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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th January 1842, Edition 2 of 5, Page 7

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      Untitled Article

      OOiOKEL THOMPSON AND THE CHABTISTS . TO TftB S > HOB OF IHE HOSIHBMt STAR . Six . —I "have just lead a letter in the Siar of last artsrday , purporting to hare been -wr itten by Colonel rhompson , in reply to Mr . P . Anderson , of Edinburgh , SssuiSect matter of which has reference to » lecture I ^ the Corn Laws , delivered by the " Colonel in the Qaeen ' s Theatre in this town , on Tuesday , SOtb Not . jTsTand to the report of said lecture and the proceed-Wb thereat , * hich subsequently appeared in the Xorthtm Star . Had I read such a lettei purf ^ tiug to emanate from the pen of Golonel Sampson , prior to my -waiting on him as part ir a deputation , or listening to his lecture on the Zft&on I alluded to , I would haT » conceived myself vjmd to reject » & » * libel on the character of that ^ Qauaaj because all that I had theretofore read , Cjnnr his signature , was plain , lucid , unambiguous , IlTestate of coming home to erren the meanest capa-^ v . btttl 11 " 184 m candour acknowledge my inability

      to atrire at just conclusions as to the precise inferences * rtieh be expe c t * Mr- Anderson , or the public genen&ly trinw frem the perusal of snch a document as his i tier in fi » Stor of thB lBl inrt - The ™* " obiiet of rtTjeaa I can however discover . It is to invalidate «* jatbeaficity of , and negatire the statements con-Z ^ gd in , the report to which it alludes . It surely Bnst b » TB required an extraordinary amount of labour pa the part of the Colonel , an amount to which I would not be desirous of subjecting myself , to hare wo successfoHT brought forth a creature to the world possessing neither the distincs attributes of the negative nor the jgnniUTe character , although partaking of the nature and quality of both ; someihing like those unaocounti 5 le freaks of nature which are called hermaphrodite . yow , Sir , aa regards the authenticity of the report in question , I « h »» hold myself responsible for its correctness . I pledge myself te its every sentence ; and I am further prepared to prodnce a host of witnesses to etsroborate the eTidenca which I here Toluntarily

      offer . Surely , Colonel Thompson cannot have read the reports of the proceedings in tbe Liverpool press , { he Mercury and Journal , tot instance , tfee recogjised organs of the anti-Corn Law party , or he vould not have risked his reputation for veracity br the writing of such a letter . I shall , I trust , » bow to the world that although a working , toiling unwashed if you like ) mechanic , and the writer of the report in question , I haTe as jealous a care of my jeputatiou and " fair fame" for truth , as a man—aye , and a Chartist—as any and every of the haughtiest of those who ft-ar that 1 , and such as I am , should come " bcSwizt the "wind and their nobility . " jbB gallant Colonel says in the outset that" It is always difficult , to distinguish how much of a report may be wrong from malice , and how much from mistake arT « Jndice- "'

      With regard to any portion of the report being " wrong from malice" I believe that I , as the writer , am exonerated from being actuated by modves of a malicious nature , by the feet of my having up to last week , or perhaps the night of the lecture , fully coincided in the opinion of Feargus O'Connor , that he ( the Colonel ) was about the very best man of his class in the country . Malice could not then be my motive . If I have been " mistaken" in the report , many , very many indeed , are bo in common withmyselt And when I fnd the report in the Siar to be in general accordance with the reports in those Journals whose reporters attended for the special purpose of preventing mistaken statements going f crth , I surely mast at once conclude that I am not so utterly lost in the iabarynth of " mistake" as the Colonel would endeaTour to insinuate . So much for the gratuitous insinuation throws out at random in the second paragraph . In the third paragraph , the Colonel

      says—¦ " The deputation were not successful in explaining That their objact was , or that they had any distinct © ijeciatall . " Now , it would haTe been but honest on his part to fc&ve at the same time stated the precise reasons why they were not " snecessf ul , " as he asserts ; the interruption to the conference which we ( the Colonel and myself ) were then holding , having arisen from within an arnVB-length of his person , and by one of his friends , at explained in the report The Colonel asks" Did it depend on his answer whether he was to be allowed a hearing or not V

      Surely sufficient transpired during the brief interview to point out to Mm the absurdity of asking such a question . But does he deny the precise words , as reported in the Siar , of this interview ? Ne , bet by two lines of mystified reasoning , and two questions embodied in five lines , he endeavours to sb&ke the stability if he cannot directly grapple with the authenticity of the report . . In the fourth paragraph he says ;—" When the objection was advanced , that the average wages in the cotton , department in 1797 , was S 6 s . Sd . weekly , and in 18 < 0 , only 5 s . 6 d- weekly . "

      This he seems to give as the entire question . Now by reference to the report it will be seen that the Colonel , for eome purpose best known to himself , has sot here stated one-half the-qnestion . None who was present at the interview—not even himself , can deny that the facts were these : —the Colonel had stated in tbe course of his lecture , of which I took a note , that as trade increased the better condition of the workingman increased in the same ratio , or words to that effect I shewed . the meeting , in contradistinction to that theory , that our manufacture of cotton had increased from the former period , 97 , to the latter period , 40 , from twenty-three millions pounds , to four hundred and sixty millions pounds , and I then shewed the

      deeeasa in wages . This he carefully loses sight of , and selects the portion which best suits his purpose , making it seem a perfect quotation , and thus raises a technical objection abeut the . word " handloom" * not being sttsebed to the term . " weaver , " and then says he filled up tbe void which I had left . He then attempts to shew the fallacy of my reasoning , by lugging in the wigmakers , and telling the meeting that tbe one reference would be as good or as reasonable in my argument as tbe other . Bat after he had denied the evil effects of machinery , I merely wished to ascertain to what source we could trace the depression of those eng&ged in the manufacture of cotton , when that m&nufictnre had increased twenty

      fold-Tne Colonel next says after this it is unnecessary for me to say that the assertion that"I denied that the hand-ioom weavers were badly off , and of its being received with the marked indignaftm of the meeting , is eaSrely without foundation in bet-Sow , I wish to know from the gallant Colonel , Thethti he means that the assertions imputed to him in tie report , are without foundation in fact , or the sancer of its reception by the meeting , for the reading ? 31 bear both interpretations . If he denies mating ox of the expressions , let the Liverpool Journal bear ¦ fitness . I give the Teply in full , and bear in mind a reporter from that office was apecially retained .

      " In replying to the question , CoL Thompson said Bat what bad just been stated agreed with what he b » d already said . He had stated that going on as they * eie , the operatives were compelled to compete with each other , and what other conld result from tbe system tbsathat their wages should be reduced ? The trade of the country had laboured during the time under an intnnity , and therefore the objector had only confirmed bis CoL Thompson ' s j propositions . The previous speaker bad , however , omitted one word in hifl statement , which bs oujtt fc > have mentioned . He had omitted the » tmi band-loom , " before the term " weavers , " in his observations . He { Colonel Thompson ) denied that the tad-loom weaver was at the . present time badly off ; « t if aa impetus were given to commerce , no one waia fleay that those m * n would not alBO be gainers bj it "

      ^ ov , will the veracious Colonel dispute the authority oilds own organ ? Bat how has the journal let the » i g-makiBg agair slip through its fingers ? For the best rtason in the world I because it was never uttered » t this stage of the proceedings , if uttered at alL With ^ rd to tbe reception of this denial of the actual conflition of the band-loom weavers , it would argufy little indeed for the intelligence of ft meeting of working pe =, if thej vaali tolerate such assertions as I have here proved were used to pass without expressing their narked" and honest" indignation . " In the next paragraph , the Colonel labours with an acuity worthy a better object t » excuse his purpose ^ endeavouring to disprove the evil effects of machinery ; r ^ J aKerts that in letter-press printing , machinery , ~~* iof diminishing manual labour , has actually in-•^ eaii And this , too , after finding fault with my sennse cate , of the handloom weavers !

