public safety to " take care of him "; and hence his Special Commission was his Ia 3 t commission ; and the dotard will snoose out the remainder of his days in the " retirement" which may Shield Mm from pnblio indignation , while his memory pases away among the eddying bubbles which the torrent of events discloses but to hide . Sic transit gloria mund ' % ! " Alas 3 poor Judge" ! We were in

      hopes to find this a solitary instance of this form of Judicial Monomania ; an aspect far moTt repulsive than the directly homicidal one of the Macnadghzekb and the Oxjokds ; because combining all their ferocity with much more of cunning : and extending its sphere of animosity from individuals to whole classes as the representatives of principle . True , however , to their morbid instinct , like a flock of sheep pressed to a pass , no sooner does one take the leap than the rest follow in succession , and each vies with the last one is the spring . The Ermined Dissenter has treated himself to a

      "Baptism by immersion" in the pool of profligacy that leaves the B sprinkling" of "Brother Abinvsb" far in the shade . AiraasB did content himself with pouring off the acid from his stomach into the big cup of the Grand Jury , and emptying the filthy residue upon " convicted" prisoners ; while his conduct during the trials bore at least some show of deoency ; but Gurket out-Herods Herod . His conduct on the trial of Jokes , reported in our present paper , is the . most perfect specimen of rampant rabid malignity that we have ever seen . We have

      certainly seen nothing in our own time to equal it , and we know nothing in history to surpass it in atrocity . It is anique . We know of no category in whioh to place , it . It is . itii generis We refer oht readers to the report , as we have taken it from the Morning Chronicle . It admits of no comment : it speaks for itself . We were astounded when we read it ; and could scarcely credit it . We thought the reporter must have had some purpose to malign , or must have strangely misconceived nis Lordship ? we looked , therefore , for the report of the trial in other papers , and found

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      that , on the contrary , the fellow feeling" of ' Dissent" and " liberalism" had greatly softened mat * ters in favour of the » ' Baptist Jndge "—the firet judieial fruits of Whig ascendancy—the grafting of "the Reform crab" upon the ancient bitter stock . Wishing always to present every man in the best light of estimation that Mb character will bear , we adopted the Chronicle ' s report in preference to that of other papers , in which the glossing brash ' had been used more sparingly . To Bhew , however , that we do not over-state the case , we give here the Times' version of the same processings so far as they relate to the brutal interruptions b y the Judge of the defendant , while addressing the Jury and cress-examining the witnesses .

      In cross-examination : — Thomas Agar—Was a sergeant of police . Had been so for a' year and a half , and in the force for threo years . Was in the Pasture on the evening of the 28 th of Aueugt , at about Beven o ' clock . There were about 2 , 000 people assembled , chitfly of the lower class . He corroborated the testimony of the former witness as to the language uttered by the defendant . "CroBE-examined by the defendant—Did you think you were morally justified ! "The Judge—Stop , stop ; what have we to do with that ! "The defendant—My Lord , I

      think"The Judge—You may think what you please ; but well hare no such nonsense as that about ' morally justified' here . ' ** Cross-examination resumed—They were rather orderly . He meant by that , that there was no actual breach of the peace . There was no disturbance ; but the people were elevated . Meant by'elevated ' that they were wrought upon by your expressions . There was injury done to the policemen before you came , and not since . *' The Judge—Why they took yoa up you Bee ; that ' s the way they quieted you . If you turn a dog down the street , and cry out * mad dog , ' there ' s no need to tell the people to knock him on the head . There ' s no occasion for it , it is not necessary ; they will do it without .

