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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th January 1842, Edition 2 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      COMMUNICATIONS OMITTED IN OUR LAST FOR WANT OF ROOM . CHARTIST HONOT 7 B& TO THB EDITOR OF THB ffOBTH _ Rff fitAR . Sib . — H . D . Griffith ! doer not approve of tbe Chartists wearing the O'Connor medal appended to & ribbon f ^ him oto-en ^ te ot tt »« a » of « l « de ^ Jp - tnd " badge of voluntary slavery . - He has a ngnt to his opinion ; batl am notaoeasUyalarmoL ^ Inffita- the « tteto was headed" Oiaitat Hechl 4 adBibboa , -aad «« ueh I still consider it ^^ any Kdnal has done as mueh for the Charter ^ m ^ Connor , then let him be equally "" wneed . We SS ^ be O'Connora andOBnexuL Na ^ e demea SS of xa , and honesty of inclination intopo «« a Song barto prevent the success of jnanynowstrngghng In the batUs-fifcld for eminence . ¦ — " —¦¦¦¦ ¦¦ " ¦¦ ¦ I I

      ThB ^ edTb eaa the Chartist motto , " Universal So ?^^« ^ ^ start ^^! p ' - nor taSi' B * anocfcburn is , by the bye , an awful name " jfeSerei * much paltry jealoMy respecting Fear-£ ns . It Trill not aid our cause j and as the aristocrats Ld millocrats cannot beat "us in fair fight , they seek to divide us , and gold will not be spared for such a worthy Tjurpose . There are some who assume to " go

      H » whole hog , " bat I fear it is without Onsua , or they «» d such a so / I and silky texture that a practical ¦ workman can do noaghfc frith them . The bristles on iht hog of a thorough Chartist are as stiff aa " quills on s porcupine , ' and present an " armed front" everyjat the loYe of eur cause drop these petty jealousies , » d needles * and groundless alarmB , and go to work on toe National Petition in good earnest I have seen many noble sentiments in the Star signed " H . D . Griffiths , " and I shall trust to see more ,- and depend that , to all who it may concern , I am not at all disposed to become a " voluntary slftTe" to any class 01 Individual whatever . A Woolwich Cadet . Chiehester , Jan . 17 th- 1842 .

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      HOBTON REFORM ASSOCIATION . 10 THE EDIWB OP THB KOSIHEBS STAR . g Il j __ Tbe following address has been agreed to by the Reform Association of Hoiton , and they request yen to insert it in your next Slar . 4 Tours , &c J . BB . 00 K . Address of the H&rlon Reform Association to their brother Reformers of The United Kingdom . F £ lLO ^ -Cor > -TBTME >' , —In addressing you in the language of brotherhood , we would humbly , but earnestly direct your attention to the important signs of the times in which we lire .

      It is now nearly ten years since the passing of the EefortB Bill—that measure which the people were then told , and were led to believe , ¦ would be the forerunner of greater reforms ; which would tend to secure the righte interests , comforts , and happiness of the whole community . We presume , Brothers , that we need not remind yon , that the fair premises and expectations which were then held out to the people , have ended in utter disappointment ; so that now at the end of almost tenyesra of a so-called Reform Government , instead of being in a better , "we actually find ourselYes in a much worse situation than we were in before its commencement .

      If we look around amongrt the labouring classes , what do we behold ? Householders retiring into lodgings—able-bodied labourers , willing , anxious to work , feat totally unable to find employment , thronging the Greets day after day in rags , and with conntenaces so pale , and frames bo emaciated , that eYen to behold them is enough to make humanity shudder , whilst thousands who have only partial employment , are barely able to keep up a wretched union betwixt soul » nd body . If we iook to the middle classes , how do we fnd them ? The manufacturers on the Yerge of bankruptcy , and the shopkeeper with an empty till , bearing unquestionable evidence of the inability of the vorkins classes to purchase even the common necessaries of life ; and if we look to the laigher classes , how do we find them ? Certainly , iu possession of wealth , bat unable to enjoy it , in consequence of the everyday increasing inaecurity of life and property , brought on by this unnatural—this horrible state of things .

      Brethren , there is no natural cause why things Ehonld be as they are . Providence has not withheld its bonnties , ear labourers are proverbial throughout the civilised world for their willingness to toil—our soil is goodthe bowels of onr earth yield every thing that is necessary for trade and manufactures ; and our geographical position is such as to command the commerce of th » world . Being thus situated we can conceive of no cause mSciently blighting to prodnce the sad state of thin ^ B ire see around us , except one , and that one is class legislation .

      The next question that naturally arises is , how can this cause be the most speedily and effectually removed ? Our answer is this—by at once granting the people a full a measure of justice . Without this yte feel assured that nothing wliieh is worth a strng ^ Je sa be accomplished . Even , for instance , if we cenld etcnpel the Government to rtpsal the Corn Laws tosorrow , they might , in twelve month ' s time , so jise their legislative powers so as to make our condition as bid as it is at present Bat we feel certain that the great mass of the work . ing classes can never again be induced to join in any agitation except that wkicb . demands for them a fair share of political power . These , then , fellow countrymen , are some of the convictions which have prompted cs to take tin important step we have taken ; that is , to make the following the fundamental principles of ma Association .

      1 st Universal Suffrage—that is , that every male inhabitant « f these realms , of twenty-one years of age , of sound mind , and unconvicted of felony , and who has resided within any given electoral district for six mouths previous to the list of yoten being revised , &aU be entitled to vote for the election of a member of Pirliaaient 2 nd , Tote by Ballot 3 rd . A-nrcnal Parliaments . 4 th . Equal Voting Districts—that is , tkat each voting district shall contain , as nearly as possibly , an equal nsniber of inhabitants . 5 * i . Xo Property Qualification for Members of Parliairent . and 6 "i . Payment of Members . Brother Reformers , be not startled at those principles ; thfcse are the principles which Whigs of by-gone days have advocated .

      In 1780 , Charles James Fox , the leader of the Whigs , was eh airman of a committee for the carrying out of those principles . In the am « year , the Date of Richmond introdnced a bill into the House of lords , for 'is purpose of establishing Annual Parliaments , acd living the right of voting to every T"fn not eontamina-* ied by crims , nor incapacitated for want of reason , ibant the years 1795 , and 1796 , Charies Grey , Eaq . eott Earl Greyi advocated similar principles . Then be ic : Dsedlessly alarmed , but come out ai once like mm , vtd like patriots , for the above mentioned principles , ad Te ghail soon be- able to forss finch an nnion of ^ rincipie and of action , that no Government t 21 thick it prudent to turn a deaf ear to our wyers .

      sincerely hoping that you will at OEce consider and riyptthe above principles , We remain , Brother Reformers , In the bonds of fellowship . Yours truly , THE ilEiiBEES OF THE H 0 KT 0 > " REFORM ASSOCIATION . JTe need not , of course , say that \ re are anxious to ** = these principles universally adopted by Xhe people , Jtf to see all their followers active in their dissemina-•^ We thitt , however , that much valuable concent-fed _ energy win be lost to the people by this mode of Suiiifiing isolated local associations , instead of sap-Imcg the great national body . Why cannot the t-rtoa Reformers at once call npon their friends to •¦ a the AaiioKo- Charier Ass-jcialion ?—Ed . T

