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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th January 1843, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE KORTHEEN STAfi. SATURDAY, JANUARY 34, 1843.
    • 8To 2£Uat>*r£ awtr <§Qvve$pot&ent&*
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      Untitled Article

      TO THE X 3 BABTISX 3 OF 80 TJTH LANCASHIRE . t Deae . Bsothebs , —You are sware Yhai previous to the issuing of the present lecturers' Vl&n , a notice appeared in the "Northern Star" to the effect that eaeh locality forward to the ItiEtrict Secretary informa tion £ s to -whether they intend to remain on the Flan , or otherwise ; the name or names . of parties in their locality -who -were irilling and competent to be placed upon the Plan as lecturers fox this district -, and -whether any of those already on the Plan wished to have their names erased . Bat , notwithstanding this notice , and a ttelay of four -weeks , to give time for them- to forward the information required before the bringing . out of the present plan , very few-of the localities thonght proper to answer the notica , or forward to the Secretary the infornaUon he desired , He , therefore , tool their silence as an admission that they intended to remain

      on the Plan as usual ; bat no sooner is the Plan pnb-Bshed , and Hie lecturers commence their labours according to Its provisions , than first one place and then another state that they did not intend to be on the Plan for the present And , in the same manner , several of the lectnrers hare withdrawn their names . These proceedings ha-re thrown the distriet into confusion , and Tendered ; the present plan entirely useless . It is , therefore , indispensably necessary to get a correct Plan oat m speedily as possible . And it is hoped that the localities -will not neglect their duty on this occa sion , % ut forward the information required by sending delegates to the meeting to be held on Snnday , Jan . 22 Dd 5 or fey forwarding , by letter , their dsttrmination , "before the above date , to Wm . Dixon , No . 11 , Nelsonitreet , Bank Top , Manchester . Sy Attending to this yon -will oblige , Tours in the cause , W 3 L Dnxoa , District Secrefcwy . ^ Manchester , Jan . 11 , 1843 .

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      ? TO Mi GOOD CHAKTISTS . Leicester , Jan , 5 , 1843 . Bs ^ thbes , —WSliaaa ElHs'a widow vs £ her inno-- « eiit chfldreB are in need of an asylum . Is'is . proposed to set her » p in souse small bwsness—&s « . news-agent < x something < df thatfcnd . Jote < He 8 TO »< * he , treasurer lor a iund So be raised with that intact . We « omaneneed it at the inference , I took * cap round to every meaber , and the « ua collected -was £ 3 6 s ., hi addition t « 2 s . 6 d . from Mr . t © ' , Eiggins , the cnaintan , and 2 s . < d . given Km -for this benevejsnt purpose by seme Complete ^ Suffrage = g « atleman . 'i most urgently entreat fon to use every efivrt towards-raising This fund to a decent « um—a sum sefneient to start the poor wldowxwmforiatoly .

      Perazit iae , also , to throw out -another hint Cannot some eff ^ yoa point out a sstable locality for Mrs . £ llls ? Some fcends- ^ roposed that she should go to Baralem , but she sheds tears immediately -when Burslem is ¦ j nentaoaefi— £ he dreads-going there . Poor EUis , 4 oo , in « ne of the letters ! have « ceived towards compiling the memoir fwhich I shall have r > - * dy very shortly ) expresses ttsense of horror at the thought of his wife and children going to leade-at Bowlesi- Do you know the factions say , " they -will exterminate the whole brood ef thfiSlisesr

      Ifow , under sueh-tarenmstenceB , 1 say poor Mrs . Ellis shall aat go to BursJem , and -your hearts -will impel you to say « o too . -End a place for her , then ; some good hearty < rhar&sfc locality , -where she and her children trill bejespected , and made as comfortable as their deep-seated sorrow will permit Thomas Ooopse .

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      ^ m TO ^ HB CHARTISTS OP GREAT BSITAIX . Uewiihe speech of the American President , John Tyler , delivered the 6 th December , 1 S 42 . and compare it wMi other -speeches , speeches delivered to Blaves , whoase not worthy of -knowing how toe business of the nation they support and uphold is carried on . A immbttg is issued , and called a most gracious speech , addressed to two classes of men , the greatest portion of wbem ana ^ x » enemies of-mankind . £ o « r &meh better would it be even for me to address jon as-fello-w citizens , instead of slaves , as you are and will be , tx&t 3 jrou are as jealous of you liberty as you are of yonr wives and sweethearts .

      The President , John Tyler , in the second paragraph cf hiB speech , Bays , " Fellow Citizens . " He telb them in the coarse of his speech , that America would not consent to fte Tight of search , that America could Tr . aTiagg her own affaire without the interference of other nations . Pray inquire into this , and understand it thoroughly . Ask yourselves why the Americans ¦ would not allow the -ressels of other nations to detain and search their ships , untie ? the pretext of . looking for slaves * The answer ii simple . They are jealous of their liberty . They have it , and they know how to teep it £ ray inquire again—Is there another nation in the world who dare refuse the right of search ? The answer is no , and the < jnestion again is why not ? 2 say tbey dare not be free . Tae despots would say , if yon will not do as we wish , we -will not protect you stalest your people , and yon will not long be a king without oar aid .