      " The defendant—I ' m quite aware of that . my Lord ; I , and those like me , have painfully learned that by experience . " In defence : — u He had said that the Government was tyrannical , because he thought——"The Judge—Then you have done very wrong . You have no right to hold out that the Government is tyrannical . Yon need not give yourself a bad character . We know nothing of you but what you said and did on the occasion that we are inquiring into . Confine yourself to the present charge against you . " The defendant resumed—What was there

      inflammatory in his language as compared with that which was to be found in a speech lately delivered by the Worshipfal the Mayor of Leicester , which he would read to them t " The Judge—You cannot be allowed to do that ; it has nothing to do with the present charge ; and besides , we don ' t know anything more of it than what you tell us . " The defendant resumed—What would have been said of him if he had uttered such inflammatory language as that ! f He then proceeded to read some very strong passages , and afterwards told the Jurj that such had been the language of the Mayor of Leicester , recently addressed to a popular assembly . He then directed their attention to a speech recently

      delivered , also to a popular assembly at Leioester , by one of the Learned Counsel for the prosecution , to the language of which he seemed to desire to convey the impression that his own would , by comparison , be found to be not unlike * Hyperion to a Satyr . ' He began to read , * Will you , tbe people of England '—[ Here , to the apparent disappointment of many , and the utter chagrin and discomfiture of the defendant himself , he wss summarily stopped by the Court . ] The Learned Judge now presiding had sat at the trials of M'Douall and Vincent , and be ( the defendant ) might with impunity express his opinions respecting that Learned Judge ' s course of proceeding . [ Tbe Judge ^ -That depends upon the manner in which you do it . ]"

      " As to the words * the day of boiling will come , when woe to the unboiled , ' they were used only as a figurative mode of expressing his hope and conviction that the / rood time would come when the state of things would be so altered as to supersede the necessity of a police force . * The Judge—I shall order those persons away , if they keep pumping . [ The defendant had been hitherto receiving the assistance of two persons ( Chartists , no doubt ) sitting by bis side . ]

      u The defendant complained , with some warmth , of the interruption that he said he had received from the Court , and said that he felt that if he had been allowed to conduct his defence in the manner in which he had marked it out for himself , and as he thought most advisable and proper for him , he should have been able to satisfy the jury th » t he had done only what was conscientious and right , and had not been guilty of the crime charged against him . He then said , * My Lord , may I beg that 1 may not be further interrupted , but permitted to conduct my defence , according to the best of my ability , in the mode in which I have designed it !"

      *• Tbe Judge—That will depend upon whether you confine yourself within proper limits , and to the subject of the charge which Vi-u have to answer . w The defendant proceeded—* He felt it Useless to address them any further . '" Let any man read these statements ; let him compare them with tbe Chtonicle ' s report , as given elsewhere ; let him believe that those antagonistic papers are not in league for the destruction of Judge Gorket ; let him read the whole report ; let him mark the character of the evidence against Jonksand the offence that he was charged with ; let him remember that Jones is a poor cooler lad—that he stood there , unassisted , to contend with Counsel learned in the law and backed up by the nation ' s purse ; let him remember that by the principles of the British Constitution—that constitution which our

      Judges are sworn to uphold—the Judge is to be at all times the undefended prisoner ' s Counsel ; that the law leans always to the side of mercy and gives every doubt to the defendant ; let him take all these circumstances into the account , and then let him believe , if he can , that Judge Guhnky is not a miserable Monomaniac seeking , in infamy and in the exeorationB of society that u being talked of whioh the estimable qualities to be looked for from his years and station do not furnish .

      This is by no means the first evidence of Baron Gusset ' s utter inoompetency either of mind or cha-. racter for the high station to which he was elevated as the first proof of imbecility , or something worse , which characterised the whole oareer of Whig ascendancy . In 1834 , before he had been two jeare a Judge , his name rang through the country as a disgrace , morally or mentally or in both respects , to the judicial bench . At the Newcastle Summer Assizes of that year , among other samples of judicial equity and mercy , he exhibited the following : —A lad who had . obtained a hat , value 8 s . 6 d ., by false pretences , was adjudged by him to be " transported