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      ^ *) THE READERS OF THE NORTHERN STAR 1 ' rs of tee Xobth , —We of London have been I * a < * £ 5 toffifcd ts hear o your distresses , tut we have ' ¦ -fceued them . We have read that hundreds upon f ^ Qeda of yevu artisans and labourers are compelled fi . f 1176 ™ tlle midst of the abundance that mocks r * coffering . We have inown that your wives and '¦^ ciea bare been destitute of food and raiment—that ** " * "' Eifcs have been desolate , and your very existence o *^ - ' AH this , I Eay , we have known , and we have ~*> irown tkat mch a state of things conld not , ought 'to continue . That society so constituted must r *^ r or later prey upon its own elements . Yet what ^ * e of London don e towards obtaining a change for j ^ T" i ^ ky , in the enjoyment of our superfluitits we ^ , * slej-t over the remembrance of your privations . ^ * fcaTe not equally suffered the pangs of hunger or

      J * w jonr realities as " class" fictions . Ye « , " we , " ^ t m : ddle class , have laughed at your miseries and r ^ fid at your distresses , little dreaming that the day J ^ wrive whtn the avenger would direct the shaft of ^ tatJon into the very heari of the empire I » e have laugted ! nay , we still laugh J Our palaces jjr ° *§ iinwitb . the Etrains of revelry , and the wail of ^^ is unheard . The arrow of destru ction is ever _^ ls « f Bekhtzzai—but" the hand-writing on the *•* i » UBbteded _ . ' In the stretia of London , this day , . * -0 EE 2 Ed 5 of its pspuiation pai » hing with cold and ^ i « , while the Ruler ef the Slain a . ; d her "King fe tb ?' " tbit is to te > ^^ eE £ i : Jillwi like divinities ji tter Enper-hnnsan elevation and outrageous luxury ; ^ cay , while the Etreets

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      a * crows follow carrion—fools who pander to the contemptible assumption of superiority which some of the worms of creation claim over their fallow *; fools , who in safety can mimic thunder , and in danger are but squeaking mice ! Such things , I say , are crowding the streets of London , this day , to offer by their presence » show of adulation to the husband of the Queen , and the contemptible poltroons of Englishmen , who for the sake of Court favour have got np a mountebank agair at the New Exchange for his gratification . We shall read tomorrow , in the wretched press of London , of " His Royal Higness / s * gracious this , and condescending that , and the Lord Mayor of London will have bended and bowed , and cringed , and kissed His Boyal Highness ' s anything for the tremendous "honour conferred upon her Majesty ' s good City of London , by . bis gracious presence . " Faugh ! £ 30 . 000 a year is tolerable hire for his highness-snip without the further indulgence of such mummery for his amusement

      Bat the beauty of the thing is , that amidst all the preparations for this day ' s foolery for the gratification of the high class revellers , the work of justice has been Bilentiy and slowly , but surely , progressing among the low-class spectators . The work of retribution has commenced in the stronghold of despotism , selfishness , and class extravagance . Parties oJ weary , hungry , and destitute men , having been refused relief by the Unions and redress by the magistrates , have visited eur bakers ' shops , and helped themselves and their famishing companions to the food they are not allowed to earn by their honest labour , that they might not absolutely starve in 'the face of day ; and some sixteen in one case , and ten in another , have been committed for trial for violating the laws !

      Bat what laws have these men violated ? Not the laws of God ; for He , who gave life , gave also the means by which life is to be sustained : not the laws of nature , for nature has amply provided for all her children ; but the laws of man—the class laws of the Btronger imposed npon the weaker : laws made by a class for the protection and enrichment of a class , and by the unnatural and anti-social operations of which , every other class . of society is ground to the earth , and trampled upon by a parcel of dawa who have assumed the feathers of domination scattered in their way by a careless and now jostly . punished people , and affect to be grievously ill-osed when they complain of the wrong .

      Well , then , the game of starvation is beginning to be played out in London ; but there are not enough of us at the table to do so with any effect We have not , except in some two or three districts of the metropolis , anything like the congregated mass of wretchedness that is to be found in the northern districts . We have certainly a few ftpitalfields weavers who now and then precisely die of hunger and cold , and occasionally a poor wretch is found exhausted in the streets , and the btnch of the btation-house becomes the bed of death ; but these cases are of too isolated a character to be of

      importance in the eyes of the dashing , tricking , thriving Londoner , who is so accustomed to deception , that he believes nothing to be real until his own nose is brought to the grindstone , and will bear insult like a very spaniel ! In fact , we of London have never believed in your -distress , or cared for your patient endurance ; and now that tae stern reality is rushing towards our bakers' shops and provision stores , the question is , how onr newly-awakened faith can be turned to a useful purpose . As I havs before observed , the misery of London is not sufficiently en masse to be thought important by the semi-divinities who govern us , and even if it was so , we are in London so disunited and selfish , that we should quarrel amongst ourselves for the right of being starved rather than not quarrel at all , if the Court required it ; and yet what with bad food , insufficient food , and no food at all , a tolerable proportion of the poor of London

      are in the direct road to the pauper holes of the Establishment . But do some of your men of the north help us to spe&k the truth for once ? come to our aid in their own forced march with death ? The law compels both you and us to starve : we , like yourselves , can neither obtain labour for . our skill ox food for onr industry , but we have one advantage over you . We can stand shivering witk cold and hunger in the street ? and get sccisional peeps at raree shows , and watch the birds of fine feather as they flit backward and forward after the Queen ' s husband , and the fall fed , fat , and haughty minions of bis train . Come and sh&re oar felicity some thousands of you . At least , come and help us to die with decency at the palace gates—let the stench of our carcases ascend to the perfumed chambers of royalty . Let the Queen inhale the fragrance of . out putxidity , and then Bee if she will read the hand-writing npon the wall

      Men of the North . '—Factory slaves of Englandmiserable victims ~ to infernal laws—you are without friends , except among your own class . '—yon are without hope , except from your own prndsnee , and your own energy 1 The court heeds you not , except as creatures for its ubo . The aristacracy , in the plenitude of its eDJoynients , does not dream of your actual sufferings—the middle classes know your sufferings , and add weights to your burdens , while they despise yon for enduring them , and contrive to grow rich upon your rain . Heip yourselves I The time approaches for action—Parliament , such as it is , will shortly assemble . How stands your petition ? Of this be convinced , the Charter is yonr only barrier against wide spreading , universal destruction . Ask for it!—insist upon having it—cease not until you have secured it , that if peace and good government be denied to yon , it may at least become the inheritance of your children .

      And which of the London press will yon take to your bosoms as a friend ? I shall not advertise papers by naming them here , but which amongst them can you look to for support ? Is it amongst the wiather-ceck Whig-Radical babblers , about the Corn Laws , and &ha . oi patriot defenders of unlimited and untaxed steam pow « r production , that ths hungry millions thrown out of work by its giant progress are to look with confidence for the advocacy of-their interests ? Is it among the wholesale canters for one relizion , or the pot-house brawlers against all religions that you are to seek assistance and advice ? No ; I say trust only to yourselves , and your own or . an . Think , act , work , triumph for yourselves ! and let the Charter be the grand reward of your exertions . You are starving now ; you can but starve if yon fail ; and the chances are that when von take the game of legislation into your own hands , you will " not starve at all . Fact . London , Jan . 17 th , 1842 .

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      ADDRESS OF THE FEMALE NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF UPPER HOInLEY AND SMALLTHORN . FELLOW-COU . VTfiysVOJIE . f AXD COUNTRYMEN , — That the present time is one of great distress , privation , and sorrow no one can deny , for never in our nation ' s history was ever such deep and universal destitution as at present To remedy these evils is the duty of all and every one , both male and female ; no one ought to be backward in striving to put an end to the sufferings of the working classes , and yet what apathy , what criminal indifference is there manifested by far the majority of the men and women , who bear the heaviest part of the burden , and have to endure the greatest amount of sorrow .