      Look at the American press and judge for yourselves ; you see in that no cringing to royalty , to support for arbitrary judges or magistrates , no humbug of Church and state , no bloated filthy Bishop legislators , no centralisation . How different from the vile press of Bogland , with the exception of your own , -which yon must support and augment if yon will be citizans . There is us despotic Times in America , there is a certain wicked man there , a Mx . Lynch , who is » great ensmy to despotism , although a great despot himself , which plainly shows tha » despotism is the only thing to destroy despots , for when despotism and despots fight , they , like the Irishman * cats , destroy each other . I wish to impress upon your minds the true sense rmd -rsroe oT toe -word eLEzan , and the great necessity of your being such as soon as possible . 2 Jow mart , particularly , who says * ' fellow-citizens , and to whom these sacred words are addressed . Ask

      yourselves the meaning , and you will gnd that John Tyler , feeing a eitzzsn , has been chosen by his fUloweatizans to preside over them for a time , ' at the end of which , he will be John Tyler , and a fellow-citizen , frith the difference of having been chosen by a free people , to * nitft the highest situation in the-world . John Tyler , is , in America , as a Sing in any other country , with the following exceptions—a king is hated tj the people , he cannot leave his palace but in secrasy , and even then , thousands of soldiers and police are necessary to protect him from the people ' s vengeance , say from nis loyal subjects . The press call them hia loyal subjects . John Tyler can walk tha streets respected by every one be meets . Merit alone can make a man a Presides t , but an idiot , a murderer , or a blind man , miy be a King . A Political Mabtiil

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      ~ ^ THE SIB 3 O 2 ffiHA-H CONFERENCE . LETTEB IL , TO THB KDITOB OS THE SOBTHEKS STaX . Sib—In my last I pointed out the position' which the Complete Suffrage party took in the late Conference , and after comparing their conduct with their avowed principles , showed the inconsistency , and the relation in which they really stood to the Conference after they had seceded . I will now enter into some of the principal arguments which have been nsed by them to justify their own cendnct , and is doing this I must necessarily tale individuals , for bodies do not reason in a mass ,- though by -adopting the arguments of an individual , and pursuing the course of conduct advised , they become responsible for such arguments and conduct

      Mr . Richard Gardener said , that "It ahonld be first of all distinctly understood that in no one principle had they differed , ii teas simply a question of discipline and order ; and the m ? jority having comjtdled the secession of the council and the minority , by obstructing the Tegular business of the Conference , in violation of the ordinary rules of every assanMy , they were now met to proceed with the consolidation of these matters . " This is certainly a singular argument to advance foi taking so important a step—important because it was impossible to furnish the enemies of the people with a more powerful weapon than the inconsistency of the professed advocates of freedom , who by this means seek to attach disgrace to the whole , an & throw ridicule and odium upon ihe principles , for which consequence those

      who have furnished the means must be held responsible How , then , can M a simple question of discipline and order" justify them in laying the cause so open tc attack ; for the more simple the cause from tcJiidi they acted , Oe more factious xcadcaJ pat ^ t is their conduct ; bui he says the n » jority compelled them to secede . What ? BtcausethediseipftBeasd order was to be regulated by a majority , the miaority -were compelled to secede iruly this is . strange democracy . But he afUrwardi endeavours to catch prejnoice by saying that th € majority "had obstructed Qieregular business of the Conference . " Kow what part of the business of the Conference did the majority obstrnct ? Thecirculai convening tie Conference expressly says the ^ " Confer ^ ™? to ?™*™* > W ^ fcaotasingWord

      _ about a "bill prepared by the council , and which tt Conference waa to receive as the basis of discussion , o pain ef-their high displeasure and loosing tkeir valui able services , and moreover being placed by Messr Gardener , Mian , Bitchie , BrewBter , and Cc , under U ban of excommunication from the Conference ; * n <\ it not finly expressed in the Circular that we met 1 ' prepare a iJH , " but resolution seventeen of ti former ConferenoB , and to carry out which the lai last Conference assembled , is— "Thatthis Confewnu having adopted such just principles of represent tion , as are necessary for giving to all dass

      their « qual share of political power j resolve i some finnrs period to caD another" Conference < i ¦ which the whole people nay be fully representec for ttapurpow of considering A 2 TT documents whic « mbody the neceesry detaib for working out its aboprinciples , "—and again , their own programme sayi "At the first meeting of the Executive Committee to i held immediately after the close of this session ,, AX documents which are supposed to embody tb necessary details tot hoiking out the principU of Complete Suffrage , must be placed in their hands . This either does cr does not mean what it says -. if : does imply whstiS rays , { & » , accord&g to their « w

      Untitled Article

      order of laying down business , the Cor Terence was not assembled under any obligation to tt jcelve a bill prepared by tbeCanncil ; but the T £ s . ecutive Committee was to be the first formed , and AU ^ d joeuments , supposed to embody the necessary detail ? , ^ . / ere to be submitted to them . Then how was it , * ± rti instead of pursuing this course , which was laid do wn by themselves , they were so resolnta in pressing their invidious "priority" ? and then after refusing ? carry out the resolution passed at tie former ConP jrence , and for which purpose

      we were assembled—aft gp breaking faith with the invitation by which we » ere cosTened—for Bome reason or another , setting a ^ de tbeit own programme , and after submitting the p ^ aesfion to ft Tote , retiring from the Conference , thu 3 violating an important principle , and furnishing the * jnennea -of the people wish a weapon against their . . j ^ y ^ ndeavonr to throw all the edium upon the chartist delegates , and , despite the evidence of the' j , own documents , hive the assurance to accuse them of « ebstmrting &e regular business of the Conferenc . »

      The Rev . J £ uiaii said , ""they must bear in mind that the Cor mz ^ ^ 0 hart convened that body , was , after all , tb s germ of whatever life the CoafeTence had ; that it war . the crealereo / ihe ^ Council , las the purposes stated to ' oe their main object **—thear , bear > Such language as this , is so repulsive to'tt-e principles of democrx , Cy , and the sense of dignity with which those princir jes ahonld inspire « s , and to contrary to the natuw of our invitation , asto require ko further refutation than to be placed in juxtaposition with the addr-ei 3 by which we were -convened , and the resolution , ** nicb for the purpose < of carrying out , we were as--asrabled .