      ^ fcmr ^^^^^ ^^^^ mmwrnrnm . ^^>^ V ^ V AAV WW m ^ mmw * ™ ~^ — * i giving as an offset mj case of tbe weavers ; pffist hu case of printing , let me direct bis attention 1 ** sfew other instances where machinery has been in- i * 5 * kee < l to tie . almost utter prostration of the interest ' . ~* manual labourer . If one man in tbe paper-stain-1 "Stasnes at the present time can , with the aid of \ ? > d 2 jn ery , do what would have required sixty men to I . tea or twelve years ago , I want to know if the fifty- ] fz ® thus thrown upon the world have received such a e ? retPonding amount of eood from the introduction

      j * Uie machine as will force them , to pronounce it a " ^ 5 ? If , ia the calico-printing department as " . ^^ n be done by seventy men in tbree months , «* h the aid of machinery , as Borne years ago would «« e employed five hundred men nine months , I beg to «»)* from the gallant Colonel if machinery in that «™ e has been to the working man " rather a benefit «« i sn injury—rather a Messing than a curse ? " Yet , " « ast msehinery has gone en producing , it hascon-*» tte < l nothing of that which ifc has produced ; and , tr « ttr , it has rendered thfi hnmo mai-tot-, -rainBjfjW : T > v -mw If f mti 111 on

      « B ^^ — ~ — ~ ^ rmmV ^ p »^« T m * — — " mT m ******™*^* - **^* ' ** ' W m » A- ^»^»» ^ ^» n J ^ r ^*? destitute the-world those who were our «« t tonsianers in the heme-markei , namely , the work-? S classes . When tbe Colonel convinces the ODera-HTts of this empire that machfrerj has bettered their "f cOttjon , he will have eiaplujtd more conclusive reason-« 8 ttan ha his jet exhibited . * n tta Etxt paragraph , he expresses Ms regret at ¦*™ g an objection panned upon the working classes « < U £ ereditab '> e to the- understanding of those who ad-Jrjf ^ it Permit me to tell the Gallant Gentleman « 4 » Uie individual who made the objection , or rather

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      pnt tte question , waits yet for a reply . With regard to Mr . Ambler ' suBderstandlngorjndgment belngat all compromisedby putttngthequestton . tiis Colonel would haTe acted a far more becoming part had he answered the question , ' than in deploring cr expressing his regret at it being put 1 "But he himself avowed that it was rather difficult to Answer : perhaps that , caused him to regret it being put . I again quote the Journal lor his answer in full : — " Colonel Thompson aaid the objector had stated a difficulty j but he thought it also remained with that person to shew why , therefore , the people of this country should shut themselves up . ( Laughter . ) Let , the number of inhabitanta be great or small , they had a right to get as much as they conld , but they were not to say they were to do nothing because we had machinery to do the work of six hundred millions , and there were only eight hundred millions of people on the earth .-

      , I now wish the Chartists fairly to examine the question in the report , and the answer here given , and then say whether the Colonel did not . fully shew the difficulty of answering to the satisfaction of any man , save a Corn Law repealer ? The next paragraph is not worthy my notice . In the following one "the writer says" That I denounced the Chartists for their interference , after being invited by the Chairman to ask questions , is utterly unfounded : on the contrary , I regretted much that the Chairman did not prolong the questioning , as the meeting was manifestly on my aide . " Now , let the world read the organ of the free-trade men at that meeting—the Liverpool Journal , in reference to this denied denunciation : —

      •• Tne Gallant Colonel here administered a very becoming reproof to ths Chartists , who ha < l most impertinently obtruded 'themselves upon public meetings , for no other purpose- than to Interrupt the proceedings . He himself had been a Chartist , and had assisted in drawing up the Charter ; but the management of the affairs of that body having been entrusted to very indiscreet and unwise hands , who txpected to gain something by throwing the nation into a state of convulsion , he had withdrawn from them . "

      It would seem as if all , both friends and conceived foes , had entered into a feul conspiracy , for the purpose of misrepresenting what the gallant Colonel really did say on the occasion ; or if this be not so , when all are found to approach so nearly to each other in their various versions of the matter , the Chartist public will know how to appreciate the denial . The Journal has certainly omitted the words "for ever , " if they were not uttered , I trust they will fce acted upon by the gallant Colonel ; as I think the sooner they are put

      into practical operation the better for the cause in which I , in common with others , am honestly engaged . As to fcb 9 Coloziel ' s regret at theeondact ot the Chairman , I could wish to know if it was on that night , or the next morning , or after the receipt of Mr . Anderson ' s letter , or when reading the report in the Siar of the 11 th Bee , that this request arose in his bosom ? as I was engaged in conversation with him on the platform whilst the Chairman was endeavonring to prevent Mr . Ambler from being heard , and none of those requests then fennd utterance .

      Lastly , the Colonel Bays , in quoting tbe report , that he is" Bound to stamp it as a misrepresentation by all the obligations which bind a man not to be a partj to a wilful fraud upon the public ; the truth is tke Chartists were a small minority , 50 or 60 at the most , in an assembly of 2000 , and collected in the corners of the pit where they could make most of their strength in concert . ** Now , Sir , if I was aware of ths motives which prompt the Colonel to make this statement , so utterly &i variance with truth , I -would better know how to meet it . If the assertion is made on the authority of his own observation , I must accord him bat little credit

      for his acute perception . If the statement is made on , authority of some * individual ot otaer than himself , ' . he ought in common justice to his own character , to bavs instituted a more strict inquiry previous to giving j it the seal of bis authority . If the Chairman had con' ceived that the numbers were so insignificant as j the Colonel here . asserts , why did he not put to the i meeting the resolution , moved by Robert Jones , of , Corn Law notoriety / in Liverpool , in the same manner I as the resolution , moving a vote of thanks to the j lecturer ? No ; the Chairman was over well convinced - that the numbers of those who despised their theorising i would havja been made too glaringly manifest ; hence I prudence overcame zeal , and the resolution vras put in : a manner utterly at variance with all forms of public

      . usage . j As regards the inuendoes thrown out in various parts , of the letter against the Northern Siar , all that I shall | say in reference thereto , is that , so far as tbe report i complained of is concerned , the Star is wholly and i entirely irresponsible , for either its veracity or its f&lse-¦ hood . And permit me here to direct CoL Thompson ' s j attention to a fact , which at once goes to show that the , Siar , instead of having a desire to misrepresent him as a public man , or endeavour to create a prejudice an warj raatably against him in the public mind , is actuated ' by a feeling precisely the reverse « f this .

      A report of the next Chzrtixt meeting which was held here , after the lecture in the Theatre , was sent to the Star for insertion , containing some severe strictures on Colonel Thompson for his then recent conduct ; but instead of giviDg the report as sent , the Editor excluded from it every word which had reference to Colonel Thompson , instead of evincing a desire of inserting what might have to him proved prejudicial as a public man , he threw around him the delicate mantle of charitable silence : in bspes , perhaps , that although one frail step had been made , subsequent reflection would again turn the wanderer to the path of public duty . Such hopes I am far from entertaining , and indeed , I believe all who in connection with tae Chartist movement in Liverpool have witnessed what I have witnessed on the part of the Colonel as a public man , agree with me that there is not a hook whereon to hang such a hope .