      for life *! Two loose women , one of whom had filched , and the other received and run away with , two sovereigns and some silver , belonging to a proiigate faimer , where both transported for life ! and a young man , in the possession of whose mother , a mad woman dependant on him for support , were found some pieces of Bait pork which were said to have been stolen , was sentenced also to be transported for life ! 1 ! and the mother , apparent / 9 not herself ( as the report says ) even at the trial , wae ordered to be transported for seven years i 2 While

      at that very same assiiss , an atrocious case of bigamy was tried before his Lordship , where a Captain of a merchant vessel had deceived and ruined an innocent girl , under pretence of marriage , having also defrauded her parents of their child ; this hardened scoundrel , who well deserved the severest penalty the law allows , was adjudged by the humane Baron , to no more than six month ' s imprisonment !!! These things excited much observation at the time ; but he was then young on the Bench and it was hoped that experience wonld teach him something of wisdom and discrimination .

      We rejoice to see , from Mr . O'Connor ' s letter , that he has determined to take up the case of Johes , and demand for him a new trial . We trust fervently that the people will Bee to the providing of the funds forthwith and amply . These matters are really " no jekes . " They cannot be borne . Jsdges must be taught that iu England people know the law and know the extent of their authority ; and that no man is to be thus immolated by maudling , doting , ignorant , malignity ; though he may even be a eobler and a Chartist .

      Can any body Bend us a list ] of u t ! ae names , weights , and colours" of the Jury in Jones ' s case ! Tnat Jury ought to be ashamed ever again to look Englishmen in the face . The con < iact of the Judge ,

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      without any other evidence , ought to have secured a yerdiot of acquittal , even if there had been any evidence worth calling such against Jones , which there was not . If this trial do not drive Baron Gurnet into " retirement , " then there is either no virtue in the EngliBh people , or no power in public opinion .

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      THE CHARTISTS AND THE MAGISTRACY . The length at which we have this w « ek given the trial of CooPKBand the other Chartists , at Stafford and : elsewhere , have precluded the possibility of our giving the debate on Mr . Drncombe ' s motion , most important as it is . We regret this exceedingly , but have no alternative . To have given anything like a decent abstract of it would have occupied more than double the space that we had left , and to murder it we had no inclination ; feeling sure that however strong and just may be the objection to " old news , " the people would be reasonable enough to know that the paper can but be filled , and , on so important a matter , would prefer waiting till next week for tho entire , to having a murdered sorap of it .

      As we cannot give the debate now , we shall reserve the bulk of our remarks on it till they can be read in juxta-position with the speeches upon whioh we comment , as we think that the fairest way . But we cannot permit the fact to escape notice , that the " House" and the Government absolutely refused to meet the motion of Mr . Dcncombb at all . There can be no doubt that if they could have prevented his making the motion they would have done so ; for they were evidently not a little "bothered" with it . The Attornet-Genbbal , as defender of the Magistrates , showed infinitely more of the lawyer and less of the man than on the trial at Lancaster . It

      must have been a galling task to his honourable mind , if his bearing at Liverpool and Lancaster have not left on us a perfectly erroneous impression of hiB individual and personal goodness of character . He was compelled to have recourse to the mean and dirty subterfuges of hie craft . To blink wilfully and resolutely the question at issue , and to conjure up a phantom of his own with which to fence , instead of meeting Mr . Duncombe ' s facts and arguments , most of which he entirely passed over , and some of which he grossly—we hope not wilfully —distorted and misrepresented to eke out his owa

      case . Mr . Duncow » e complained , on the petitions of the parties , of the hardships inflicted on a number of individuals by the illegal conduct of the Magistrates before trial . The Attorney-General replied by rehearsing his own very fair and courteous conduct to the same parties at trial;—as though the two cases bad anything in the world to do with each other ! as though ~ his fairnes 3 couM be taken to excuse ( heir illegal stringency ; as glaring a non sequilur as could have been urged ! Another portion of the Learned Gentleman ' s defence