      I > et tbe Kev . E . Miall point out the paragraph in any ¦ pjblic document , which convened-usas the creatures t > f 3 ie Council . \ fe aEsembled as the delegates ofthepeopte , { honestly and to the best of onr ability to " prepare a bill to be submitted to -Parliament , for securing the justrepreaentaUon of the whole people , " and " to detornrine the best legal and constitutional means for energetically and peaceably carrying ont the above objects . " I indignantly rtpel tbe assertion that we went there ss the ; creatures of Ote'CoisnciL j In another letter , I intend allnding to the great ; stumbling block , ¦ " physical force , " and show who have been , and who are its abettors .

      I remain , Sir , Yours truly , R . T . MOB . JUSON . Nottingham , January SSi , a * 42 . * Both Mr . < Sardiner ' s and the Rev . 32 . Misll's ^ eeches are taken from the report of the Nonconformist . s

      The Kortheen Stafi. Saturday, January 34, 1843.

      THE KORTHEEN STAfi . SATURDAY , JANUARY 34 , 1843 .

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      THE LAND I THE OSLT MEASS OF SALTATION FOB THB STABVIKG WOBKSBS . The prepress of public opinion in respect to the laxd , as a means of salvation , is indeed mo 3 t rapid and most satisfactory . Even the Free-trading portion of the community , those who have enunciated that " it would be a blessing if England was encrusted with lava , to prevent the growth of a single

      blade of grass , " are at last compelled to admit that improved modes of culture are the means by which our agricultural brethren are to meet tbe altered circumstances of the limes j while in every direction yoa meet with distinct proposals to unite the untilled soil and the unemployed labour and the unemployed capital of the country , for the purpose of producing national wealth . The question is forcing its way into every circle , and ib attaching to itself adherents of every persuasion .

      Right glad are we that this is the case . Long have -we held the opinion , and often have we expressed it , that until we return to the soil from which we have been unnaturally divorced , and employ a due amount of our energy , skill , and capita ] to the fostering , enconraging , and advancing of the science of Aghicpltohe , England can never eDJoy internal peace or Becurity , or her labourers have well-filled pantries and well-clothed backs .

      Where are we to find employment for the machinery-displaced labourer , but upon the land ? The load cry of distress that rings through , our manufacturing towns arises mainly from the fact , that in the processes of manufacture , male adult labour has been almost entirely superseded , either by the cheaper labour of adult females , infantile " hands , " or inanimate machinery . Of work there is enough ! The mills and other manufacturing establis h ments turn out plenty of manufactured goods . ' But those goods are mostly machine-made . Adult labour is not now in request in their production .

      Vast numbers of able-bodied labourers are without employment , even when our manufactories are running extra honra ; and these in their endeavour to procure the means of existence at all , necessarily pull down the wages of those of their brethren who are fortunate enough to procure employment } by offering their services at a lesa and still less rate of remuneration . And this process is constantly going on ! More machinery is constantly being set op ; and machines still further simplifying the manufacturing processes , and still further dispensing with animate attendance , are daily

      being introduced . Look , for example , at the machine-making business itself ! The march of M improvement" in this walk of industry has been so rapid of late , that now an establishment fhted-up with new and improved tooh ; with the self-acting planing-machines ; the self-acting lathes ; the sorewing-machines ; the drilling-maohineB ; the cuttingengines ; the Blotting-engines : an establishment fitted np with these and similar *• tools , " will turn out more " work" with twenty " hands , " than only some three years ago , could have been turned outiwith one hundred " hands . " Yes , the machinenrakeis have been latterly bnsDy engaged in the production of machines to supersede themselves

      And this is but a sample of the working of the whole . Let any one now go into a machine-making establishment ; and let him ascertain the number of adultB employed , and the number of minors ; and then let him compare their relative proportion now with a period only ten years ago ; and he will see the working of the whole syBtem strikingly exemplified . Adult labour is being driven out of the manufacturing labour-market . For a while the superseded one 3 live on the earnings of their wives or their "little ones ; " then the parish is appealed to ; the man becomes broken-spirited and pauperised ; squalid misery , abject wretchedness , and utter destitution is the consequence . ' and enongh of this meets the eye at every turn .

      Again we ask , what earthly chance is there of finding remunerative employment for those thus displaced , but by bringing them upon the untilled soil , supplying them with the necessary capital to make a start , and thus enable them to produce the food they eat—to . earn their bread by the sweat of their browl We may be told that" Extension j ) f Trade" will open the doors of the mills again , and call into play the unemployed labour . We answer that

      POBHEB EXTESSIO > -S OP TBADE HAVE NOT J > OKE this ! We answer that our trade for the last fifty years has been constantly and coatinually " extending "; that in that short period it has " extended" SIX TIMES OViiR ; that the labourer bad full employment and good wages when trade was only one-sixth the amount it now iB ; and that when trade is six times as extensive " as it then was . one portion of the labourers is

      utterly destitute for want of employment , and the other portion starving upon insufficient wages No ! No 1 " Extensions of Trade" have not yet enhanced the comfort and weal of the mass of the workers engaged in manufacturing pursuits ; and , unless the nature of things change ; unless the like causes cease to produce the like effects , it is not to be predicated that another *• Extension of Trade" will produce that which all former ** extensions" have failed to produce .