      In conclusion , I leave the men of Leeds and Manchester ta settle their account with the Gallant Coloml , as to them seems most fitting to do . Bat I would in a spirit of kindness caution Celonel Thompson against the statements of commercial travellers who are to be met with by accident , particularly if they should wear glszstl hats . I trust Colonel Thompson's friend " the traveller" did not wear a glazed hat . The weeful remembrance of the traveller in Wales with the glazed hat , in the . case of our lamented patriot Frost , is yet bitterly alive in the bosoms of the Chartists . Leavinx this rather lengthy document , in tbe hands of my Chartist brethren throughout the empire , and prepared to redeem every pledge here given , and with a jealous eye vigilantly observing the movements of professed friends , and with a determination to encounter open and avowed enemies ,

      I beg leave to sufesenba myself , In the cause of democracy , A very humble but very sincere disciple , Beekabd M'Cabt > et 13 , Crosshall-street , Liverpool , January 5 th , 18 i 2 .

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      THE RECENT MEETING AT THE MUSIC HALL . TO THE EDITOB . OF THE JfOBTHZBN STAB . Sis , —Would you allow me to make a few observations upon the meeting at the Musie Hall , on tbe-4 th inst , through the medinm of your widely circulated and valuable journal .. In reference to the society who called that meeting , and whose proceedings we are falBely charged with having interrupted , I beg to ask -what are the real intentions of the party composing that society which bas for its ostensible objectihe extinction of slavery in Africa ? We faave the fullest right to inqnire into their motives , as "well as to bold up our hands at public meetingB , both of -which we are determined to exercise on all befitting occasiona , Some of the men composing that society are men who were violent oppenents of tbe

      emancipation of the Slaves in the West Indies , aad soma who I saw in the orchestra that evening hold and 6 penly avow principles utterly at variance with every principle of true liberty , and "who , in perfect accordance with their principles , have , on every occasion , shown a strong disinclination to move in the cause of reform at home , thongh continualJy and closely pressed to do so , by their more liberal minded friends ; and even at this moment of unparalleled distress , when all classes are suffering ( except the tax-eaters ) without exception , to a greater extent than at any former period , these parties still exhibit an apatuy , an unwillingness to lend a hand to extricate th 8 country from the heavy load that bears down her every euergy , ¦ wholly , totally inconsistent with the spirit of true philanthropy . That such parties as these should all at

      once exhibit such a wonderful , such an unwonted sympathy for the blacks , such a strong desire to alleviate their sufferings , such anxiety to teach them the arts and sciences , and to elevate them in their moral and physical eenditien , looks to me extremely suspicious If the ostensible object were the real one , it Is laudable enongh certainly ; but we rerj much question whether it is bo . We cannot help thinking that behind all those Saming appeals to " every friend of the human race , " a Bkhoprick lies concealed ; and that an attempt will be made , when all is fully matured , to fasten upon the poor negroes one of those bligbtis ^ carsas and destroyers of all" pure religion—a state priest We shall not be in . th < 5 least astonished to hear , in a short time hencs , of some holy son of the Church moving a grant out of the peeple ' s hard earnings to my Lord Bishop of Fernando Po , or some other locality on the Niger .

      We have a perfect right to infer Mr . Editor , that this far-limed society for the extinction of slavery , with Prince Albert at its head , is nothing more than another attempt to ramify society to the greatest possible extent , frith a class of men who have ever been , and ever will be , the mcEt fiery and unrelenting defenders of despotism . The present time p ^ rtialiy favours their wisLea ; for whilst one" of the bloodiest set of despot * that ever cursed a nation witb its rule holds tLe reins of government , and "who ¦ will not fail in imitation of Sheir immediate predecessors to urge the iron heel of oppression still closer upon the necks of their siavc 3 , and who ev ? r anilauon develop * a wish to set seme bounds to human progTesa , to-stay the overwhelming tide of democratic liberty , backed by Euch a government , the society for the txtinction of slavery forsooth

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      are in hopes of adding another link to the already galling chain . Absolutism , coercion , to written on their front It is impossible to mistake them . No wonder then , that such precaution was taken ; no wonder such fear was manifested ; no wonder they dreaded to arouse the honest and just Indignation of the people whom they wished to make their passive slaves , and whom they hoped would assist in forging their own chains . Else why such an array of thirty or forty policemen , with the chief constable of the town at their head , and who wen on the spot before the meeting began to assemble , lining the door-way , and some in the room \ And why was the riot act carried to the meeting in the pocket of one of the promoters of this society ? Why all this , when the ostensible object of the promoters of this society was only to make an appeal to the sympathy of " every friend of humanity" 1 Let Mr . Tottieand his friends answer if they can . *

      Now , Sir , one word about interrupting the meeting . To that statement we give a most unqualified denial . The meeting was not interrupted . It was a public meeting . " Every friend of humanity" was invited to attend . As soon as the time arrived for opening the business of tbe meeting , Mr . Tottie ( with tbe riot act in bis pocket ) arose and proposed that tbe Mayor should take tbe chair . This motion was seconded ; and before it was put , some one proposed that Mr . William Brook should take the chair . This was also duly seconded , and was put to the meeting , when it appeared that the meeting were completely unanimous in the choice

      of Mr . William Brook . Thus far all parties had conducted themselves with the most perfect order , and in accordance with the usage of publio meetings . At this moment the gentlemen who had called tbe meeting , together with their friends , arose en masse , and left the room instanter ,: without attempting to bring a single iota of their business before the meeting ; thus adding another insult to the many already heaped upon tbe ptopla If they had stayed , they would have obtained a fair and impartial bearing . The after proceedings of the meeting fully justify me in asserting this ; for never was meeting more orderly , or more good-humouredly conducted in this world .

      how , Mr . Editor , allow me to direct your attention to a most gross and outrageous insult . offered by the Leeds Mercury to a large number of the most respectable portion of the middle class , as well as the working cla ? s generally . In the course of his comment on the Tuesday night's meeting , he asserts that Chartism am Socialism are synouimous ; in other words , all who hold the principles contained in the People ' s Charter to be founded in justice , are necessarily Socialists . There is a comp ! im « nl for you , Messrs . Mursel , Giles , Plint , Stansfeld , Marshall , Biggs , Smiles , Miall , and the numerous body of your class besides , all of whom have openly recognised the principles of Chartism , and who only disagree with the working class as to the best means of obtaining the Charter . Gentlemen , you

      axe ail of you , according ta Mr . Baines , stanch supporters of Socialism . Tou want to live in community jud in paralellograms ; one and all of you repudiate the law of matrimony , and otker absurd and immoral laws of the old immoral world ; according to the representations of Mr . Balnea , as to what is Socialism . You are rational religionists , and wish to convert your chapels into halls of science ; indeed- you repudiate every thing except the sublime dogmas of Robert Owen . Gentlemen , all this is true , because Mr . Baines says that Socialism and Chartism are synonymous , and this is what he represents Socialism to be . But why should I pursue the subject farther ; pitiable indeed must be the condition of the man whose last resource is exhausted , and in order to prop up a falling—nay , a fallen and despicable faction , must have recourse to wholesale

      slander and lies . I do not wish to qualify the expression in tbe least Mr . Baines knew when that sentence was put forth , that it was & mean and slanderous libel upon more than nintteen-twentieths of the people of this country , holding really liberal opinions ; therefore it-will serve as a criterion by which we may judge of other statements put forth by that organ . Mr . Baines is really an adept at handling the worn-eut tools of the eld Tories . A few yeara since , every man who was known to hold anything like liberal opinions was denounced as a Jacobin , Atheist , Revolutionist , and Tom Painer ; but , unfortunately for Mr . Baines , people have now-a-days an awkward notion of thinking for themselves ; therefore , his attempt to Bink Chartism by fastening Am Socialism upon it will prove altogether abortive .