      of the " unpaid" was , that the petitioners had several of them been convicted ; as though a man who may have been convioted could not by possibility have suffered any hardship or ill treatment before conviction I True , he said the law was open to them ; and that if they could persuade Grand Juries to return a Bill , the Magistrates might be indicted for any offence charged against them , or that they might be civilly prosecuted for damages . But eonld the ATroiwET-GsivsBAL be ignorant of the fact that the Grand Jury before whom the bill of indictment must have been preferred , would be

      made of the accused parties themselves , and of the folly , therefore , of any body dreaming of so acting t Did he not know that poor men cannot prosecute for damages f Would he , as counsel , undertake a cause for any man who was neither able to pay bis fee , nor to pay an attorney for preparing brief for him ! How contemptible then to offer these men the alternative of the law ! with the case also of O'Neil upon his lips ; in whioh the law waa appealed to , and , though the guilt of the Magistrates was admitted , redress was denied to the injured party , and the Magistrates were actually

      commended by the Court in the same judgment which pronounced the subject of commendation to be an illegal aot !! The sum of the whole matter is this ; that the refusal of this inquiry stamps the condemnation both of the Government and the League . It brands the Government with partiality and cowardice ; and it shews th « League , of whom the Magistrates complained against are part and paroel , to have been * ' the real Simon Pures " whom though the Government perfectly know all about it , they fear to meddle with , even when a good and fair oase is thrust into their hands by those very Magistrates themselves .

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      ORGANIZATION . MR . O'CONNOR'S NEW PLAN . Wk refer with great pleasure to the plan of Mr . O'Connor for a New Executive , detailed in his letter . It is well deserving of public attention and consideration . Let the people read and ponder well upon it . Let them exercise their judgments freely . It is a matter of vital importance to our movement and Mr . O'Connor will not , we are quite sure , regard any section of the people as paying him any compliment if they Bhould adopt it , simply because it his , without examination . He wishes only that some mode Bhould be adopted calculated effectually

      to serve the object of concentrating our energies and of preventing the people or the cause from being sacrificed by any folly ot treachery thai might possibly arise among those who , as tbe Executive , would be entrusted in a great measure with the keeping of the people ' s interests . Without at all reviving or wishing to revive any matter of discussion on the conduct of the last Exeoutive , we may advert to the fact that many circumstances have combined to evince the necessity of Borne such

      regulations as those whioh Mr . O'Connor , here proposes in the Council of thirteen and iu the public Treasurer . We think also that past experience has quite sufficiently demonstrated the necessity of some check upon the amount of " responsibility , " which to small a body as an Executive Council of five might be disposed to assume in the putting forth of documents by whioh the whole body might be compromised , and the liberties of our best men endangered .

      We have read with some degree of care \ vlr . O'Connor ' s plan ; and we have no hesit ^ ti an in avowing our oonviotion that its arrange ^ p , ^ ue admirably adapted for the remedy of BOmo very serious misohiefs from whioh we ha ra before suffered ; and for which remedies m tfSt oe proTi < je ({ before the Organiiation can be a ^ put into that state in whioh the people eitb ^ or ou ght t 0 have confidence in it ; while ^ sama t jme we think there are parts of it wh j ^ Teqaire to be carefully reconsidered , and , per fcapSj to be considerably modified . We think also that there are some

      matters for which it is a jeolutely necessary to make provision , and for wb j ^ j 8 p ] an of Mr # O'Connor s does not provi ^ we fear also that some of ^ he arrangeme nts contemplated by this plan might , because r / the stringent character of the law , be ato ned . -vritib some considerable difficulty , if d . ot doubt . And though it might be thought that , ¦ we are stepping off our proper ground , and invad- ^ Dg the "legal territory" whioh comes more nat orally under Mr . O'Connob ' s own inspection , w a are yet certain that he will take kindly

      our 8 Cxicitude that any new effort which the people may now make may be quite sure to be " all right an A safe . " Upon all these matters , we shall , in fill probability , speak more fully hereafter . We now point attention to them as proper subjects of deep and anxious consideration for the people . We would gladly hear the people ' s own thoughts upon them , before we enter into details . We have never been disposed to set up our own opinion with any undue prominence , though we have always conceived the people to be entitled to its honest expression whenever we imagine that we can thus serve them ,