      Besides , it is contrary to the principles of " political economy" that thB mill doors can be again opened to the adult labourer ! This would be a " return back" to the old , barbarous , and expensive modes of production " ! Who but a " goth" would dream of such a thing ? - * ln a world of progress to talk of going back aoain , is to insult common sense" ] Can it be believed that the possessor of capital will lay aside the cheaper processes of production , and

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      tike to the dearer ones 1 Can this be expected 1 Is this in accordance with every man ' s experience } throughout the whole of the world ' s duration ? No , no ; to so hack is impossible I " Improvement " is the order of the flay . New inventions to enable us to produce cheaper , and thus to met the " keen foreign competition" to which we are subject , are as necessary to our existence as -a manufacturing nation ,-as His impossible to \ % < j aside the machines of tha present day ' s use for the rude and bungling tools of a century ago ! Bring adult labour again into clay 1—how ? Would you have us to spin

      upon the jenBy of thirty spindles ? Or must we take t « the one of fifty ? Would you have us to lay aside the power-loom 1 Or do you mean to bxve the power-loom attended by a great , big , hulking fellow of a man , when hiB infantile daughter is quite equal to the task of dancing attendance upon two ! Would you have us to dis-• oard the Lewis cutting machine , and the Perpetual , and take to the old , obsolete , utterly discarded Shears ? Would you have us to break up our ¦ pJaning-ma-chines , and onr self-acting turninglathes , to return to the old and inefficient modes of

      working iron by the hand-file and cbisel ? Would yon have us do these things ? If you would , we tell you it cannot be done 1 If you would not , pray tell us how you intend an " Extension of Trade" to employ the unemployed adult labourer ? View the question in whatever light we may : turn it over as often aa ever we choose ; to this conclusion we muBt come at last : that the only means of salvation for the starving workers , is to get them upon the ; land where they will be able to produco more than they can consume , and be thus placed in an independent and enviable position .

      Holding this view , and entertaining this feeling , we have hailed with delight erery endeavour to turn public attention to the occupation and employment of the land as a means of removing the direful poverty brought upon the sons of toil , by the joint operation of our grinding-taxation and mis-directed application of machinery . Whoever has advocated the allocation of the poor upon the land , for the purpose of growing their own food , has found in us a hearty welcomer . On this question we have not

      asked whether the advocate of it was a Whig , a Tory , or a Chartist . Whatever has tended to form a public opinion in its favour ; whatever has seemed likely to turn public attention . , to the consideration of the question , has been hailed by us with satisfaction . We have done some little ourselves to aid it onwards ; and we have alacratively given the productions of others , when our doing so could , in even a remote degree , serve the cause we deem of such essential moment .

      We were peculiarly gratified when we first learned that Mr . James Gaeth Marshall , of Leeds , had determined to try some experiments on the small allotment system , from a conviction that it was necessary to bring the soil into play again with manufactures , to enable the producers of wealth to oecupy anything like an independent or comfortable position . We readily gove insertion to Mb written views upon the subject ; and have now great pleasure in calling public ^ attention to what he has done in this matter since the publication of those written

      views . Let not either the reader or Mr . Marshall misunderstand us . We do not mean it to be inferred , when thus speaking generally , that we think the mode that Mr . Marshall has adopted in bringing some of the unemployed labour of this distriet in contact with the land , to be the bent , or even a commendable one , except in so far as it serves to direct public attention , and form public opinion , upon the general question . We advocate , and look or , a quite different occupancy of tbe soil , from that

      which obtains under Mr . Marshall ' s auspices ; but this does not prevent us from giving him his due praise for being so far in advance of his class in this district , as to take the initiative in the application of the land as a remedy for pauperism and poverty . Viewing the matter generally , we hail it with all our heart : viewing it particularly , we must regret that Mr . 'Marshall has not taken a deeper and wider view of the question , and sought to give an example to bis class which would have been worthy of all imitation .

      The small allotment system is but an ekeing-out of tha slender meaBS of the under-paid operative . It is because he cannot earn living wages in return for his daily toil , that the small allotment is made him ; in which he can spend the time which he ought to have for recreation , and for the instruction of his family , in adding a few comforts to his otherwise scanty board . The small allotment is not svfficientto keep him fully employed ; ox to return him sufficient for his own and his family ' s sustenance .

      It is , at best , but an ekeing-ont . It betters his condition , we grant . // is a good as far as it goeswe readily admit . But it does not place the man or the family , in an independent position ! He is not as an Englishman ought to be ! He oannot snap his finger at his fellow-man , should that fellow-man try to over-reach him , or oppress him . He cannot feel the true dignity of a freeman ; for | he is not free . He is not free to act upon his own judgment . He is , in fine , fully and truly dependent .

      The position we should wish man to occupy on the land , is one of independence ! To be there his own master ! To have sufficient of surface in his occupation to occupy his labour hours , and to return him an adequate livikg . To so occupy , that every improvement he made should be mainly his own , so that he might have every inducement to make improvements . In fine , we wish , in having the people allocated on the land , to form a natural market for labour , which , in its operation , shall so affect the artificial market , as to cause the producer in the latter to have sufficient wherewith to feed , clothe , shelter , and well-educate himself . It iB clear that this never can be done by the smatf-alJotment system : although it may be done by the small-farm system , with a proper tenure , and a right principle of rents .

      Still , mangre all these mighty and insurmountable objections to the small allotments , we hail their introduction amongst the Leeds operatives by Mr . Marshall as a great good . They will lead to A BETTER APPLICATION OF THB LAND ! Tho allotment system is but a forerunner of that more perfect system which will drag us out of the quagmires and sloughs which an excessive taxation and an iasane application of mechanical and scientific power have plunged us into . The following appeared in the Leeds papers of Saturday last . It is with much gratification that we give it greater currency : —

      EXPERIMENTAL ALLOTMENTS . " It is with peculiar pleasure that we lay before our readers the following particulars , illustrating the success of Mr . James G . Marshall ' s benevolent experiment to relieve the peor by letting to them small portions of land to be cultivated on the system of spade husbandry . The acconnt will be read with great interest , and we cannot but think that many of our townsmen will feel a desire , after this auspicious commencement , to have the allotment system established on a more extensive scale , and perhaps by some public association : — " At Headingley there are 22 tenants , occupying from 20 to 40 rods each , at sevenpence per rod per annum , or at the rate of £ 4 13 s . 4 d . per acre .