      Allow me one word more in reference to the meeting . We are not only prepared to defend our conduct at that meeting , both in a Court of Justice or before the pub' . io , but to act in a similar manner whenever a similar occasion calls for it , notwithstanding any and every attempt to dragoon us into passive obedience aad nonresistance . I remain , dear Sir , : Most respectfully yours , V . R . Westlake . 57 , Chatham-street , Leeds , Jan . 11 , 1842 .

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      TO HAMER STANSFELD , ESQ , " Taxes are jixed monetary payments , and do not lower with the fall of prices of produce . "—J . Penny . " AH classes will prey upon all other classes just as much as they can and dare . " —Hawee Stansfkld . Sib , —You will recollect that , some little time ago , in the course of a conversation we had together upon the question of a repeal of the Corn Laws , I placed the argument before you in the same manner as I did in my last letter but one ; and yon observed , that " tbe position was forcibly and ingeniously put , bnt that there was a fallacy in It somewhere . ' * I have since laid it before , you and the public , in print , so that the fallacy , if there be one , may be detected . It appears to me to be the pivot upon which the ¦ whole question must turn ; nor does there appear to be any mode of escaping the consequences , but by at once boldly denying lbs fixed monetary payments .

      When Mr . Piint tola us that " taxes had nothing to do with tie price of articles , " common men smiled at tbe absurdity , and were astonished at his assurance . As that gentleman has s great desire to appear metaphysical in his " political economy , " he might have carried the idea to a much greater extent , and have fearlessly asserted that rent , tithes , poor rates , county rates , wages , 4 c ., as well as taxes , " are only deductions Irom the farmer ' s revenue , " and that they have nothing whatever to do with the price of corn ; and that the only cost price of wheat is the profit of the farmer . However sceptical we might have been , this position 1 b just as true as the first ; and no doubt we shall believe it , at the same time that we are convinced that the forty per cent upon our malt , the almost one hundred per cent upon our sugar , the more than one hundred per cent npon our tea , and the nine hundred per cent , upon our tobacco , have nothing to do with the price of those articles ! :

      Tou will also recollect , Sir , that in the conversation before alluded to , and after you had admitted that the " position was forcibly and ingeniously put , but that tbere was a fallacy in it somewhere , " you observed , " the cause ef our being embarrassed by the question was the introduction of money ; and that if we would disencumber tbe qnestion of all money transactions , and rtduce it to simple barter , "which , in fact , all commerce -was , we should then arrive at the bottem of the question . " Let us , then , try the ' system of barter , " and see if that will make it appear to be either just or practicable to repeal the Corn Laws , so locg as our present fixed monetary payment remain .

      To proceed , then , we must suppose tb&t the forty per cent upon our malt , the almost one hundred per cent upon our sugar , the more than one hundred per cent , upon our t £ 3 , and the nine hundred per cent upon our tobacco are all abolished ; that all commutation for tithe cas ceased ; that the poor rates , the county rates , in short , every kind of direct and indirect taxation has ceased ; and we must also suppose , as wo did in a former letter , that the fundholtler , the army , the navy , the pensioners , the tithingman , and the whole host of

      those who wallow in the taxes , including the erimi ^ Judges , and the Poor Liw Commissioners , 0 > Q representatives of that class of " independcut labourers , " which the system has caused to " eat their beds" ); we must suppose th 3 t these parties are all assembled in the taxing house , at the entrance to Leeds market , to take payment in kind instead of in money : in this cane , we can with more propriety , perhaps , introduce you ss going on the " principles of free trade" with yonr nine yards of cloth , worth £ 1 per yard , to the xnaiket to barter for wheat

      Let us suppose you , then , at the taxing-gate , and the usual form of introduction over . That you have told them you are an Englishman ; and that you are going with nine yards of cloth veortb £ l per yard , to barter for nine loads of wheat . The tax-eaters tell you that you must give them one-third of the quantity before you can be allowed to pass the taxing gate and enter the " free trade" market You ask , with considerable agitation and surprise , what is it for ? The Taxeaiers tell you that it is to cloth the fundholders , the gentlemen of the army , the ' navy , ana alse tbe pretty Misses on the pension list ; and . the criminal judges and Poor Law Commissioners , add , in tones so sweet , so bland , so " full of tbe milk of human kindness , " tbat they require their share for the clothing of those poor souls , whose " extrav . ^ oce an d indiscretion" have caused to ^ G—surplus population , " and which c-7 irrer-jnarciful Christian institutions hare Consigned to " our paternal care . "

      Hamer Stansfeld—Foolish , mercy ! why not throw them upon '' their own resources" at once ? Why not tell them that" nature ' s table is full , '" and that " she has doomed them and their progeny to starve ? " But gentlemen , you do not clothe the paupers in fine broad cloth , I hope , and you will recollect that mine is worth £ 1 peryard . . Judges and Commissioners—O , no . Sir , we do not clothe them in cloth of Utai kind ; but you know , Sir , there i 3 the judge , the barrister , and all the grades of officials , down to the goaler ; and the commissioners , assistant-commissioners , and all the grades , down to the " unien-house keeper ; " and these being " posts ef truit and importance , " cannot be committed to any but men of " respectable" connections ; and , these you know , Mr . Sfcansfeld , must be clothed as " gentlemen . " But , Sir , tbe little which will be left after all the- " oflicials '; are clothed , we shall " barter" for Grogram , " which "trill be quite good enough , and indeed too good , to clothe those who have committed the monstrous crime of being poor .

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      And then , Sir , your seeing the bayonet peeping from underneath the surplice of the tithingman convinces you that ltwUl * e In vain to resist You give them the three yards of doth demanded , and push forward into the market . -, '¦ ¦ : ' . ¦ ¦ ¦ . : vA- / ¦ . ¦ ¦ - . - ¦ . . ; - ¦'¦¦ . •; V . " Up comes a stranger to the taxing-gate and tells the taxing-housekeeper that ha Is a Belgian , who has come on " the principles of Free Trade" to the Leeds market with nine yards of fine doth worth £ 1 per yard ; and that he is come to ' barter ' it for nine loads of wheat : and he la allowed to take hia atand beside you with the whole of his doth . The farmer walks up to you both and says : - . ¦ ¦ ¦ . . •^ . " /; . ¦'¦ ¦ ;• . - . ¦ ¦ ; ¦ . /¦ \ Vv ¦¦'' ¦'" Farmer—Well , Mr . Belgian , what bare you got to barter ? - . ¦¦ . . -.- . ¦ *;¦ / , ¦¦•¦ ¦ ¦; :- ; " . ¦ ¦ . • " ; .. ; ¦ ;¦' .-: ' u . - ¦ ¦¦ - Belgian—I have got nine yards of doth , "which I want to barter for nine loads of wheat .