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      The spirit in which Mr . O'ConnoB his put forth thia " Skeleton of a Plan , "—bia anxiety that it should be canvassed and sifted by the peoplehis wish to receive the suggestions and assistance of all , that the plan may be improved , if possible , may be correoted , if in any point illegal , —and made in every respect practically efficient—cannot be too much admired : It is tbe very spirit in which all propositions for public acceptance ought-to be made , and which the importance of the subject especially demands in this matter .

      We rejoice to see the care with Which Mr . O Connor aeema to regard the " legality of every point . " We think with him that it is most important to make Chartism a thing of whioh none need be legally afraid . There can be no doubt that our cause has derived an impetus , especially in certain quarters , from the proceedings connected with the late trial . That advantage is owing not more to the exhibitions of talent which were made than to the

      proofs which were afforded of the earnest determmanation on the part of most of those who have led the movement , while they took every opportunity of asserting and enforcing their principles , to abide by such means as might comport with and conduce to the peace and good order of society . We have made thus an advance in public estimation ; our muse has received an advantage , but it has been purchased at a dear rate , and we cannot afford to repeat the purchase . Besides any further exhibition of the same kind would only tend to lessen the

      advantage we have gained by this . We must now , therefore , endeavour to proceed safely . We must tske care that our organisation be within the law , and we must take care to abide by our organisation , when established , and to see that it is enforced on all ; no more tampering with it by our own officers—no more involving of the cause and the party in the " responsibility" which individuals choose to take upon themselves . Eaeb man must now learn to know his own place and keep it . It is quite possible ro to direct our movements as that the law shall be

      compelled to work with as and for ue * , and thia must be done . Every public act , every movement ef the body , must be made conformable to rule , while the rule is made conformable to law . We shall then , as a body , be safe ; our onward progress , at whatever speed , will be onward ; and not as it has hitherto been , circular , coming baek always to the same point whence we : started . We see much in thjs " skeleton of a plan ; " that will go-a long way Cowards securing those desirable objects . We wait anxiously for the filling-up of the " skeleton , " which we trust will he found to effect it fully , and also to lay before the

      people something-in the shape of an immediate and practical application of our own principles , to cheer and aid us in oar struggle , to make them ultimately triumphant on the broadest sealer We are most happy to see in several of the master-minds of the movement a craving simultaneously , manifested after something practical—some present embodymeni in useful results of our principles and energies . We ciatm attention on this trcad to the following extract of a private letter , written in February last , from one of the most intelligent , as well as honest , of our ' leaders , to a person whom it will be seen he wae wishful to put in nomination for the Executive : — .

      " Mt dear Sir .- —With the contents of your letter I am bigbiy gratified . It tells me that if you can bo prevailed upon to accept the office of one of the Executive , and if ) the people will only elect you , that the best results will How from your appointment , i " I have for a considerable time past been of the opinion that Chartism needs reformation—that nearly all we axe ! bow doing is labour lost . We appear to go the round of one circle over and over again . Behold the round we tread : agitation—EXCITEMENT — OUTBREAK — PEHSECiniON—APATH 1 Jand then , when the imprisoned get free , we-have

      more agitation , more excitement , until we finish off with persecution and apathy again . We are doing nothing practic&l . Why should we not ! The Socialists , if they move slowly , are doing something . We are doing worse than nothing . I am not quite so wild as I was four years ago ; and though equally as good a democrat , I now see what I eonld not see then , that roaring multitudes will not of themselves ever bring [ the Charter . As yet we ( as a people ) have 1 neither the virtue to get the Char er by moral means , nor have we the courage nor means to take tbe Charter by force . It ia circumstances , baoked by tbe increasing intelligence of the masBw , to which I look for tbe carrying of the Charter . Could we not , thea , ( without