      "Atflolbeck there are eighty tenants on the land recently appropriated , occupying from ten to twenty rods each , at the yearly rent of from 6 d . to 9 d . per rod , or at the rate of £ 4 to £ 6 per acre . " Ihere are farther at Holbeck 33 tenants , who have been before occupiers cf allotments ; making 135 tenants in the whole , and 11 a . 2 b , 29 p . occupied . " The whole of the tenants have now paid their first quarter's rent without a single instance of default or arrears , sitting down afterwards to a cheerful rent-day dinner at Hesdingley on the 26 th nit ., and at Holbeck on tbe 2 nd Last , where upwards of 100 were assembled in Messrs . Marshall and Sons' new school-room

      " We subjoin the roles on which the allotments are condncted . The rent is calculated to cover the amount previously paid for the land by the farmer , together with the rates and taxes and expenses of fencing and draining paid by the landlord . r " The arrangements hnvi been conducted under the management of Mr . Boils , an experienced agriculturist , who has had the management of similar allotments in the south of England .

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      " The allotments both , at Headingley and Holbeck are occupied by familes taken principally , but not exclusively , from the class who are in destitute circumstances from want of tegular employment , and not habitual pensionera on the peor-rates . It baa been thought advisable to include somo in better circumstances , both to prove to the poorer occupiers the valiw of the allotments , which are sought after as a boon by those who have srifflaient other resources , and also for tbe advantage of example to be hoped for from tbose who have superior means of cultivating their land .

      " A u » ful hi tie work by Paxton on ' Cottage Gardening , ' was distributed on the occasion ef both of th ^ meetings ; and after the Holbeck meeting , Mr , James G . Marshall ma . de a few remarks and suggestions , on the advantages and best mode of conducting the allotment system ; and Mr . Parker , the schoolmaster , having just returned from spending his Christmas vacation at Nottingham , was able to give some interesting particulars of the successful progress of the allotment system in tbat locality , where it has been long practised , and now amounts to 8000 , cottage gardens . Mr . Bolls gave some useful suggestions to the tenants on the advantage of subscriptions amongst themselves for procuring seed , &C jointly at a cheap rate , and In other practical matters .

      RULES . " 1 . The rent to be paid quarterly on the 24 th of Dec . 31 st March , 30 th June , and the 30 th September . If not regularly paid , the landlord shall be entitled to re-enter and take possession of the land immediately upon such default of payment " 2 . The landlord shall pay all rates , taxes , and tithe . " 3 . The tenant shall keep in good repair tbe fences adjoining his allotment ; and shall cultivate and manage his allotment in such manner as the landlord or his agent ma . ? approve of . " 4 . No tenant shall fee allowed to underlet ; nor to cultivate except by spade husbandry .

      " 5 . If either party wish to put an end to the agreement , one quarter ' s notice shall be given , and a valuation shall be put upon the crops , to be paid by the oncoming tenant . " 6 . Any disputes which may arise between tenants respecting their allotments shall be referred to the landlord ; his decision to be binding . " 7 . If any tenant shall be convicted of felony or other offence against the laws of his country , he shall forfeit the crops in the ground , and the landlord shall be entitled to seize the crop and re-enter on the land without giving notice . " Again we beg that we may not be mistaken . In thus spreading abroad the above statement , we do not mean to praise the system it describes , other than in general terms .

      We do not , nor can we , commend it to general practice . As a beginning , we hail it ! As a * end , it is condemnablo ! The tenure even of the small piece allotted to the labourer ia a bad one ; or is rather almost no tenure at all . We admit that in a case which is avowedly " an experiment , " all can not be as might be desired . We do not wish to raise a single objection that might operate as a Btumbling-block in Mr . Marshall ' s way : but in dealing with a question generally , and in praising his ^ effbrts to better the condition of his Factory " hanos ^ we must in justice to ourselves , and in justice to him \ oo ,

      point out the grounds on which we accord that praise . We have before done this , in saying that we are satisfied and even pleased with the exertions of any and ever } one who points attention , as he has dona , and is doing , to the land as a means of salvation . We look upon his conduct , in this particular , with peculiar satisfaction . His family are the largest miUownera in Leeds , or in the West-Riding of Yorkshire . They are reported to have made the most mtney by the operation of the mill-system of any family in England . ^ We have quarrelled , and shall always quarrel , with the system , which while it has given them their millions , has also made it necessary for the worker in those mills to have allotted to him some twenty rods of land to enable him to eke out his mill-wages

      to a living-point . But we do not quarrel with Mr . Marshall for expending a portion of his money so obtained , to the procuring of those twenty rods for the sustentation of tbe man who has made him what he is . On the contrary , we hold it to be , generally , a rightful and praiseworthy application ; and one which does credit to the heart of the gentleman who in this , as in many other things , has proved himself to be in advance of his class . However we may disagree with the means which have enabled the Marshalls to become possessed of their millions , we certainly do not disagree with the expending of a portion of them so as to procure additional comfort to the working matt who has earned them .