      Farmer—1 have just that quantity to dispose of , and I want yon * quantity of cloth- but I wiU see what neighbour Stansfeld has got Well , Mr . Stausfold , what have y » u got ? v . v Stans / eld—Well ^ ' ^ neighbour , when I left home this morning , I had nine yards of as goed cloth as the Belgian ; but when I got to the taxing-house at the entrance to the market , I was compelled to give three yards of cloth to the fundholder , thei army , nayy > tithe-man , &c . ; but you know Mr . Farmer , all these things are necessary to the preservation of our glorious iustitutionB in " church " and state . " I need not inform yoa , neighbour , that part of the fundholders'claim is for interest of money lent to put down our American colonies , who had the impudence to say that the

      " mother country had no right to tax them without their consent" It is true , the ¦ vagabonds succeeded ; and afterwards with their "fir frigates , with Mts of bunting flying at their mass heads , " to use the Right Hon . G . Canning ' s description , they thwacked ub upon the Uigh Beaa , and compelled us to give up the " right of search : " but , inrecompence for this , our troops , though defeated , were ooveredwith " glorp- " And then you know what a shocking thing it would have been if the republican French had been allowed to set the example of a nation doing without kings , lords , and tithes f and though we did re-establish the "damnable errors of popery , " we at the same time established a king , which you , lam sure will acknowledge is worth more than all we have to pay to the fundholder . And then

      as to clothing the army ,: you know it keeps down those " rascally C / iartista , " who have the fmpudence to say that "God created only male and female , and not lords and slaves ; " nay , I once heard one of them say that "he did not think that any body had a right to the fruits of his toil without a fair equivalent * Bid you ever hear such sedition ? Bat , by-the-bye , I see that the army can be used for other purposes than patting down the Chartists ; for when I hesitated ti give my three yards of cloth at the taxing house , I plainly perceived the bayonet thrust out from beneatl tbe surplice of the tithuingman . But as the taxeB are paid to ourselves , and Bpeht among ourselves , and " have nothing whatever to do wlih the price of articles , ' * we shall all be tight at last ; so you can take my cloth and I will take your wheat " •' . ' ¦ . ¦;

      Farmer . —I must confess , Mr . Stansfeld , that 1 do not very well understand these kind of things . It is true that your friend Plint has told us tbat " taxes have nothing whatever to do with the price of articles ; " but it plainly appears that if they have nothing to do with the price they have something ; serious to do with the quantity ! tor you have only six yards left to offer me for my nine loads of wheat , while the Belgian , who has had nothing to give towards maintaining our ftrodholder or titheing-man , haa nine yards , which be offers me for niy wheat I suppose , Mr . Stansfield , tbat it does not need much political philosophy to convince you tbat I would rather have his nine yards than your six yards . But aa you are a " citizen of the world ' ; " a complete " free-trade" man in every

      respect ; and , as you no doubt , are a sincere believer in the doctrines of that great apostle of ¦ " . Ships , Colonies , and Commerce , " Dr . Maccullock ; he , you know * has told us that it makes no kind of difference to this country whether we purchase our cloth of the Belgian or of the home manufacturer ; " that it only changes the species without diminishing the quantity ; " nnd , as I do not understand . these . matters , possibly he may bo right ; but I cannot . help thinking that the Belgians nine yards will do more towards clothing my carter and ploughman than your six yards . You , Mr . Stansfeld , will no doubt smile at my ignorance for thinking bo ; but I assure you that the moment I understand how it is that your six yards will clothe as far as the

      Belgians ' nine yards I will barter with you . In the meantime I most close in with the offer of the Belgian . To be sure he will { and all the nonsense which the " Ships , Colonies , and Commetce" men , ever spouted will not Induce him to act otherwise I How do you like your position , Mr . Stansfeld ? Do you think it just , that the taxeater should take from you one-third of your doth , and then turn you into the market to " compets" with the Belgian ?¦ .. Is this really what you mean by " free trade" ? And how far has the " system of barter" gone to support your system of Taxes baving nothing to do with the matter ? Is not the thing , as far as I have . - '• gone , too absurd to . need another word ? But this in nothing , as compared with the degree of absurdity to which I will reduce It before I

      hare done . v . - What would you think , Mr . Stwsfield ; - what would the whole world think of a treaty of commerce made with America , say , and which should run thus : — " That from and after the first day of January , 1843 , all goods , of whatever kiud , coming from-America , shall be allowed to come iuto the English market free of all tax or toll whatever ; but that all goods coming from France , Belgium , or any other part of the European continent , shall pay a duty of one third of their value before they shall be allowed to enter the marktt . " What would you think of this ? Would not the " citizen king" and his and our relation in Belgium think this a curious illustration of the principles of " free trade ? ' Wonld it be just to the remaining

      parts of the world ? And would not the rest of the world conclude that , be the professions whatever they might , the act was intended for the express purpose of preventing them from coming into the English market ? And , by what process of reasoning do you come to the conclusion that that which would be unjust to the rest of the world would not be unjust to the English farmer ? If it be unjust to compel the continental manufacturer to pay a tax of one-third of the value of bis produce before entering the market , and at tLe same time allow the American to come in free ; is it not equally as unjust to compel the Englishman to pay onethird , and at the same time let the foreigner come in free ? Come , Sir , whereis the distinction : ? :- ' If there be one pray draw it ! and that early .

      But we are yet only at the commencement of the absurdity . In the example which I have given I lefViti to be understood that after " free •'¦ trade" was established , the tax-eaters only continued to take one-third of the amount of our produce . This would be by -no means the case ! We must recollect that there is no such a thing as " barter" with the tux-oateri He gives us notbrng in exchange for what ho takes . ' nor does he take bo many loads of wheati nor so many yards of cloth , for his amount of dividend ; but so many pounds sterling ! without any consideration whatever as to its relative value in cloth or corn ! In abort , according to the principle laid down in my second letter , " ike taxes are F ixbd monetary payments , ¦ ANti ' DO NOT LOWER WI ' IH THE FALL OF PRICES OF PRODCCE . " ¦• • ¦' . ¦¦

      Keeping this principle , then , steadily In view , let us again take you into the market Mr . Stansfield , and see the situation in which you will ba placed after you have bartered your cloth . If you refer to the examples previously given , you will find that after the tax-eat 9 ra ho > i taken one third , or three yards of cloth , that yo ^ had still six yards , or the value <> f six loads of whts ' . t , remain-Ing to take home with you , for . the wage ' s of-your : and your own consumption . But this is » ° being the real state of the ; p ^ Ee ! ' . ¦* - tBX fto m Let ua suppose vi-ti > again" > - ' ' ¦ , ^ ,.,. i V _ . '¦ _ ,. ;¦ ^^ . » -.. » - ^ w-w - - ' * »"" - * Vtoe arketthenwith

      .. - m ; , f ™* ™^ - * Clotb - « nd , to make short ' workotit , YZi ** ave " " artered" it , on , the principles of free " ^ . e , " with the Polander for his nine loads of wheat ; and Jet us also suppose , in accordance with your own principles , that the price of wheat has fallen one-half , and that , consequently , when you have obtained your nine loads of wheat you can only ezchango it for £ 4 log . instead of the £ 9 which you had formerly been in the habit of obtaining . Now , Sir , recollect that the taxes are fixed monetary payments , and do not lower with the fall of die prices of prodpee ; and that , consequently , though

      you have only bartered your wheat which you get in exchange for your cloth , for £ 4 16 s ., you will still have £ 3 to pay to the iaxeater put of it [/ the aame as you had to pay when you " bartered" for , £ 9 !•• ¦¦ And '' recollect , Sir , that the £ 6 left put of the £ 9 would purchase 2240 pounds of . American-::, cotton ; ' at sixpence per pound ; and that the ; £ l 10 a . which you have left out of your £ i 10 s . will only purchase 60 pounds of cotton , er just one quarter of ^ r hat it wcnld before ! not be bclghtened by any thing which could be said by I need not add another word 1 The absurdity could Yours truly , : - - ¦ ¦ ¦ . - '• . ' " . ' - . - . '' . " ¦ ¦ ' "¦' : ' James Penny . Millbridge , Jan . 11 , 1842 . ; ¦ . - . . — ¦ » ' : ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦• . ¦ ¦ ¦ ' . ¦ ¦ - ¦; ¦ ¦