      leaving anything undone we are now doing oalou- < latod to accelerate the obtainment of that measure , ) do something practical in the meantime ; something , whioh would Bhew tbe world we would know how to apply legislative rights when we got them for the removal of the social misery exixtingt I believe we could , j I believe we must come to something of the sort ; and the sooner the better too . Now , I believe you are j . ust the man calculated to commence that reform of the movement ; atd sa thinking , it is my earnest desire to see you at the Executive Board . ! I am weary of Chy . rt . ism as at present conducted . Let us prove by ao ts and deeds that we are fitted ] to legislate , and defend upon it , so far from retarding , we shall grea tly accelerate the triumph of the Charter .

      "More I cannot say now ; wheu the gods permit I will , on these matters , by letter or otherwise , say something more . " Anent the same matter , we h ave also , this week , received a letter from a gentW jan Whom , though he be not very prominent in the mr cement , we kuOW . and feel proud to know , as one T * hose strength of mind and sterling honesty deser re much attention . He writes as follows ) : — •? Si a , —I hope jtou will ajiow me a email space In tbe olumns of tbe people ' s papar , it is the first time I ever e * ed you the favop r > and the reason I do so new la , because I believe tha * . the time has now arrived for n « , ri Charttsto , to ; ma' further advance , in order

      to accomplish that jwh' i < ja yoa and i , iB common with the rest ol oar Cha- ftist brethren , have so much at heart—that is , equa ' , justice to all , and happiness to all th « humaa family . ; j j eei convinced that our long and arduous agitation jma 8 t haTe proved to every rtflecting individual , as w jii as to the world at large , that when the people are properly united , their pewer is omnipotent . Whoia hejthat has beheld , and has not admired , tbeooWe con- iuctof our unwaahed and illiterate artisans yillyinp f ., t n from tneir workshops , and mounting the bustinp 8 for tjje pUrpo 8 e of discussing our glorious principles with ^ e ci asa i 0 anet reBnei aristocrats , and proving ' j ^ to tbem , and to the world , that our principles aw based npon justice , and therefore they are temuf ahie ? :

      1 am not aware of any meeting having heen pro-P ®* . y convened for the purpose of discussing our prin-C plaa , where they have not been always triumphantly . arried , sare and except in that small market-house of , iucurablea situated upon the banks of tbe river Thames , 1 where they make errors by hundreds , aad squander the j people ' s money by millions . " As Chartists iwe do not profess to have the gift of prophecy ; nevertheless , we always knew that certain oauBes would produce certain effects , and knowing , as we did , that the hull-administration of class legislation , and the improved and still improving state of machinery wonld ultimately bring on national distress ; knowing this , we f » ked for our political rights to t 3 conceded unto us , in order to empower us to alter tbe

      institutions of our country , to as to enable us to prevent so dreadful a calamity ; but instead Of our just rights being conceded unto v \ onr petitions have always been treated with contempt by a large majority of the members of tnat House which < h falsely called the people ' s House ; and also most of thoc 9 out of that House , who move in rather a higher sphere of society , as they term it , have treated us and our principles somewhat uncourteously . The reason why some of tbem have done so , 11 jlieve , is berause they have been quite ignorant what our principles are ; others have misrepresented us , because they thought it were tLeir interest to do so ; but , if I jam not greatly mistaken , such individuals are finding it out that they reckoned without their host . :

      ** Well , let ua persevere onward , and as sure j > i two and two make four , if we only nni * 3 our r ; ji * -. tion with a firm co-operation , we shall prove unto the slanderers and the waverers that we are still progressing in the right course . " Now , Sir , for our onward movement Dees not our great champion , and virtuous patriot , O'Connor , oty out " THE LAND , " and yon echo to the cry , and I fellow in the train , and say " TBE LAND i" but the question 'which now arises is , Is the land to come unto ui , or we are to go unto the land . I say tea must so to the land . Well , then , if we are to go U the land , some plan must be adopted to come at the means .