      We have said that the tenure radicatedgin the statement of Mr . Marshall ' s allotment doings is bad . We do not Durpose to go further into the question at present ; but merely beg to call his attention , and the attention of the reader generally , to the following extract from tbe Morning Chronicle of Wednesday last . The question of tenure is there put in a strong light ; and we adduce this as proof tbat the views and opinions which we are well

      known to entertain on this branch of the subject are making their way into proper quarters . When we have the people occupying the soil , under proper tenure , and on a right principle of rente—then , but not till then , may we hope for better days and better doings amongst us . That proper tenure must he fixity oi tenure . The advantages of it , and the disadvantages arising from want of it , are well set forth in the following extract : —

      At a public dinner in Drogheda , on Wednesday last , Nicholas BoyVan , Esq , of Hiltown House , in returning thanks for bis health having been drunk , made the following remarks on the subject of fixity of tenure . — "I have taken a lively interest in the Agricultural Society , and have been the treasurer of that body , but I regret much that no one of our societies has taken a proper view of the best means of improving the culture of k tbe soil , by placing the relations of landlord and tenant on a proper basis—( bear , hear , and cheers . ) I will : mention an anecdote which proves the necessity for some protection to the tenant , and I trust it will go

      abroad on tbe wings of the press . It has happened tbat a gentleman of large property bad some land to let to a tenant at tbe fair rent of 25 s- per acre ; this year tbe land produced , in consequence of good management , au excellent crop of twenty barrels of oats per acre . The landlord became aware oi that fact by bis tenant taking a premium , and was present when the tenant sold the produce at a fair price ; when the landlord turned round on him and said , 'You got the highest price for your produce , and I nad you have my land too cheap ; I must get from you £ 4 an acre , the real value of it , hereafter ;' thus making tbe tsnant pay an enormous rent because

      be was skilful and industrious , and taking to himself the profits of the tenant ' s labour . ( Cries of ' shame , shame . ') Who would venture to improve land under a system in which such an act could be committed ? ( Hear , hear . ) I regret that some of the landlords will thus turn the improvements entirely to their own advantage . I regret this as a member of the parent Agricultural Society ; and tbe gontleman who acted as I describe is a member of one of tbe branches . ( Hear , bear , and shame . ) I would resign my office of treasurer , if it was not that I wish to ascertain whether the landlords will take tbe opportunity of doing that which alone can insure the improvement of the soil :

      that is , to give fixity of tenure . ( Loud cheering . ) give my opinion ou this subject as a practical man . Gentlemen sign their names as presidents and vice-presidents , and secretaries of agricultural societies , aud claim credit aa persons anxious to improve agriculture : I would much rather see them sign their names to good leases ; but this they have not done—( loud and continued cheers } . I took the liberty of mentioning , a few daya since , at Navan , that , as it was impracticable to compel the landlords to give leases , it would be well if there was an act passed tc enable the tenant to register his drains as permanent improvements for the landlord , as he registers his trees ; and when he is obliged to leave

      his land he might be able to call upon hia landlord for the value of his improvements . 1 defy Mr . Sinitb , of DernstoD , or Mr . Purcell , to improve without thorough draining -, give , then , to the tenant tbe power to register these drains , and the land will be improved—( loud cheers ) . I do not require that the landlord should give up any portion of his property . Register the drains , and these will become his property on bis allowing the out-going tenant their value . Thu would be a practical good in the case of those landlords who now give only seventeen or eighteen years' leases . I wish that every parish in Ireland would prepare petitions for such a law . "

      We have now exhausted all the space it is poa ^ sible to de vote to this question at the present . Next vreekwe shall return to it , and show what other parties are doing on the land , who hold with us that the land is the only means of salvation .

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      horns . " His speech was a good one for the purpose . It laid the " Sacking Pigs" on thgir tail ends entirely . It took from them every pretext for persevering in their disuniting system ; and its result was just what we anticipated . Mr . Lovett did not ask the Council to withdraw their Bill . He did not offer any objections to tha spirit , or even the form , of the resolutions . He merely asked that the very fair and reasonable position mig ht be given to the Conference of having as the basis of their discussion and consultation , % Bill with which they were all familiar , which was simple in its terms , and brief in its provisions , and which had the confidence of almost the whole

      working people , in preference to the one now introduced , which , though avowedly maintaining the same principles , was , in detail and phraseology , a perfect stranger to all but the Sturgemen themselves ; and , indeed , to all of th ^ m except a chosen clique—the Council . They were at full liberty to " pit" their Bill against the Charter ; to compare and contest its several clauses one by ont . They were at full liberty to demonstrate the superiority of their Bill , clause by clause ; and , aa fast as they could do so to the satisfaction of the

      Conference , to reject the Charter and to substitute it by the Bill they had prepared . This would have been a fair position . Every man in the Conference had a riant to bring there a Bill of his own preparing , if he thought proper to do so , and to submit it to a like ordeal of approval or rejection . * Tais right was recognised in the circulax by which the Conference was called . The Conference was called not to agree to TH E bill to be then and there presented ; but " to prepare A Bill , " &e . This was ' . all Lovett asked . He said " Let the Charter bs read : we all

      know all about that ; and then if you have anything better to suggest to us , we are ready to consider , and , if we approve , to adopt it . " This was the true spirit of fair play ; the true spirit of ** Conference "; the only thing which could make the Conference other than a farce . Bat the " Sucking Pigs" said "NO" . We have called you here , not to confer but to consent . You have " Hobson ' s choice" before you . You shall have , as the basiaof your discussion , " THE Bill—our Bill—the Five Hour ' s Monster ,, which you have never seen , and of which you don ' t know a single word—or you shall have no discussion at all . Never , surely , werejmen seeking Union so conciliatory as " the Sucking Pigs" !

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      THE TWO IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS . In accordance with our promise of last week , we give in this week's Star two most important documents . The one , the Indictment , will need no comment from us here . The time to comment on it will be in March next . Then we fancy that both we and many others may have much to say upon and respecting it .

      Toe other document , the Minutes of the Confer * ence , is well deserving of tbe attention of the people . There they have the business of the Conference before them at a glance . There they will find the division which sent the " Sucking Piga" to seek their Mother ; for tbat division let them know , for the first time , that they " werb out " ! Let the people look well at the recorded votes : they will learn from them an instructive lesson !