      Men , ( we appeal to you . ) should this be so ? yon who pride yourselve son your superior intellect , strength and courage ; should , you be apathttic ; you with all yonr boasted advantages , should you be indifferent to the suffering privations and destitution of your wives , your children , and yourselves ? Surely not It cannon be , that the father of a family can endure to see the wife of his besom , the children of his love , pine and die for want , -when a remedy lies open before his eyes , a remedy easy to be obtained and only wanting the united energies of labonr ' s sons to obtain that ¦ which would at once and for ever arrest the downward march of labonr ' s children , and pnt an end to all those evils now so severely fe : t by all .

      We fearlessly tell you , that all evils of a national nature centre in elasMegislation , and we say that unless the monster be scotched , more and greater evils , deeper and more pungent soitowb await you ; and as sure as you now suffer your present load , so sure wiil yon have to suffer dteper and more heartfelt sorrow . We tell yon that unless class-legislation is destroyed , you can have no hope of being any better , or of obtaining any real benefiS for yourselves , your wives , or your children . We therefore intreat you no longer to be apathetic , indifferent , or carele ^ , but at once set about the work of your own , yonr wives , and yeur children ' s redemption , and kt one determined , one united effort pat an end to class-legislatiea , and on the rains of party , plant the tree of liberty—the People ' s Charter .

      Women , ( we appeal to yon , ; has not the cold iron of poverty ettered deep enough into your souls , but you aust by your apathy invite heavier strokes and deeper wounds ? You who tuve seen the order of nature inverted , the female driven to the factory to labour f « her offspring , and her husband unwillingly idle at home , dependant alike onfemale and infantile labour for his own existence ; will yon , can you lorger'be in love with a base crnel system that makts you and your infants slaves , that factory lords may amass more gold than would purchase the whole land ? Can you , mothers , bear longer the soul-degrading burden ; must you still be the mcthers of more slaves ? Tou , who possess the finest sympathies of onr nature , will you refuse your aid , when the objret sought is jour ' s and your children ' s baipinesa , and the complete emancipation of your country ? No , no ; we will not insult yon by fcnpposing that you are so besottedly in love with-the present soul-grinding body-starving system , as longer to wiah

      its . Come then , men , women ; come all ; unite , unite , and . by one determined tffort , abolish closs-legiBktion , and again we say en its- ruins plant universal justice and equality , based on the People ' s Charter . In behalf of the Association , Sabah Pkice , Chairwoman .

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      Potter asd Ikpujekce op Friendship . — The culuTatiOB ot well-placed friendship is attended with mos : beneficial effects ; for , if the feeling be mutually strong , ana alike" sincere , no fault will pa-s without correciion—no weakness -will escape a generous censorship ; whi ' je the advaEtage of a comforter in our fcfEic . ions and a participator in our enjojments , cannot be &oulU . d .. —Parley's Penny Library .

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      ^ TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . Sib ., —In a letter received by me , Inclosing an order for five shillings , and which I have remitted to you for the O'Brien Press Fund , from the Charter Association , meeting in Kamsay-buildings , Hamilton , Scotland , there is a paragraph which runs thus"Sir , you have probably heard that the Scottish Patriot is dead . What a field is now open for that noble of nature , James Bronterra O'Brien ; he would be enthusiastically received , and well supported in Glasgow . "

      Through you , Sir , I would suggest to the O'Brien Committee and to Mr O'Brien , and to my brother democrats generally , the propriety of taking up this suggestion , and act npon it Thus might a Scottish Star be established , and co-operate heart and hand with our Northern luminary—give an impetus to the good cause in which we are engaged—and bring us to the goal of our ambition , the Charter , at a railroad pace . And I am sure all true democrats will agree with me that nothing is more essential than the establishing honest Chartist newspapers in England , Ireland , Scotland , and Wales .

      Tours , truly , In the good cause , Edmisd Stallwood . [ We know not how this letter came to be omitted last week -, it was fully intended for insertion ; and we supposed that we had given it into the printer ' s hands . He , however , says that he has no recollection of it . We find on reference to the paper , that the five shillings named in this letter for the O'Brien Presa Fund , and remitted by Mr . Stallwood , was erroneously stated in our ) asfc to have been received from Glasgow , instead of from Ramsey ' s-buildings , Hamilton . —Ed . N . S . l

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      ^_ TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD MAYOR OF DUBLIN . 31 t Lord , —la my first letter to your Lordship , I presumed to point out the fact of your Lordship's possessing ( as chief Magistrate of the City of Dublin , ) " the opportunity to examine , and the power to punish , should you find any illegal or physical-force Chartists within your jurisdiction . " Now , as your Lordship has n&t , since your instalment into office , had any such parties brought before your tribunal , it must follow that either there ate no such illegal parties in Dublin , or that y « ur Lordship has been negligent in performing your magisterial duties . That

      there are nnmbers of Chartists in the city your Lordship cannot deny , and that you have attached a violent and illegal character to their proceedings , is equally as true ; therefore , let me ask , ir your assertions are fact 3 , 'and it is to be hoped your Lordship would not voluntarily be guilty of falsehood , ) why do you not arraign them before the " jury" yon are so anxious to ait amongst , and have them dealt with as wicked and seditious characters ? or with open , honest candour , acknowledge that they are not to be found , or that you haTe been deceived by false reports ? This would be a more honourable way of proceeding than that which your Lordship is pursuing .

      l ou wish to keep the people of Ireland from joining the Chartists , and , for that purpose , you assail with unblushing recklessness , the character of a man whom joxi have already , by your influence , robbed of every thing he possessed . Why not ( if it is the people ' s interest to stand aloof from the Chartists ) explain to them the reasons why they should do bo , and show , it you can , that they would be injured by the connection ? If liberty , if "Justice to Ireland , " be your motto , I

      tell you , my Lord , it is not by throwing dust in the eyes of your countrymen , or frightening them by your overgrown influence , that you are to ebtain it . The people have waited on yeur " ulterior measure" long enough . Yen kn « w they are impatient for justice , and tired of your Whig truckling system , which they now see is not likely to produce the advantages w . aich they were led to hope for ; the spirit of inquiry is amongst taem , and your political vision is bo acute thut yuu know you will be likely t 3 lose your adherents , unless you tsrrify them int « submi&sion .

      Now , I fearlessly challenge your Lordship , or any of your " young blood of Ireland , " to prove that illegal oaths are administered amongst the Chaxtifct 3 , or any act which could constitute an illegal assembly . Oh , no , my Lord , we " register no vows . " I also tell your Lordship that unless you do prove your assertion , your veracity will in future be looked upon with suspicion , and thut if you do prove that such oaths have been , or are administered , you deserve to be disrobed of your tinsel trappings , for neglecting to bring the offenders to justice .