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      TO THE WORKING MEN OF SCOTLAND . Fellow Countrtmbn , — -Iaddress yon as one whom you know , aa a man identified with your country , and as a Chartist whose conduct yon have approved i > t , whose principles you have applauded . Let me be divested for a time of the office of an Executive Councillor of the National Chatter Association ; as a countryman , let me transfer my self In imagination amongst you ; and then allow me the privilege of addressing myself te your reason . I will neither arouae nor offend your national prejudices ; 1 will neither be dejected nor ^ disniaysd by your recent kjection , in various gnblie meetings , of the National Petition ; I will not heed whether the pride or prejudice , the policy or principle of your leaders may have ; by the casting vote * ef the Chairman , virtually censured the so-called English Petition ; but , demanding that which you have never denied , viz . liberty of speech , I shall , as a man > a countryiiian , and a Chartist , enter my protest against the rejection of the National Petition , by a majority of one in the Scottish Convention . The following are ray reasons :

      First , the so-calleii English Petition is the petition of the majority of the Chartists . of Groat Britain . 1 assume in the outset , that the working Bien of Scotland ( whatever the midiils class may desire ) mean to have

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      Universal Suffrage , or , in other words , that they , in common with the working men of England , Wales , and Ireland , intend , under the Charter , that the moority of the people shall gowrn , arid that the lawa of ttie few shall not be the laws of Uie many . If our principles are exactly the same , then in practice yoat leaders , or a majority of them , have seceded from the spirit of the Charter , and have Virtually laid it down as a rule that in petitions the minority have a clear right to ruie . becaose Scotland being a mlnori ^ of the people of Great Britain and Ireland , has assumed the rulerahlp of thewaainder .

      To my mind ; the rejectioa of the petittdn ( which never had al dissentient Tbice in the Chartist ranks in Engiand , Wales , oi- Ireland , ) simply meana that the Scotch people , er that part of them who agree with the majority of their leaders , desire to separate altogether from the sister kingdoms in the present agitation , or still remaining in union with them , that the rule of the minority means Chartism . If youwautftiepealof the Charter TJnlon , why nrge it as an objection against the National Petition that one of its clauses approves of a

      repeal of the Irish Union , if the Irish people demand it . If you insist upon a repeal of the Charter Union existing between England and Scolland , let itbe made known , and the English Chartists will at once admit ypw separate eovereignty ; but if you , the workifig men , desire instead of « repeal a brotherly onion to exist bet ween Chartist and Chartist , without any distinction of countries , then I demand from you the observance of the first grand principle of the Charter , which is that the minority yield to the suffrages of the majority . ' . ' - : ¦• ¦;¦' . •' . '''•'¦ : . " ' . '• ¦ . ' .: ' "¦ ' • • "¦ ' '¦

      . That you have ncifc the majority on your side must be apparent , first , from the whole , of the English people adopting the National Petition . Secondly , from the whole of the Welsh people haying done the same . Thirdly , from the Irish people having adopted it and signed it in many districts and fourthly , from the ascertained fact , that your delegates were equally divided on the question . There cannot be a shadow of doubt concerning the question as to which have the majority , although it may be urged that William Lovett , and about fifty members of hiB A saeoiation , discussed the question whether they would sign the petition or not , as English Chartists . It may be argued that Scotland was not asked to vote at all , and hence that Scotland ' s pride was touched . To this I reply that * petition was drawn up in England ; which

      was submitted to the people for their approval and adoption . It was open , to revision , amendHient , and rejection . Some one must have drawn it up . Why did not the Scottish leaders for ward their protest to the concoctors of the Petition ? The Executive Council waited to receive all communicatioUB . None would have received greater attention than the protest of the Glasgow leaders , but none came . The petition was adopted by two nations , besides the half of Scotland , and after this decided expression of the opinion of the majority , the few ballotted against it , and have gained a most un-Chartist-like , and , I hope , temporary yictory over principle and for prejudice , Doyou , the working men , justify : ibis proceeding In your own minds ?; Di > you , reasoning apait from country , and only for principle , approva ?

      If you say yea , then you decide that no grievance endured by England , Wales , or Ireland should be mentioned in a petition , except ( Scotland feels it Is this patriotism or selfishness ? In my opinion , it is the purest specimen of selfish legislation ; and in my second reason for protesting , I shall endeavour to moke it clear . Secondly , "Theobjections urged against the adoption of the National Petition are insufficient to authorise its rejection by the working men of Scotland . " It is aald the people of Scotland ware not consulted . That is no reason why tkey ahould reject a just

      complaint or refuse to abolish an admitted grievance . It has been said that grievances should not ho mentioned , but simply the principles of the Chatter . If this Is admitted , the uext order must be to deilne topics for the lecturers , aud that would lead to a college of Chartist inquisitors equally repulsive or injurious te jour principles and our cause .. . Bssidea the duty of tbe Scotch people was not to curtail the statement of England or Ireland ' s grievances , but to add osmany more of their grievances as they thought right . If England rejected a petitioa from Scotland , it must be on some , rational , grounds .

      What are the grounds for the objections of the Scottish leaders ? Do they object because the Executive Council of the so-called Eagllsh association drew it up ? If so , then Englishmen will never be cuilty of such narrow jealousy . That cannot be , because the Executive Council is based upon a far superior principle than that ef the Central Committee Of Scotland ? ¦" -Wby so ? - " .. ' : ¦• ¦ ' '¦ ¦¦ ¦' . ¦ . : ¦ .... . . .... . . ¦ ¦ - . " : - ' Because the Executive Council is elected by ballot , and by the votes of the members of the association , whereas the Central Committee ia only elected by the delegates of the Universal Suffrage Association without ballot , and without the votes of the members of their association being recorded .

      The Executive Council represents the whole of their association , but the Central Committee is only a sort of senate representing delegates , ia the same way as if the Executive Council represented only the committees of the association . I rejoice to observe that several of those who actively denounced the Central Committee of Scotland have become ,, in the Convention , its equally active supporters , and after writing the above , I am almost inclined to state that therefore the principles upon which the Central Committee was elected , must have been altered . ' ¦ ¦ . ¦' ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦' . "'¦'¦ " ' ¦ . . ' .-.. " ; ¦ ¦¦ '

      There cannot be any objection tq the Executive , although it has been denounced in Scotland by some crotchet-mongers , who imagined that Mr . O'Connor had more power over the Executive than he could procure by hia single vote as a member of the association . I am aware of a little unmanly jealousy prevailing in that respect , and I con only say , that Mr . O'Connor had as much tar do with the formation of the association as a prisoner conld have , and as much to do with the drawing up of the Petition , oa an absent man could have ; besides Mr . O'Connor is an ardent supporter of the Executive , and , consequently , of the principle that an elected and responsible body shall only have the leadership of the movement in the so-called English association . What more is waated from man ? The ExecHtive and Mr .: O'Connor cannot have excited the ire of some of the Scottish leaders . There must be some other cauae . Is it the Kept-al question ? Surely not , for there is no nation upon e . ^ a-fiat we

      so ajuch benefit under existing circumstances t , ^ repeal of the legislative union as Scotland , .- _ , j I htjt belief has been admitted by at least ona jKflucntiftl meeting in Glasgow , at which were present jomeo ? the most acute and penetrating minds of the Ci tart ^ t move ment in Scotland . Several of the ob ^ 'ctora to the Petition were also present , aud I d 0 " not reC ( , u that the 5 exercised their ucique po > of digaenr upon that occasion . ¦ It could not be that the Repeal Question was obja ^ ^ to because O'CotmeU had adopted it . If so tl" tutors must have a forty-hpise poiwer of h- ' .. * , }? % gentleman's confiistency , and if they h » eiiei ' * * in h'i ' in , thentheir course is likely * -: - ^ ^ . confidence principle that , as he does not - ? ? , rTe him ' J » «»« usesitasa Bcarecrow , he 'U'Tf rf He ? ' l nd - ' 7 pelled to accede in earr' t S °° fc desire to b - coitf- - Fellow-Coutttrya . ' tt ^ LZ ™<™>!^ it . and endeav jur to j m £ . ^ subject next week , f 0 ! p Pleating againBt *' ¦ ¦¦' % ^ tfae wmaining reasons s a ^ aiuou ^ decision of your leaders .