      The suggested alterations and emendations ef the Charter will also there be found . The people will have learned before this , that no alteration has been absolutely made ; the amendmenis agreed to by the Conference being agreed t on the distinct understanding , come to by an nnani mous vote , that they should be considered and determined upon by the people themselves , in their several localities . We beg to call public attention to them .

      We understand that it is the intention of Mr . Hobson , our publisher , in accordance with an intimation made to , and sanctioned by , the Conference , to publish tbe Minutes , including the People ' s Charter , in a neat pamphlet form . It will thus be ready of access on future occasions ; and will be of value to the people in their consideration of the several suggested amendments in the Charter , inasmuch as they will have the whole before them at once . The pamphlet , we understand , will be ready next week ; it will oonsist of sixteen pages of royal octavo ; and will be sold for 2 d .

      From an advertisement in another portion of this sheet it will also be seen that Mr . Cleave intends to print the Charter , with its suggested amendments , in his Chartist Circular , for Id . Thus the Chartist body will have that document in two shapes : in a neat pamphlet form , together with all tbe Minutes of the Proceedings of the Conference , for 2 d . ; and in tbe Chartist Circular , minus the Minutes , for Id .

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      The " Three Leeds Delegates . " —Mr . William Brooke , of Leeds , has sent a letter here , denying that he voted with the " artful dodgers" in the matter of the committee referred to in last Star , and affirming that he voted for the motion made by Mr . Hilt and seconded by Mr . Hobson . All I have to say upon the subject is , that Mr , Brooke did not vote for the motion made by me and seconded by Mr . Hobson . He voted for the amendment moved by Mr . Thompson , and seconded by Mr . Mitchell , the Complete Suffrage men . I saw him vote . —Wm . Hill . "A Constant Reader . "— We do not know what Mr . Carpenter is now doing . James Hall . —Never mind the scrawler .

      William Mattinson desires us to say , that , of the sum of £ 2 18 * ., published some time ago , for the Victim Fund , from Preston , 8 s . 4 $ d . was froa Bambour-bridge . Cboybon Chartists . —We have not room for their address to Mr . Duncombe . T . B . Simnitt , Newark , would be glad to know if the Mr . Booihby , to whose pen the Sturge docw ment is attributed , be the same Mr . Booihby who figured at the last election , as the agent of Sir T . Wilde , M . P . I Mysticus Secketos . —We received his letter while sitting in Conference at Birmingham , and do not know what has become of it .

      Will some kind friend send B . Butterly t Back Albionstreet , Halifax , a Northern Star of May 11 » 1839 ? General Councillors . —We have over and over aoain staled that lists of Council which arrive after Wednesday morning cannot appear in the current week ' s Star . Will the South Wales Delegate write to the indi * vidual who gave him his address on the breaking up of the Birmingham Conference , at an early date ! Charles Maunder . —His letter is reserved . " Sound Advice . "—A political martyr thus writes t 9 the Chartists of Great Britain : — ' The following may , and ought , to serve as an example

      to all true CSaitists : — " The Portuguese gained a moral revolution in 1820 . From a severe despotism they became a democracy * without even a bloody nase or an ansry word . They were called the sovereign people . They were told , by sincere friends , to be sure to manage their own affiira ; but they thought they had gained the Constitutional Charter , and all would be right . A set of lawyers forced themselves upon tbe peopW as their leaders ; said they were democrats ; persuaded the people they wanted their advice ;

      secured themselves iu power , and sold their employers . One of these said lawyers is now one ot the Queen's Ministers , at Lisbon . " The French people fought in 1830 , and gained , ty blood , a glorious revolution . They drove a tyrant from his throne ; but , then , they could not manage their own affairs , or they would not What was the result ? They allowed a man to take the lead who accepted the title of Oitizan King ; and he bos done , with impunity , that wfaich tbe despotic king only talked of doing , and the French are

      still slaves . « In the following year the Belgians gained as complex a victory over despstism aa any to be found recorded in history . The whole was done by the working people ; but when the middle classes » w them masters , they came forward as leaders . Xfle people put their affairs into their hands , and they sold them . The Belgians are now slaves again , with tbe difference , that under tbe Dawn yoks they supported half a royal family ; and now they have a whole one to maintain , and that nkeiy to be a large one . " You sea by these recorded examples , that it is of no use to agitate for , and gain by any means an otyew , except yon are determined to manage it when y have got i % . Let ; merit alone be a a 118 ] 1 ^;^ for candidates who wish to serve you , —and beware of humbug !"

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      Salford . —It is proposed to apply , in the next session of parliament , for a charter of incorporation , and to make tho municipal borough of the same extent as the parliamentary borough of Salford .

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      THE " SUCKING PIGS" AND THB "WHOLE I HOGS . " In accordance- with our promise of last week , we return to the' consideration of the efforts of the Sturgemen at the Conference to cajole the Chartists ; and to get the semblance of anything which could be calted national concurrence in ' their schemes . We come , then , to the four resolutions moved by Mr . Beggs : —!

      " 1 . T tat this Conference convened in conformity with a resolution passed at the first Complete Suffrage Cmferenoe , held at Birmingham , April 4 th—8 ch , 1842 , andj having for its paramount objest the consideration of the necessary details of a bill embodying the principles then agreed upon , namely : — The extension of the Suffrage to all male adults , not deprived of the right of citizenship by a verdict of a jury of their countrymen—jote by ballot—equal electoral districts—abolition of a property qualification for members of Parliament—payment of members for their services—and annual Parliaments ; —do now declare the adoption of these principles :

      pledges itself to employ such means only for obtaining tho legislative recognition of them as are of a strictly just , peaceful , legal , and constitutional character ; and will forthwith proceed to fulfil the mission with which it has been entrusted , resolved to support its chairman in preventing the introduction of any proposition not ia accordance therewith . " 2 . —That as thin Conference will resist the introduction of any ; topic not obviously relevant to its main design , so it also disclaims all interference with existing organisations , recognising as its paramount duty , the arriving , if possible , at a cordial agreement in reference to the object towards which peaoeful agitation may be directed .