      Here , my Lord , is a dilemma in which you have placed yourself , you must either make your cas 8 out , cr henceforth suffer the penalty of being snspected of falsehood ; or , what is worse , if yo ^ s make it out , you will deserve to be censured by the authorities , and majbap be deprived of your office . It would be wiser if your LordBhip would candidly own that the Charter contains nothing that is illegal , and at the same time tell the people you were one of the leading parties to draw up ita principles . Act honourably , my Lord , with the people , who have ever acted honourably with

      jou . Do nut give them cause to suspect you of tardiness , for the Irish are capable-of ressnting an icsuU . Permit them 13 inquire for themselves , and you will toon find that they have perception sufficient to guide them in their choice of political principu - But why do I ask you te permit them ? Are they who have straggled ami ! at the " battle and the bretzs , " and grappled wiih adversity and persecution—they whose con .-istency has plsced your Lordship in your present political position to be denied the right of exercising their judgment on matters of such interest to their country ?

      Ko , my Lord , I am an Irishman , and I claim as aright that I should think for myself , and not pay blind obedience to tbe dictates of any man whatever , or be terrified by the lowering frowns of coercive influence , which rules with despotic sway the opinions of your party . Let my countrymen look to-my latt letter to the " People of Ireland , " and they -will there see who are their friends . I have there proved that neither the Turks , or the Whigs , or the abettors of either party deserve that title ; and I now repeat that he who would advocate the right of either party to govern the people is an enemy to his country , and a traitor to tbe cause of liberty . Governments were framed for and by the people , and not for any particular class ; and the people , as being the majority , should be also the law makers .

      Your Lordship does not deny this , but you quibble about trifles , because , forsooth , to use your Lordship ' s own words , " every body knows Paddy O'Higgins . " Yeai and poor Paddy O'Higgins knows your Lordship ; and it is because he knows you so well that he is denounced as a seditious character , and branded in perspective with the name of an informor !! Such language would be an insult to the hateful memory of an O'Brien ; but to such a man as Mr . O'Higgins it is too base for comment . The name of O Higeins does not sound well as a leader of a party in a city in which OConnell is the chief magibtr&te ; and which may be called the head quarters of his isfiaenee . Oh ! no , there must be no " O" but the one great and mighty " O" in Ireland , nor must the people ba

      permitted to come within the circle of their acquaintance . How unfortunate it is , my Lerd . Who ever heard of such a thing ? such a number of , as the quack rays , spurious imitations ? There is O'Connor , O'Higgins , O"Toole , O'Connell ( not Dan ) intruding themselves into notice , as if everybody , my Lord , was not aware that you were the greatest " O" in the kingdom !! but bow locg your Lordship wili continue to be so I leave you to suppose , for the ptople of Ireland have an old regard for the family of the "O's" in particular . And now that so many of them axe banded together in the cau . e of liberty , ten chances to one if one or other of them ( perhaps O'Higgius , or very likely O'Connor ) may not soon becsme the Star of the West , as well as the "Star of the North . " I have only to hope that your Lordship will take a Lint from the spirit of the times ; and V-elie-ve that I

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      would rather see you in your proper place , namely , at the bead of the people , leading them on to victory , instead of lingering by the way , o * cansiag division i » the camp where unity . ahoold reign . Remember , my lord , the people have certain rightss to obtain ; and that uutil those rights are obtained , your country will be involved in misery , therefore do not despise the efforts of any msn who aims to obtain those rights , if he does not bear thb same political name a « your Lordshib , or does not possess so mighty an Influence , ' he may still be a sincere friend to his country . And such I believe to be the man whom your Lordship has maiigned , Hi » jured , and insulted . I confess I : would be sorry " tSat any man calling himself a Chartistshould possess your

      Lord-, ship ' s political character , for I do assure your Lordship ; that consistency is the most essential requisite in a public man . And henca I will be bo free as to tell you , if you had been as consistent to the people as the people have been to you , yen might indeed be proud of your leadership ; but no ; the magic spell which binds your adherents together is nothing more than the blind enthufrfasnvof the people , and your uncharitable attacks on all who have the moral courage to oppose your worse taaa useless measures . What would your Lordship say to the man who , if he saw hfa friend in a drowning condition in the Liffey , would content himself by pulling him by little and little by the heels , out of the river , and at the sama time tell him " not to be aJanaed , he would have him out by and bye ? " or if your Lordship should

      ever have the misfortune ( which heaven avert ) to BWiog-from , the place where Paddy O'Higginsr is ( acobrding to your Lordship ' s prophetic soul ) to send his dupes , what would you think of ybur Mdear Ray , " should he say , "Easy , Dan , don't tick so hard ; I'll cut you down by and bye ? ' Would your Lordship not call him a knave , if you had breath ? And do you not think this is a trne picture of Ireland ? She is in a drowning , sinking condition , and you tell her you wiU pull her out by and bye . Oh , yes , good Samaritan ; but why not pull her out at once ? The reason is evident , my Lord ; although she is sinking under - ' . oppression , you are skimming lightly on the autface , and although the torrent rolls in Its might over the devoted heads of the people , your sails are filled with zephyrs , and your lockers stored with the luxuries of life : but did you feel the pressure as the poor feel it , you would

      be as loud in your appeals for relief as they are . Did you feel yourself sinking , like the . many thousands of your countrymen , you would be thankful for a helping hand to draw you out of the flood ; and so should the Irish be grateful for the exertions of the gallant band of " O ' s" in Dublin , for they are ( no matter what your Lordship may think er Bay to the contrary , ) determined to save their country from ruin , and raise her to her proper position in . the scale of ' . nations . ' - ' Yes , this my Lord , is their object ; and I Bay to them , in the name of the Chartists of Great Britain , Proceed ; " more power to you , O'Higgins , " and may you never cease to agitate for the Charter until every "O" from ' Iveragh " to" Donegbadee" become a convert to your principles . And that your Lordship may have an opportunity of witnessing bo essential a change ia the sincere : and fervent hope of , My Lord , Tour Lordship ' s most obedient humble servant , W . H . Clifton .

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      —— <» — -. .. ' . '; . TO THE WORKING MEN OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Countrymen , — I have addressed to you two letters on the subject of theNational Petition > and my object has been to meet the objections urged against it , therefore it cannot matter little whether I am right or wrong as to the fact of the rejection of the Petition as the subsequent adoption of it ; there are still objections urged and still we have objectors . The Corn Law question has excited / opposition : to onr line of policy , and vhe ' . most freqiVentqueBtien which will be put is—Why do you not petitionfor the removal of the Corn Laws ? I shall endeavour to answer the question , at the same time premising my remarks -with the observation that I cannot be expected in a letter to do more than merely sketch over such an extensive subject , and promising at the same time , that on a future occasion , 1 shall address a small pamphlet to you on the broad merits of the question .

      In touching the question at all , you must bear in mind first , that we have mentioned the provision laws in the National Petition , and in their proper place as grievances ; secondly , that I would not argue the questiou , if I was an advocate of the middle class or the capitalists . I will approach the ^ uettion only as an advocate of the rights of labour , who puts to himself the following questions : —Will the abolition of the Corn Laws benefit the working men so considerably as to authorise them to renounce the agitation for the suffrages ; or ought the Corn Laws to receiver the prer cedmce in our agitation , and be made the most prominent grievanee ?

      If I was a middle-class advocate , I would answer thus . The agitation for the abolition of the Cora Laws is so important to the people , that the question of the suffrage should not have the precedence , but be made a secondary question . Why ? Because the middle class have the suffrage already ; they have a vote ; and the Charter will not give them two : .. consequently ; they would eay , in reply to my second self-applied question , that tbe Corn Law question should have this preference , and , as a grievance , the tax on food should be held high above other questions which do affect only the unwashed and unshorn rabble . The interest of the middle class , as well as their sufferings , urge men to strike at the provision laws as the moat prominent evil to them . Let us see whether we can . make the question of the suffrage one equally interesting to the working class , and still more deserving of r . onSilenca with them .