      F -ithfally , Yours 1 b the cause , P . M M'Povali Kettering , Northamptonabire , January 10 th , 1842 .

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      THE FACTOBY SYSTEM . ( From the Fleet Papers . ) Bat there are still other thousands of victims of the accursed factory systeni unmentioned by the Leagusrs •—thousanda of ' . " neglected , abjecbi ; forlorn , degraded / crippled , useless pieces of human lumber , which the factory system haa thrown out of its jaws , because they could minister no longer to the profit of the Leaguer 8 , having bsen , though juvenile , " used up" in the creation of wealth fot their oppressors . To see those living crawling things ( poor creatures , my heart bleeds for them while I write ) in dark damp cellars , crouching upon filthy straw , huddled up , as I have beheld theia , like lumps of waste skin , and crooked stunted boaes , so wretched that they aro asfeamed to mix even amongst their own kindred—the very outcasts of the destitute ( for they feel themselves degraded below the human family)—to think , Sir , of the bodily , and the mental anguish of thwse children of woe , even if they were in plenty , but now hungered almost to perishing-, perhaps the last to be fed and attended to in the " home"

      desutuuon . andgladto feast and compapy with pigs ( Sir , I do not exoggerate ) - ^ -to measure all their woeB requires more perception and tenderness of feeling than is given to / man , ^; God obI ; can measure their grief . Strive , if you &m , ' ¦' io opprehend somewhat of the keenness of ' the iron that has entered into their jsouIs , '' I Bpeak of thousands of poor factory cripples who have been carefully and purposely excluded , but must now be added to the lists of the Leaguers . Poor , abjeit , wretched children , they have been denied the honour of & place in thai scroll , betiaizse no sophistry could deny that they were the indisputable victims ot the philanthropic (!) Leaguers . It is to reserve to themselves the power of " manufacturing" such fetched , miserable things , that the cruel Leaguers have a « j long opposed the- passing of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill . ' ¦" . . ' ¦ ¦'¦ . "¦• , : v ; ; ¦¦' . ¦ :. ' '• ' ••" ¦ : ¦ ¦¦'¦ -:- ' : ' . " . ¦

      Think of those injured onea , and of their sorrowstheir pains in all their joints , and , in very many cases , nought but damp straw to lean on , on the cold stone floor I with iron frames to prop them ! Think of their hunger , and nought but husks to satisfy it f Then try to feel the horror of their broken spirits * broken so thoroughly that they , if possible , avoid the sight of rnan , and often hide themselves , even from their own flesh , their kindred ; and then , if you can ; apprehend the '•' awful- ' ruin of their minds ! Pour tray the- anguish of their parentsand their brcihten , dejected , degraded , desponding :, their griei is augmented in the season of destitution , because the . labour of those cripples no longer helps to supply then , " wants . They ate now a dead weight ontfee" £ ccEty provision of thereat . O ' hi '

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      Bhr ! I hove seen what I irbuld fein pourtray ; but worjf are lawless , where wretchedneM w ; mu ^ abounds . ¦ -:- ¦ ' - : : ' - ' : : ¦ ' " ¦ . ¦ . " " If our tfoTernors could enter into the feelinj ^ of those cripples and their families--could realise thei * pain and grief , arid destitution , under the accumolated causes or sorrow which they feel-could breathe theft atmesphere , and for a season exist in their cold . df P * cheerless holes . In those sepulchres of the breatWng ! arid if they could ascertain the cause of all that sorrow ; if they are human , they would no longer delay to seeic for and provide its remedy . Bnt , Sir , the LeagueW will not aid them in that search—they will not assist

      them In that cure l They know too well that its cause fa nowhere to be found but in their grasping greediness . Those poor children , who- are thus sunk below humanity , are the victims of that greedy system which the Leaguers seek not to restrain , but to enlarge ! They are the victims of overproduction—the examples of false diBtribution . In them you witness the foundation at our ¦ miUionnaires , who have : succeeded in their de-Btruction . Sir , th « same system , the same men who haveruined these children , tbe Leaguers , are aiming at yours ; and if riot restrained by wholesome laws , they will accomplish the ruin of your " order , " as surely as they have succeeded in cnishirig those unhappy childten . I cannot too often remind you j that you are both in the same boat-rthe factory children and the

      aristocracy .- .-::: - ' '¦ ... - ., : . "> .-v . . , -. > : ., ; .. ¦ _ ..--How strange , that ; those poor , worn-out factory cripples , who are certahily tke most deserving " oljects of charity—( No , no , I will riot thus deBecrate he nanje)—their claim io . compenaatioa ia their I'sht 1 But , sir , howmaryeilous it is ,: that those cast-off wealth producers should never have been thought of by any of the ChriBtian philanthropists of our age . In all tha world , such claims on our benevolence cannot elsewhere be found . Bat they have been pushed out of the notice of the benevolent , by the self-same spirit which , after haying victimised them , has , to hide its own guilt , kept them but of the misery-records of tha ¦ Leagued ¦ . ' : ' ' - ; . : '; - \ ..- " . ' - . ' ' . / ; ' ¦ : ¦' . . ¦ ' ... - . ¦ : ¦ : ' '' : ¦ . '" :: " : - . - ¦ ¦ ' : -.

      Many are asking , how can the people most appro * priately honour the Infant Prince of Walea ? I answerand who can gainsay ? By founding a Royal Asylum for the poor factoiy cripples . True , they have not been wounfJed in the outside battles of their country , but they have been wounded in the civil wars of capital t Their strength has been wasted , their limbs have been torn or crippled , or lost , in the strife of the Leaguers —• the strife of money-getting . The Standard \ x \ x \ j says of these chiid-tormentors , " Their money is their country ; " and Burke remarked of such like men , "Their ledger is their Bible , -their « oUnting-house is their church , and their inoney is their God . " ¦ It is at the co 3 t of these wretched cripples tbat o \» so much boasted capital has been accumulated : it is but just that a portion of that capital should now find them a home . ¦' . " ... ¦ - . ¦ - . . ^ . ;¦ ¦ ¦ •¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦• ¦¦¦ ' . '¦' . - '

      Let then , the nation do honour ; to itself and to its Royal Prince—ay , and to his Royal Mother , by founding and maintainipg the Prince of Wales ' s Asylam tot Faetoty cripples ,: and let the Leaguers be first called upon to subscribe This . will at once test their loyalty and their sense of justice ... - '; " ; ,. The following anecdote -will be interestitig : — « ' I once visited two factory cripples . Joseph had been " done np" at the age of sixteen ; William was finiahed at thirty-one . I was weary when I called . I j # kingly told them I ¦ w . mted a little repose , but I could safely sleep under theirprotection ; they were my body-guard . I obBerved that that expression , though meant quite friendly , pierced to their . hearts . They blushed , looked at their deformities , and then one of them said , "We wishwe were batter aWe , 'King .