      " Well , Sir , we all know that many pence makes a pound , and one million penca a weak will reallre a sum of four thousand one hundred and sixty-six pounds , thirteen shillings and fourpence we : kly . " Now then , brother Chartlata , if this sum could be placed in tbe bands of an Executive , every week , for the purpose of being judiciously laid out , would it , I ask , weaken our present position ? I unhesitatingly say it would make us doubly strong ; but anxious as I am to see either this or some more improved plan carried

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      into * operation , I kuow it cannot be aeeomplis&ed in one week ; tt win Dave to be the work of time ; bat if | t be token « p in tbe same spirit that the Trades' Union was , the time will t » short , and I say he that hsi it in bis power to subscribe and des * not do so , I r-wnot lolievebim to t j riseare -when I heal him wishing tbat society we * regenerated . Talking is * very good in i *? ple ^ n but , in my opinion , the time has now arrive t

      when it tshovrs us to act a « well ? i tafi . Now , if ft ba advkeable that an experiment should bs tried , some plan must 11 bit upon in order to set i * agoing , i would beg to suggest the propriety ef eallfag a smalt conference ; such « onference to be composed of a few of the IM minds that can be selected from the-Chatty ranks ; say one from Yorkshire , ena from Lamatfrre , and one from each of the other counties ; the said delel gates to maflt In some central placa .

      •• We , your friends at Kefgh ' -ey , were amongst the foremost to form a political union previous to the pr- > j ing of what was falsely called the Reform Bill , and wa are now ready to assist In placing Chartism upon a more solid bz ~ ia than it hitherto Ire ? t rsn . Let ri he'ton to ple ? 3 ourselves in thiB formidable position , and then if we kn « ck at the door of St . Stephen ' s , whether Peel or Russell be the gate-kesper , they * U 1 politely let us in . " I remain , " Yours in the causa of Democracy , " Joseph Fieth . " Keighley , March 21 , 1843 . "

      These sentiments are worthy of earnest consideration , coming , as they do , from one of labour ' s nobles , These are evidences of the turn tbe public mind is taking . We rejoice to see them : they are proofs that our labour ( has not been in vanr—that the seed which we have sown is showing itself already in the blade , and will yet ripen in the fail' ear . We have yet much to say upon this subject of remodelling our movement . We shall return toib again and again , and lay our own thoughts before the people . Meantime we commend it to the careful consideration of Mr . O'Coxnob in the filling up of bia- "

      skeleton f we have had no eosmunieation with him' on the matter , but should be glad to have . We fed earnestly desirous that our new Organisation , ' should be perfect ; that it should embrace every advantage , and guard against every disadvantage ; hence , we advise the people to take timer , to deliberate , to weigh Well every point , to give , through the Star , the benefit of their opinion , to those who may be occupied in preparing measures for their consideration and acceptance . Let , it however , be notcd . that whilst

      inviting from all the expression of their opinion , we do not offer general-license , and premise general indulgence , to every man who can spin out a letter of a column or two in length * What we want are not writers and essaya , but hints and observations J short , pithy and to the point—telling what the letters mean , without waste of words . Unless this caution be observed , pur space may be unduly occupied , and we may be obliged to offend many by suppression or curtailment .

      We think no steps should be taken for appointing an Executive until tbe re-osganifation of the people has been agreed to and determined on .

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      EMIGRATION . —WHERE TO . —AND HOW TO PROCEED . It is well known that we have not been advisers of Emigration . We have not been of those who have advised the people to forsake the land of their birth , to seek in other and ( oft-times ) inferior climes , that comfortable living and free position which they ought to enjpj ax HOME ; and . for th& enjoyment and securement of which we possess such ample , means . We have rather advised that the people Bhould remain ia their father-land , and learn to use common sense in the application- of the illimitable means of comfort and well-being at their

      disposal-Yet we know there are those who are heartsickened ! at the present position and prospect of ; things in England ; and who deem & prudent to scrape together the remnants of their shattered 11 fortunes" and all bat absorbed savings , and betake themselves to distant lands , thereto seek for that protection and freedom denied them by THE SYSTEM at home . To such it is important to know where to go to , for the best ; and how to proceed in their arrangements , so as to Bsoure themselves from the gr « 8 & impositions and oppressions practised upon them by hordes of hungry TOltares v * ho hover round emigrant ships , at botlL ends of the passage ,, and Seece the unknowing most unmercifully .