      We all admit that class legislation as a monster cause has given rise to the Cora Laws . 'We proclaim it in the Petition ; and we promise , having the suffrage , to rescind them from the statute book . We do not , however , conceive tbe Corn Laws to be the monster result of the system , and ths . ttheNation . il Debt , the army and n » vy ,. an overgrown Church , establishment , the Poor Law , ' the excise and custom duties , and a variety of other effects , are to be pointed out as . not arising from that prolific y ^ t deadly root—class legislation . Working men feel all these evils , and are

      conscious they cannot mitigate or remove the pressure of one of them ; nevertheless , they are fully sensible that the lopping off of one branch would signify nothing if the vitality of the root could throw out in its place a hundred small and hungry offshoots . The Corn Laws once gone , the cause remains behind , and the wise men who offer this sacred plaster to tbe wounded shie , quvte forget to take out of the remedy the thorns en . c ; osed , or , in other words , with the Corn Laws thrown overboard , the laws of primogeniture and entail , which uphold the monopoly of land , and which preceded the Corn Laws .

      What quackery would it be to abolish the Corn Laws , and hold sacred the Very . 'monopoly which originated them , which is the twin monopoly of our present class legislation , and which living must exist , and existing must dive into the vitals of the poor and lay the foundation of its fallacies on the ruined cottages and the miseries of ita wretched inmates . What do the middle class mean by their class legislation ?—the presence of a majority of Tories in the House of Commons . They had a hand in that as a class aid ; if all the House of Commons consisted of Whigs , would that lessen the'load of class legislation to the labourer ? No , no ; no ! It was class legislation when the landlords had sole power . It would &ti | l be class legislation if the capitalists joined them , It ie

      class legislation even now , when the middle class Lave the fancbise ; and it will be class legislation uutil every man has a vote , who is of a sane mind , and twentyone years of age . Leave that plague-spot behind ; and although you , my oppressed countrymen ; may toil for a thousand years , ye would still labour to begin anew ; strike at the root : and mind , strike for yourselves , without heeding who may say , strike higher , that hurts me . Aye , but you say , a cheap loaf is a cheap loaf still . So it is , if you . have sufficient wages ; but will the Corn Laws bring you a cheap Joaf with . the same wages ? If , I answer , it may ; still , it will be like cheap letters under the New Postage Act You wi ) l have a shifting of the burden from one shoulder to the other , but the load

      will nut be one jot the less . Had you not a Whig boon in penny letters ? That was a benefit . Did not dear tea , cuffce , sugar , and spirits follow ? Most certainly . Then your burden was shifted , and mark my word it ¦ will be shifted again , inust ba , or the finances of the couutry are exactly the same as those of France , previous to her great revolution . How would : cheap bread , dtar tea , sugar , coffee , and no suffrage look ? : Hov ? Would Universal Suffrage , low 11 taxes , aud np monopoly look ? The middle class say you cannot get the latter . 1 answer by a question can they abolish the Corn Laws ? No , but they have the suffrage and if they eannqt

      abolish one evil , having the power which we have not , I maintain that it is an unanswerable argunientin favour of the extension of the Suffrage , at once and for ever to every man of twenty-one years of age , and of a sane mind . Their power is too weak they say ; then why not make it greater by giving you the same power , because , the question is not whether you ore to be benefited , but how they are to profit by your aid . if your public opinion is solicited , surely ^ if you ara capable of giving an opinion as to the injurious nature of the Corn Laws , you are also equally capable of giving a vote for their removal , and the man who would ask the former and deny the latter , is either a senseless simpleton , or a

      cunning rogue . ¦ : '¦ •' --. ¦ ' ¦¦' . ¦ , Remember the weakness of the anti-Corn Law advocates is admitted , when they solieit the Bupport of the non-electors , and their knavery must be apparent as well as their folly , in courting the Suffrages of working men in public meetings , on one question , whilst they refuse the same liberty on all questions . Who are the tyrants then , we who legitimately insist- upon oar right of reason on all public questions , or they who will onJy tolerate it on one ? ¦¦ ¦ : .. ¦ - ¦ - . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . . ¦ ¦¦"' / : : r ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ ' ¦ " ¦

      Fellow countrymen , I wish you saw the cloven foot as plainly as I do , you would then , levertiug to the struggles of the hand-loom weavers , and the bloody field of Peterloo , believe that necessity alone baa at length compelled your matters to require the abolition of the Corn Laws when that monopoly has done its worst for the labourers , which rolling ov « r the famished body ef the weaver , and his mouldering loom now carries diEtreEB to the honses of the middle class , and arouses sympathy only when self ifl concerned .

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      The question Is twenty years too latei in being agitated , and we are a century in advance of its advocates / Labour can no longer receive benefit from the repeal of the Com Laws ; and the time is gone when manual labour can compete with steam , unless universal power will remove universal wrong , and bring cheap government , low taxes , a reduced national debt , no sinecures , at the same time that you have cheap bread , plenty to do , and high wages . ; V : " Gfpd knows Icannpt laugh at . nor despise , the poor , when they are led away by the Beduciiig cry of a cheap loaf and plenty of work ; but I vHll epdeayour to reason with them , and therefore having answered my two questions , and given you the reason why the Corn Law question is to take the precedence , I will now briefly lay the real question at ^ sue before you . : ' ; " ¦¦ ¦ v -- "¦ ¦ /¦ '¦' - ; ¦ •/ ' ;¦/ : ¦ '¦' ¦' . — " " "' ' . , . . . . _ . . .

      .. ; ,,..: ; ,. . . ; .. It is not , fellow countrymen , a fair way of advocating the question of free trade by simply putting one question to the people , and asking them if they would have a big and a cheap loaf , because every man would say yes ; and then proceed to satisfy his reason that he could have it , and decide upon the readiest and the best mode of keeping it free from the grinding masters and taxgatherers reductions . The landlorda created the provision laws at the end of the war , on the ground that if we conld eat Briton grown bread it would be to the profit of the country to do so rather than employ and pay foreign labourers for that which British workmen could create , and if we could produce as much or more grain than the people of this country could consume , it would be wise and judicious to

      employ our own labour in preferance to foreign industry . The landlords discover their present advantage in the war price of farms and pf food , and although they can , they will not grow as much grain as the land could produce ; and the customs of the eountry appropriate much land for grain to be malted , and for potatoes , and other escuiants which acres might be more advantageously used .: The great reason for the Corn Laws was , that British labour should be employed In the fields rathor than foreign labour , that British bread was better than Russian , even if a higher price is paid for the former . Now observe what foiiows . This resolution on the part of the landlords , brought them into

      coalision with the manufacturing interests , and they said to the legialature our taxes are increasing , and we must pay our workmen more "wages in consequence of the pressure of public burdens , therefore on the same principle that you protect British corn aud exclude foreign , grain , we insist upon protecting British manufactured goods , and shutting eut foreign manufactured goods , that is to say , we shall have import duties upon shoes , hats , and stockings , beaidea glass bottles and a host of other articles manufactured by distinct , useful , and important trades in their country , but whuih articles foreign workmen who are untaxed can produce cheaper than we can , and therefore in the end would undersell us in our Own inarktt .