      They thought thai 1 slept . I heard the following conversation : — . \ ¦¦ ¦ , William—Joseph , have you got over tho shame of being crippled wnsn you meet any person ? Joseph—No , William , I think I never shalL William—I wish I . could . I knoti . that it is very ¦ wroiigi but I cannot help it . I sometimes think the shame is worse to bear than the pain . Many a time , when I am passing persons in the street , if I see their eyes glance at my legs , the blood flushes into my face , and I could wish myself under the flags . I know that it is very wrong . I pray to be delivered from it , but I fear I never shalL - '¦ .: ¦' ;

      Joseph—Why , yoa know , Williamj it is \ nofc out fault : we have done nething wrong to cause our deformity , it is our masters should shame ; but I am like yourself , I get out of the way as much as I can , whefli I see people look at me . But , if I see a gentleman with crooked legs , I am ao pleased 1 I know that it is wrong , but I cannot help it He makes me think bettet of myself . I'l ^ - ^ . -,. , /;• :-:-v' ' . . ¦ .. ¦ : / . ¦ •' ¦ ' - ::... . .. William—When I see pebple ^ wiUi fine HmbB , how I envy them ! But I don't see why we should feel so , fori as you say , we are i » 6 t to blame .

      I interrupted them by sayiiig , "If England has any cause to be proud of . '" 'her manufacturing Bystem , you ought to be as proud of your wound as the bravest warrior at Greenwich or Chelsea is of his ; without disparagement to them , you are as deseryiDg of pensions asi they . " William then said , "I shall never forget one day ; when I was in company with Btrangers , who were couversing about me . They couli not see my crooked legs ( they were onder the table ) j but they saw I had joBt my arm . They took me for a BOldier . For a while I felt Buch pleasure 1 I seemed to be quite another creature . But at length , unhappily ,. one of them asked me 'What regiment I had nerved in ? ' . !?' . what battle I had been wounded ? ' I could not tell V j

      a lie ; all my brave rieble feelings had vanished ' -Jim I blushed ! I could have hid myself under tb' : ' ¦ " -:. hb ^ I wiahed myself any where else than there , w " - . » oJp forced to aay , « I -was wounded in the & ¦ : & £ ? : w li then knew that the supposed veteran wr ^ P' - ,. \ yJ * L factory-lad . " William concluded by fiaiyin' , vft n ^» " Weil , what is pastcannot be help Vto Joa £ n £ do aU we can to aisisb the old > ' ^ we ^ usfe a Ten Hours' Factory Bill , and aa * ^ g . ' geiij ^ g ^"_ , _ . ¦ ¦ ¦ "„ , _ ¦ . - ¦"• . Ve others from dni Mr . Thomhill , I was much r N f ne , ^« e ; pje 8 SJit ; Bava i ^ Reeled with that 8 cen& crippled •» subjects . " Rr ^ e " King" Rnd hla- two resolved to getthem ar ^ iy , i ^ proud of them , and And now , Sir , r . ^ asylum if I could .

      poor everywhere . ^ rmit me to urge the friends of the Lord Ashley . to be up and stirring to the help of hasBetar . His Lordship has taken ^ his stand ; he next w ^ ble example ; he will , no doubfe , early in Fac f - -sjon , again attempt to obtain a Ten Hours ' Y" . : ^ s R ^ a « ° n Act . He will , of course , bemeV shiD ^ t ^ P ^ ti 0 ^ ot the Vaguer * His lorS b ^ op , priest , and doacon V toZiS * to ^ ^^ of ^ tiSon ^ thr- " i < Ieeter ™ to ^ teoforma 7 tnrrtB nl - *™\** be at a lqas for the proper werds . lfiff ™ ? > Pray » that every clergyman -who reads this " ? . iaay become a helper in this great arid good

      The laudlordB arid agriculturists will do well to lend their aid . it is their interest as well ; as their duty . I hope that Riddlesworth will set the example , and that from every nook and corner of the load petitions will : now be forwarded to Parliament for my poor , innocent , and cruelly-oppresised clieriti Forgive my importunity—I feel most keenly on this subject The spiritB of Gould and Sadler , finiiling , urge me onward . I cannot cease to plead until their prayer arid mine is answered . . ! To the inbabitants of 'the factory yilfa ^ es and . towns I need say very little . They know and feel that their duty requires that they should , be stirring now . I would , however , suggest that this time the West Riding of Yorkshire and South Lancashire should have a muster meeting . Meetings in villages and towns are well and good , as far as they go ; but to back L « rd Ashley triumphantly those large districts should have their provincial gatherings f :

      "Ten Hours' Bill men >" , everywhere look to it ; the "King" wills , a long puil , a strong pull , and a : pnll altogether . " See , victory -waits to crown your efforts ! Cheer me , in my cell , with the realization of my hopes ? —Ashley for eyer- ^ -Ashley for ever—the Ten Hours '

      Bill , and no surrender ! ¦ Poor William Dodd ! You have not forgotten the touching account of his sufferings ? Poor fellow , how I rejoice thatHeaven directed his steps to this cell , rather than tiKendal Union Workhousa , where , had he net come here , in all probability he would now , as the reward of hia Industry and sufferings in the service of the Leaguers , have been lingering his life away , instead of moving in that sphere of useful labour which he has marked out for himself . The . kindness of many friends made William , as he thought , very rich ; sO , with the few pounds which would oavemaintainedhim in idleness during the winter , he has been on a tour of inspection in : the factory districts . He haa obtained , most valuable information of the present condition of the factory-workers . He ia now returned , arid is compiling the journal of his tour . If be is aided by his friends , he intends to publish it in a series of lettersi . : ¦ ' - ^ J- : . . ¦ ¦ . ¦ .-... ~ - ~ . .

      At the present jancture , William Dood ' s for thcomiria work will be wortha JeWB eye ! What the price will be , I cannot just now ascertain . If t&ese of'servatlons should prore the means of ofc " - ' - taining . my friend WilliaTri a little aid , so as to insure the publication of his letters , arid reward him for his exertions , 14 haUrejoice . - ; : ' -.:. ; '' ¦ . ; ' ''¦•¦ ¦ : ' .-. That "brariS placked from the fire ; " is a very gtatefnl creature . I requested him riot to trouble himself with writiag to me often oribis jpurney . He no sooner returned to town tbaa be sent me a letter , which I had intended to insert Tiere ^ because I loye the lad , and it is due to bim : that he shoTild once more speak for himself in raylittle Fleeters . ' The . want" of room / however , forces me to delay the insertion of William ' s epiatle tillnextweek .. ¦ > :: ' ¦ : - ' ' ¦ ^ S . ¦ : \ " ¦ - ' ¦ -: ¦¦ ¦ }¦ ' - '' - ¦ : Ca- ' . : ¦' . '' . ¦ . 1 am your prisoner . ;/ V . ¦ ¦ . ¦ : ¦¦• / ' ;• ¦ ¦ ¦ ' . ' RlCHAED OaSTLES .

      Untitled Article

      A Man of Business . — Thfre ' s a chap down at Quampliegan bo tarnation cute ^ that he refuses to pay the debt of nature oriliess tho discount is tatcen cff . —Punch . ,- ' -. ' ;¦ . ' : - ¦•'¦ ¦ - . ¦ ¦ :

      Untitled Article

      .. ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ THE NORTHERN STXU ^ ^ ¦ ,: ¦ ¦ ' " : ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦^ ^^ ^ 'W ^ - ; - >^ - &j : .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 15, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct413/page/7/