      " 3 . —That tnis Conference , agreeable to resolution 17 , passed at the first Conference , is prepared to receive and to consider all documents which may be laid before it , aud which may be supposed to contain an embodymenlt of the necessary details for working out the principles already recognised . " 4 . —That th | e documents so to be presented to this Conference , be taken into consideration at the opening of our next Session , by a Committee consisting

      of the whole body of the delegates ; and that the Committee be { instructed to observe the following rules i—1 . That the bill to be presented by the Council of the ' [ National Complete Suffrage Union , ' be taken as the basis of discussion . 2 . That each clause as it is read shall be considered part passu , with the correlative clause of the other documents . 3 That all amendments be haaded up to the Chairman in writing . "

      After every possible 'dodge to get a Conference after their own ; kind had been resorted to and failed , it became necessary to try what could be done with such materials as they had : and we certainly give them credit for having done this with sufficient artfulness . Had the Conference , as a body , been gullible , the specious manners and the sly manoeuvres of the STURGE-men might have promised them success . Of this we have an instance in the moving of their four resolutions all at once . The STURGE-men knew better than to submit them separately to the discussion of the Conference . The first three

      resolutions were long , plausible , and seemed to require but little observation , and to admit of not much objection . They were the bait therefore upon J which to hang the fourth , which , under their cover , it was hoped would pass unnoticed-There is much evidence in these resolutions of deep , anxious , and well laid , design . The resolutions were prepared and printed , so that the Sturgemen could be well acquainted with them , and know all their purpose and their bearings ; but not a single copy was in the Conference , among the Chartist Delegates ; they were to take them on trust from hearing them

      once mumbled over , amid the murmuring conversation constantly going on in a large meeting , and at a distance many of the Delegates could not hear them read at all . It wks seen clearly that in this way , if any debate should occur , the attention of the Conference would be fixed upon some one point of some one of the four , while the bulk and body of the resolutions would be lost sight of ; and that thus , if the delegates could bo " jockied" upon the single limb , the whole carcase might be dragged through . It was a deep fetch , but it would not carry . The delegates were too astute . The ( right limb waa laid hold of , and the monster was dismembered .

      To show that ! there is more in these resolutions than was intended to meet the eye , we shall bestow some little attention on them ; aud it is strange if we do not find ( in them evidence that the Sturge- - men had , throughout , and from beginning to end , made up their minds that the " union" which they have always so pathetically urged , wa 3 just the very thing they were { determined not to have . We point especially to the second of these resolutions , which pledges the Conference against any interference with " existing organizations . " This resolution directly contravenes the object of the Conference , ' as stated by themselves . Iu their own circular it is stated that the Conference was to meet : —

      " For the purpose of preparing a Bill to be submitted to Parliament for securing the just Representation of the j whole People ; and for determining ON SUCH jPEACEFUL , LEGAL , AND CONSTITUTIONAL MEANS | as may cause it to become the LAW OF THESE REALMS . " It was clear , then , that the " paramount duty" of the Conference was not , as stated in this resolution , restricted to the mere consideration of " the object " towards which peaceful agitation might be directed . It embraced also } the " means" for its attainment . And what right had the Complete Suffrage Council

      to debar the Conference from the consideration of any and all" peaceful , ' legal , and constitutional means"for the accomplishment of its own purposes ? Had this resolution been proposed separately and in its own place , after the " preparation of a bill " , it would have become a serious and important matter for consideration , whether the most efficient of all "means " for the causing of that bill to become law might not be found in such '' interference with , existing organizations "—such judicious amendments and alterations in the organization of the Complete Suffrage Union , or of the National Charter Association , or of

      both , as might have formed the two into one workable harmonious body , in which all the energy and influence and power of all the advocates of that bill might have been brought into one focus and phalanx . This woald have looked like earnest sincerity . This would have gained them the confidence of all . It would have gained them even our confidence , who have never yet had faith in them . But this would have led to "UNION "; this would have destroyed party bickerings and disputes about leadership ; it would have brought all the avowed advocates of Universal Suffrage into one camp—concentrated their efforts in one systematic plan of action—and have thus secured that " unity" wherein lies the

      " strength" of all popular movements . This was the very thing the Sturge-men never wanted-the very thing they always dreaded ; hence the constant doctrine of Friendj" No , " that he did not wish the Chartists to join him—he wished to see them go on with their own Association ; hence the " parallel line" doctrine off Mr . Spencer ; and hence , the resolution , second of Mr . Beggs' batch , disclaiming all Union of the friends of the proposed Bill , j as to the means of its enactment ! There needs no other argument than this one alone to satisfy the minds of any unprejudiced man , who is not a fool , that the object of the Sturgemen has always been to perpetuate divisions when they found them among the

      Universal Suffrage ranks ; while many other portions of their conduct show equally their determined purpose , ? and the * deep , dirty schemes resorted to , for the creation of divisions when they found union in those ranks . Indeed we have found this so univer sally the case , that we begin now to suspect , the moment we hear ja man bawline about " union , " that bis purpose is to cause " a split" somewhere

      We have always found that men who rea'ly wish for union manifest their anxiety rather by taking care to do nothing to create disunion than by making a great noise about it . If Mr . Lovetthad not moved his amendment just when he did , an amendment would ] have been moved " that the resolutions now proposed be considered separately ; and that , as they are printed , every delegate be furnished " with a copyjof them , and of the Bill referred to by them . " Mr . j Lovett , however , rendered this unnecessary , by taking "the Bill" at once" by the

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      ^ A THE NORTHERN STAR .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 14, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct464/page/4/