      To tbis the landlords consented ; and hence , if it is true that the landlords pocket the difference of the price of corn , as it is sold in London and Dantzic , it is also true that the manufactnrera pocket the difference between the price of shoes and hats in London and Paris , and of woollen stockings in the Midland Counties and Saxony . Which of the two pocket the most I cannot say , but of this much I can assure the labourer that his interests are crucified between the two . ¦ ' ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ ¦¦'• : \ . . .- " ' . .. ' ' ¦ ¦ ¦ .. ' . "

      Now ; mark again the effect of the abolition of the Corn Laws . The manufacturer demands the abolition of the Corn Laws , not to give them the chance of exporting more hats , ihoea , stockings , gloves ; clocks . and watches , gloves , Bilks , and a host of other British manufactured goods , thereby employing more workmen in these trades , and paying them bettor . Oh , no . The market for such goods on the Continent must be closed , otherwise we would not chest out Paris hats and shoes for the London markets by import duties , ranging from 30 to 35 per cent .

      Foreigners beat us in these goods , and the abolition of twenty Corn Laws would hot enable our trade to compete with foreigners unless you struck off the National Debt , and reduced the taxes to ten millions a year . The only articles we can export are certain cotton goods , and some few woollen articles . Working Men , take notice here that one market is nearly closed in regard to some of the manufactured cottons and woollens , because whilst we export £ 17 , 694 , 303 of woven cotton goods we export at the same time £ 6 . 278 , 099 of cotton twist , for foreigners to weave into cloth . We even now export woollen yarn for the foreign weavers . There ia competition for you ! and what is Free Trade but a widely extended competition 7 And what would it be to you with a widely extended taxation .

      Fellow Countrymen , beforeyou run a raca strip off the clogB ,. and take Nature's shoes ; and before you diverge into a natural course of trade destroy the trammels of artifice . How ? in what . manner ? you ask . Simply by the suffrage . Seek power first ; then bid defiance to the tax-master and the poor man ' s plunderer .. . ' . ¦ -. . . ¦ ¦; ¦ ¦ ' . "' ¦ ' : ¦ . ¦ .. ; .... ¦ ; •" . I will avoid the single question of the Corn Laws , and leave you to read my friend Campbell ' s small book , full of statistics valuable and convincing on the question . You have now learned the relative position of landlords and capitalists . It is for labour and its friends to watch and explain their individual movements , and report injury or benefit to us . I fear the latter will not overburden niany messengers between the palace and the cottage .

      Fellow Countrymen , the question for you to consider is , will the taxes collected from the Corn Laws be collected from other articles after their abolition ? The difficulties of the Government affard an answer—they nius't'i' and from some quarter the one million and a half must be levied . Let it be impressed on the young Prince's forthcoming beard , and you will be the paymasters . , Can you resist , object , or abolish taxes ? You have , then , working men , another alternative . If the Corn Laws are abolished to benefit the manufacturing interest , other import duties must be aboliehed to compensate

      ( mark that ) the landed interest . In one word , if manufacturers must have cheap bread , agriculturists will have cheap hats , shoes , stockings , and other niaatifactured articles , because the same reason applies to these manufactured goods as to corn ; the same reason caused and the same arguments apply for or against both . If it is wrong for manufacturers to pay a protecting duty on corn , you may depend upon it landlords will not be alow in objecting to the right of mai ui ' acturers putting a tax upon hats , shoes , and stockings ; and Compelling them , for the benefit of trade , to pay more for them than they do in France .

      The result will be , if any injury arises to the agricultural labourers , they must be thrown as a bone iuto the mouth of the manufacturer , and if any loss or ruin arise from foreigners being allowed to undersell . us ia our own market , that must not be attended to because the landlords demand it , and have the power to take it , if refused . . Working men must be sacrificed either way , unless the suffrage is present to protect and 'benefit all > to give undue advantage or undeserved misery to none . You have the question now before you , and to make it clearer , I will give you an extract from tbe evidence on the Import Duties in proof of my position . " ¦ . ' . ;¦ ¦ ' Question put by Mr . Williams , M . P ,:

      —«• Would you say that tho principle was a correci one , to admit the importation of stockings manufactured in Saxony into this country free of duty , which would / as a matter of course , supersede the trade entirely at Leicester , Nottingham , and other parts of England where stockings are made ?" Answer given by Mr . M'Gregor : — ' / certainty would admit them at an equitable duly , not exceeding ten per cent :, uiieUier that wmld destroy Vie trade at Leicester and Nottingham or not ; but even if it did I . should' say that it would be better for the whole country to subscribe sufficient to support all these people at home who are now being employed in that manufacture , than to continue a tax in perpetuity upon this country . It would be humanity towards the manufacturers themselves " ' ¦' . "¦ ¦ . ¦¦ . ¦" . "¦ ¦ ¦¦ : ¦ - . - . . ¦• : : ¦ : . ' ¦ "¦ . -

      So it would Mr . M'Gregor , but at the game time ruin , starvation , and no bread at &U to the weavers ; as for the public subscriptions they are ns slippery as eels , and with the New Poor Law before our eyes , the most unchristian hopeless prospect for the PpOr ,- ; ¦ "'' .. ¦ : . ¦ ¦'¦ ¦ ; ' . . ¦¦ . ¦ . . ... . ' "¦ V . I have placed the question in a just light before you , and I ask witbbut hesitation , what labourer would give tho Suffrage the go by , and the Corn Law repeal the preferenca ? I cannot at this time'enlarge upon the Subject , brit I will answer another argument assumed by the free traders to be a good one under the present state of theGovenment in this country . We are told that an extension of trade would benefit , but before we can maintain our present position we must cheapen our goods . ; That cheapening of goods has been our curse , or in : other language , competition has been our ruin .

      I will , for the sake of argument , assume that a master employs a hundred men as weavers , ( makes shoes , liats , br any thing , ) and that in one day of ten hour ' s work , a weaver can produce ten yards © f cloth , for which he receives half-a-crown . The master will then manufacture 1000 yards per day , which he will carry to the market and sell for £ 50 oV Half-a-crown is paid to the weaver ; the clotb sells wholesale at ten shillings per yard . Competition arises at home or abroad , machinery comes into play , or any cause reduces the price of the

      yard of cloth to five shilliogs instead of ten , what mutt the master do ? and how will the workman stand affected ? The master to retain his position , and only secure bis former profit niust produce for sale arid sell "" 2 , ' 0 ' OOJ yards which will only bring the old £ 500 , and the workmen to retain his wage and earn no more , must either contrive to ¦ weave twenty yards in ten hours for the 2 g . 6 d ., cr work two days for One day ' a wage , or istwid behind a machine which in one-half of the time will weave twice as niany yards as he could do .