      Some mouths ago , we announced that & firm and undeviating friead of the working classss , Mr . Pitketbxx , of Hwdderefield , had' made ifc Mb business to inquire into these matters \ and had undertaken & voya&e to the Unites SrxTxs-of Noam Akb&ica , to see with his own eyes , and judge for himself , as to the truth or falsehood of the maay glowing ftpresentations , that have bea& . made to induce Emign itoa to that quarter ef the world . For thia purpose he has traversed over several of the States , particularly those of Massachusetts , New Yobx ,

      Rhode Island , Pbk&tlvamia , Ohio , MicHien * j Illinois , Wisconsin , and New Jersey . He h » been to look out , and ascertain the actual state of ,: things in these places , so as to judge of the dear * i ability , or otherwise , of Emigration ; andtoasoar- J tain the beat and moat economical mode iu whicir Emigration , if determined on , can be accom plished I He has returned to England from this mission ; and j we have made arrangements with him to publish the j " Notes of his Tour" in weekly portions in tto , Star . -I

      We should have given his introductory letter this week ; only that the trials at Stafford and Leicester have pre-occupied our apace . It shall be given mil week ; and the following week we Bhall comment to publish the " Notes of the Tour . " The introdnstory letter is to put the reader in possession of tha reasons and inducements Mr . Pitkethly had to undertake the labour he did undertake ; while tis

      " Notes of the Tour , " will , as may readily be infer red , give the particular items of information the traveller picked up by the wayside , during bis long journey of thousands of miles . The " Notes" wH be followed up by a number of general observation detailing the impressions made on Mr . Pn * kethly ' s mind by the facts he has made himsdi conversant with , and the reasoning and opinions In has heard from persons on the several spots he ^

      visited . We may state now , to those who may be inten ding | to Emigrate , that it is Mr . Pitkbthlt ' s stnrag deart | that no one should depart their native land , unle 3 ^ under complete arrangements for entering npon ibi land at the place of their intended destination . H ° Btates that from the immense numbers that flock * | to the United States during the last and two p » J | vious years , there is a great •* redundancy of hands in every department of labour ; so that when laboar is obtained ( a thing now next to impossible ) it ^ | l uniformly followed by a reduction of wages . Ib * || also tends to reduce wages at home ; for if we are W h compete with the foreign manufacturer , " we am f

      as a matter of course , produce cheaper than he does i ; and we shall net be able to produce cheaper if & » wages of labour are higher . M Under proper arrangements Emigration miff }* | conduce to the advantage and benefit of the M& ' grants ; and we believe a scheme by which this ca 9 - be accomplished will be developed during thd coarsei J or at the end , of the publication of the informatios and advice we shall so shortly be enabled to W I before the public . But the crowding <««* I ther of such vast heaps as have been thro *> into the several States of North America , withou t

      system or plan , or denned object , has worked to tj > 9 great disadvantage of all concerned ; both ti » Emigrant aud native workman . We also learn from Mr . Pitkethly , that & 9 people will de well not to listen to all the glowing tales contained in letters from " f riends who have already gone out ; as they are likely to be greatly deeeiveAif they do . He mentions that befoiij he went out" he saw in the Weekly Disputed some letters from a person of the name of CoiA dated from Wisconsin territory ; and whioh , f rolB the glowing descriptions therein given , induced gre *

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      _ _ . & _ THE NORTHERN STAR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 1, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct475/page/4/