      In either case , the workman is the looser , his piece is made longer so are bis hours of work , wuilBt hiB wages are made less , for let him work long hours or at work with a machine , he or his fellows must be the sufferers . ' '' : ¦ ' ¦'¦ ¦ . ¦' _ * ¦ . ¦ : ¦ ¦¦ - ,.:: ¦ ¦ '' ' .- . Mind you this , the master has social arid political power to shift his burden , and let your trade be ever so far extended and your goods cheapened , I tell you that you must be either the victims of double hours ,

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      the machine slaves , receiving low wages and the victimr f a refined cruelty arid a civilised bondage , which yoa have iopower to avert or destroy . Fellow-corintrymen , I must conclude ; and my concluding request is , that you will reason upon the qnostion at issue , one started by design , and depending upon ignorance or treachery for its ext&tance , but still one which has had its proper place in the petition amongst other grievances , and which , I feel confident , you will estimate for what it is worth and no more , I thank those who have opened their eyes to the juggle of one paityapd the reason of another ; ami if I am not Vjo troublesome to the readers of the Star , ! shall address to you one more : letter ri ^ xt week on the course which ought to be pursued in presentiu ? " the next petition , which I hope to see yet placed jn the Commons as the Utgeat national prayer ever laid at the footstool of injustice . Fellow-Coantrymen , . ' ¦ ¦ . ' 1 remain , your sincere friend , , - P . M . M'DOUALL . ^

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      MOCK CHARITY ; The people of Tro'wbridge being infoTined of onr generous government sending down four hundred pounds to be distributed amongst the poor of thi ^ place , called a public meeting of the inhabitants of the town , at Hope ChapeL James Ames Marchant , secretary to the Hillstreet Chartists , wasUnanimously called to the chair . After an excellent address from Mr . Rawlirifis , the following memorial was proposed by Mr . W . Porter and seconded by Mr . W . Harford , and Carrie unaniinously . To the Rigid HonorableSir Robert \ Peel , Premierto her Majesty ' s Executive Governnmit .

      Honoured Sir , —We , the working classes of the town and vicinity of Trowbridge in public iheeting assembled , having beeiri informed of y * ut generous charity awarded as a temporary relief to bur starving families take this opportunity \ o apprise her Majesty's Government that we , as EngHahmen , do not desire charity so much as justice ; for ^ ve are convinced that the unprecedented state of poverty , , dejffnidatibn , and misery , which , many of us are now suffering , arises , not from the visitation of God , in sickneBs , famine , pestilence , or sword , but from the , avaricions spiritof rich tyranta who are tolerated to oppress by the accursed system of class legislation ; and under our present feeling we do not hesitate to say that if her Majesty ' s Government continue to maintain and support au unjust system , we

      should deem it more charity from them in sending down a troop of human butchers to diapatcb a thonsanil of us , than keep us lingering out a useless life by starvation . At the same time , we would deaire to apprise her Ma jesty ' s Governmenfc that in the land of Britain ; where God ha 3 abundantly poured forth the bounties of his goodness , there is enough for every human being toj | be well clad and well fed , so that they might be happy and comfortable in their statioH , and beeoaze useful members of society . Then , if justice was granted us , there would be no need of emigration , transportation , Malthuaianism , or wholesale murder , to thin population ; nor the paltry charity of the rich to keep us alive in starvation } but peace , happiness , and tranquiility wdulo | c 3 ment . the whole community j arid the labouring classes , instead of becoming useless , and being a dead weight upon society would become the bulwark arid Btrength of our national prosperity . To acconip ' . ish

      this , we . humbly implore her Majesty ' s Government to take into their serious consideration the present deplorable condition : of the Iabouripg poor , and to devisa a more noble way to display their charitable benevolence than a paltry shilling for a temporary relief . If they deaire to do good in their day and generation ; if they wish the fame of boriour to descend to their posterity ; if they are anxious to immorfaliza their names so that future generations shall call them bleBBed , then let thom listen to the prayer of the working millions set forth in the National Petition , and make the People's Charter a Cibiuet measure ; and by their influence and power cause it to be made the law of this land ; then will the cause of poverty be removed ; then wil ! industry be rewarded , peace and plenty to ail the community , and England will be free . Gnintus this one noble and charitable exilting : favour , and your Memorialists will ever

      '¦ ., - -. pray .-:: - ' : ¦¦ > - - '• ¦'¦ Signed on behalf of the meeting , James Ames Mabchant , Chairman

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      From the London Gazette of Friday , Jan . 21 . BANKRUPTS . John Maidlaw , Fetter-lane , builder , to surrender Jan . 28 , MJirch 4 , at half-past eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , BaBinghall-Btreet . Solicitors , Messrs . Rhodes , Buvbr , and Lane , Chancery-lane ; official assignee , Mr . Whitmore , Bi 8 ingball-street-Joseph Scott and Henry Coker . Weod-street , Cheapo side , woollen warehousemen , Feb 4 , at one . March 4 , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basinghailstreet . Solicitors , Messrs . Turner and Hensman , Basinglane , Gheapside ; official assignee , Mr . Whitmore , Basinghall-street . Charles Samuel Evan , Cornhill , master-mariner , Jan . 28 , at eleven , Harck 4 , at twelve , at the Court of Bauiauptcy , Basinghall-street . Solicitors , Messrs . Lawranca and Bjackbuine , Bucklersbury ; oi&icial assignee , Mr . . 9 en « lL ' : ' ¦ ¦' . ' ' . ' ¦ ¦ ' . •• : " . ¦ .- ' : . ' -..- ¦ ¦ ' . " - . ' .- '¦ ¦ ¦

      Charles Dod and Henry Bent , Riches-court , Liuiestreet , ship-brokers ' , Jan . 26 . . it two , Marchii ' , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bisinghallstreet . Solicitor , Mr . Toune , Williani . strtet , iBaigrave-square ; official assignee , Mr . Johnsofl , B . isiEghall-street ' William Young , Godalming , Surrey , nurseryman , Feb . 2 , at one , March 4 , iit twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcyj BaBinghall-Btreet . Solicitors , Messrs . Bolton and Merri man , Austin-friars ; official assignee , Mr , Lackington , Coleraan-street-buildings . Mark Fothergill and Michael Fothergill , Upper Thames-street ,. drysahers , Feb . 5 , at half-past one , March 5 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , BaBirighall-street Solicitor , My . Cattliti , E ! y-place ; pfiicial assignee , Mr . Edward ' s Frederick ' s-piacG . Oiii Jewry .

      Richard Nursty , Whitehall-place , Kentush Town , Tallow-chandler , Jan . 29 , at two . March 4 , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Basiaghall-street Solicitor , Mr . Starling ,: Leicester-square } . official- , assignee , Mr . Groom , Abchurch-lane , tooibard-street , Joaeph Smith Needham , Ullestliorpej Leicestershire , banker , Feb . 11 , March 4 , at twelve , at the Gaetle of Leicester . Solicitors , Mr . Graham , Ironmonger-lane ; and Mr . KemJarvis , Hinckley . Peter Leicester , Longsightj Laricaskire , slate-merchant , Jan . 31 , March 4 , at one , at the Clarendon Rooms , LiveTpopl . Solicitors , Mr . ; Cctterill , Thrugraorton-street ; and Messrs . Fletcher and Hull , Liverpool . ;' - . - ¦ ' - ¦ - ¦ '• ¦ ¦¦ •' ¦ ¦ -: ¦ "; ' - ¦' . : ¦ . .. ' '•' .- ¦ ' ¦ - ¦ ¦ '¦ . . George Ogdeu Brown ,- ShfifieW , timber-nierchanfc , Feb . 2 , at twelve , March 4 , at two , at the Town Hall , Sheffield . Solicitors , Messrs Atkinson and Pili ; rim , Churcu-court , Lothbury ; and Messrs . Smith andHinde , Sheffield :

      Charles Sanderaon . Sheffield , fi'e-manufBcturer . Feb . 4 , March 4 , at twelve , at the Town Hall , Sh (; ftifcld Solicitors , Mr . Rodgers , King-street , Clieapside ; and Messsrs . Vkkers and Jervis , Sbeffisld .

      PARTNERSHIPS DlSSOLVEp . F . 31 . Gilianders , - T .. Ogilvy , G . C . Arbutfanot , J . Jacksoa . P . Ewart , and , E Lyon , Liverpool ; as far as regards F . M , Gillariders . P . M . GiJlanders , T : O ^ ilvy , G . C . Arbuthnot . J . Jackson , G . Gil landers , and A . S . Gladstone , L . ^ erpoo \; as far as regards F . M Gillanders . J PtiUlips and J . Dennis , Leeds , brass-fou > cters . J . Nickson , W . Nickson , and T . Nickson , Hay lock , Lancashire , gardeners . R- S . Moir aiid W . Cocke , Sheffield , drysaltersi ' I-Ellis ' and WV- Lowe , Mi . uflesbrough , Yorkshire , common brewers . J . Ashtoa and J . Wrighfcj Mnnchester , hat-nisnufacturers . J . H . Stanway and J . S . Jackson , Manchester accountants ; E . Tngall , T . Ellin , jun ., W ; Ellin , and J . EIHn , Shtffield , merchants ; as far asregards E .-Ingall .. T . Morris amiT . Goddes , Wigan , Lancashire , solicitors . F . Bury and G . Robertson , Liverpool , coppersmiths . J . Ly « n . junu , and J . Lyon , sea , Liverpool , painters .. G- A- Hoi t and J . Arrowsmith , Liverpool . C Potter and W . Ross , Manchester , calico-printers ; :. -

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      From the Gazette of Tuesday , Jari . 25 ; BAMCRUPTS . Sy . mnel E'idlestone ' We ' lldon , butcher , Cambridge , Feb . 4 , and Mnrch 1 , at eleven , at . tfce Hoop Hotel , Cambridge . Mr . Eaden , official assignee . Cambridge . Solicicors , Messrs . Clark and Davidson , Eisex-street , Strand , London . Edward Thomaa Murray , leather-seller , Great G ^ orgestveet . Beruioiids « y , Feb . I . at half-past one , and > iarch § . at twelve , at the Cuurt of Bankruptcy . Mr . B < ichor , ufflcial assignee . Solicitor , Mr . Loughboroush , Austinfriars .. . ¦ '• ¦' . ¦ ¦ . ' , ' . " . ; . ¦ ; ' ; '¦ ¦; ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ; ' \ Alfred Webb , carptt seller , Liverpool , Feb . P . and March 8 , at two , at the Comujiisioner ^ -rooms , Manchester . Messrs . Johnson , Son , aati W ' eatbemll , Temple , London . Solicitors , Messrs . Higgina an < i Son , Manchester . . '¦"•• . ¦¦ ' ' :

      William ; Wilcocks , fiaddler and harness maker , Bfaeftnell , Berks , Feb . 1 , and March S . at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy . ; Mr , Grahami official assignee , Basiughall-street . ; Solicitors , Messrs . Bridger arid Co ., Finsbury-circus . . .. . '' . : ^ .: / ..: .. ; ; James Laycock , tallowrchandler , Colne , Lancaahire , Feb . 2 , end March 8 , at eleven , at Uie King ' s Head Inn , Colne . Messrs . Wigleaworth , Ridsdale , and Craddock , Gwy's Inn Solicitor , Mr . Hardacrei Colne . William Christie , bookbinder , Red ; Lion-square , Feb . 3 , at eleven , Maich 8 , at twelvej at the Court of Bankiuptcy . Mr . Green , cfacial asBi&oee , Aldtrmanbury . Solicitor , Mr . Starling , Leicester-tquaifo . ' ¦ ' , '

      George OgUvy Speare , laceman , Fieet-strefct , Feb . 7 , at one , Match 8 . at tweive , at the Court of Batikruptcy . Mi . Graham , official assigneej : Basirighall ^ treet . SoU- ^^ , ^ - ^ -, ^ . _ citor , Mr . Sole , AWermanbuiy . . CKfRTH bliiV ; Robert Johnson f Sharp , yictualUT , ^^ Liverpooli Feb . $ C T A R . and March 8 , at one , at theClarendon-roori ^ j LiYeipool . ?^ . «^ - ~^ . < rsy Messrs . Vincent and Sberwpid , official ^? gnecift ^^^ JMr | i ^ 3 ^ v \ Kiag ' B- . bench-waik , Temple , London . Splicitorj ^ S ^ ' ^^^^^\ H \ Jones , Liverpool . liSsLji ^ % i * i ^ ' ^ I Charles Cbristelow , woollein-dTsper , York , FebVffflKhs ^ pj ^^ f !? H > C *> fe 1 and March 8 , at eleven , at the Guildhall , York . Mea |^^ ^ j ^ j ^ -ryi ^ ilr ' J /^/ Williamson and Hill , IVeruIam-buildings , ^^ Grayfa t ^ S ^ J ^^^ fS ^ - ^ ' ^ y Lo Y mlon . Solicitors ^ Messrs . Blanchard and , Richard so \ fr ^ g |<^| j ^^( % V / 9 rfe " .. . . , .. . , ' ^; tiaw ^ sA ^ N . V :

      Untitled Article

      WAYS A 1 H > MEAN& TO THE ED 1 T 0 B OF THB HOBTHERN STAR . Sir , —I am very sorry , and much amazed , that Mr . Finder's blacking hasnot met with that prompt attention and adoption If deserves . I did expect , by this time , that every Chartist in Great Britain would have it in his possession ; instead of which , I dare say there is scarcely a Chartist in London who has yet seen it Where are those who are generally so forward in voting money out of tbe funds of the Associations for various purposes connected with . Chartism ? Why dont they bring forward the above plan , to serve a good man , and our good cause ? Where are those » ho lament the apathy of those working men who do not understand polities ' ? Did Sir John say Chartism was dead ? In this instance ifc shews little life . i I I - — - — 1 -II " - ¦¦— ¦ i ---I . I . . 1 ^ . — I ¦ -I .

      It must be a source of gratification to our opponents to see us almost neglect one of our own body , and a brilliant opportunity of realising funds for carrying on the agitation . There are many who are acquainted with small Bhopkeepers who might be induced to vend it Members and others could supply their friends and neighbours . Working men could Bell it among shopmates . Many a poor fellow might earn a Sunday ' s dinner for himself and family , by hawking it in publichouses , &c on Saturday nights ; but all must have a place near at hand to buy it . I reside in Betbnal Green , and the nearest place to get it is Lambeth or Knightsbridge , & distance of several miles ; instead of which , it ought to be sold in every Association Room at least , and by every one who could make it convenient .

      1 beg to suggest the propriety of the Councils calling meetings of members to empower the various Secretaries to send for a certain quantity of blacking , and to have two memorandum-books , one to insert the receipts by retail , and the other by wholesale ; always allowing any person to have sixpenny-worth by wholesale , if required ( the profit being , I think , one half j , to enable as many as possible to sell it . I hope the members of the National Charter Association will see to it . It boasts of 300 localities . We should then see a list of buyers as long as my arm , instead of , as at present , a paltry half dozen or so . A Working Man . Friar ' s Mount

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      Wavfovu $ X 0 t $ *?

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      . THE y OR THE R ST STAR . _____ \ -:: ^ - ' ^ - f-¦ ¦ ¦ " ~~ - ¦ . — -.. ¦¦ ¦ — ' ~ " ' ' " — ¦ - ¦ ,- ¦¦ ¦ --.. . , | .. _ ' . ' ' ' ' - - . — — ' ¦ - ¦ ' ' "¦— ' — '" — — II ¦¦ " I « II - . . 1 I I ¦ ' I ¦ -.- — . 1 ,., —I— 111 *—¦* .. _ _ , - ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 29, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct415/page/7/