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. _ _ _\ _ . CHUiTEKBAM , PUBLIC MEETIKQ FOR TH £ ADOPTION OF THE NATIONAL PETITION . A public meeting ww snaotiBCed by ptacwdto take pisco on the evening of lftmday last , In H » orge torn of the Mechanics' Institution . .-The place of meeting » w thronged , ana the greatest anauisiBy prevailed . Hi . HolliswascaBed to the chair . VHe observed tt&t he fell ntacb . plessure fa " ° } Hf * & W ™« ? peeonsatsembted oasucfa aa Interesting sad tenori-Er «^ S « r The period at hanS wm ^ psi oa the p ^ e of history as one of the most Important , and the document about to be Introdtt / Bed . ¦» : <« e oT the most ffian-fert reeords ' and eoaviBciBg Balms ever set forth , of man ' s debasement , and the justice of his right The Ifational Petttton does'iafiniu sfedit Co the parties who drew it op ; but , to make ltir character of
importance , ia a paedeal point of new , require * the exer' tioa ofibe whaJezsaat of prodnciaTB iadastry , ' com . bifit d , concentrated , vigorous , firm , and folly determined 1 » word aud action . Tbft ^ ttestion of tbe-rigbt of TJrri-Ttred Representation , < ia becoming general , aad I am h * l > P 3 to see ti » mtn of Cheltenham bo much alive to its importance . I feel much pleasure In acceding to yeur request , bat it would haTe given me loach greater deHebt to bare wen ose cf the unwashed—one more the serf < rf * b « present syttes than myself , - oa # oftbe prsperty-produciBg slaves / deaied the right" to kay yea or 'jay in the i *>» frtpg of the laws by which he is go-Terrcd , presiding upon the present © ccaswn . The time bss passed away when the piTot tamed merely to toe point of wealth as a guide , or for intelligence . The
nrorking classes bare tripped up tke heels of their selldubbed superiors , aad are now / ally capable of managifi £ their own afiaira . We are met to determine on a petition , praying that the whole male adult population . ¦ with few exceptions , may be brought within the pale Of the sonstitation . Only a minute portion , no comp&rLoa with the wbele , hold the priTflefe , as it is tensed by the privileged erdtrs , to the franchise , and thes ^ few far from being the most intelligent . I con * tend * Jiat it is no privilege , bat a right , which comas With the individual into the world—his person being ttie titfe-dee *—» gned , mealed , » ad delivered by the fcar , d of Omnipotence . I am one of the 8 O-calle < l prileged voters , aad haTe been since the passing of the Reform Bill , and , therefore , aceordlBg to electioneering
-slaa ? - I am one of the " free and independent electors . " Xook &t me , you toil-worn vassals , daeied the privilege cf free citizenship ! In 1833 , and previous to that time , I m ? held in civil , or raiser uncivil , bondage . I was a < Jsrt "—a slave , mind , like yourselves . I pay you no coispHmeot I tell you freely and truly what yon are —j oor , mean , vassillated , crawling slaves ! too abject ataoet to command the least respect—too pusillanimous , ippi-r *» ntJy , to resist the yoke of your oppressors . Hide , O bide your heads , and blush for your insignificar . ee ! Arouse , I say , arouse , and throw off your cor-TtxiLn ? maaactes ! For mvself , at the time of an election , at any rate , I am in a situation to command respectyon -without this privilege are considered as serSi—you re serfs—you are looked npon and treated as the of
wfc ^ e society . Still , in a national poin * of view , I consider it of little avail , that I and others are thas CJCTimstaneed ; for the voice of independeBce is eren-¦ fetelly fwamped by peraons interested , c * inflneceed in ttie srpport of b&d Government Still having a will of my o wn , I am a freeman , and you are slaves . Are you cot ashamed of carrying about yon this badge of yocr degradation ? Are you so much in love with your fetters that you will rather hug them to yo « r persons ttar dash tfcem to pieces ! It is your own faults , and not that of your oppressors , that you are beond hand * ca foot to their chariot wheels ; for whilst they * re united , both Whigs and Tories , in securing you aa tk :-lr slave-property , you are , to a considerable extent , apathetic-: you are divided among yourseta * , aad
ttereby become their eaij prey . You have not as yet wiil « -i your emancipation : if yoa had , tyranny would till > -h *«; ahathed , the weapons with which you an asfc ^ cd would at once become powerless . Hide youi he ^ - ' . s forabame , you discomfited , yet disjointed , pasaJTe , meagre slaves . Tour forefathers would blush tat yon , cuuld they witness your fallen , yet dastardly condition . You deserve to be slaYes , I eay , bo ioHg as you bs ^ e not tie moral courage to throw off your shackles . Tte doctrine of universal repreaartatkm is ne new ertrii to nie ; ii is what I have advocated , and done my btst to promulgAte for the last thirty years . I conttnd for it stall , but net on the shallow ground of the imm-ia-e seeessity of the times—the depression of trade , ani the destitute condition of the working classes . 1
take my stacd on more lofty , and more ennobling TJtws . I contend far it , oa ths same principles that H-ztj emancipation m demanded by tbe tens ef tti , u : _ ndg of diasentaB and other philanthropist * aoi-r years back . ( Hear , hrar . ) It was twaddleit ' m scooted as a nuisance by those tender hesj-. cd and far-sighted CbxiBtians , when they were told by t > : r slave owners tint their living-engines were well « li >* vdaBd well-ffed . Ttey acknowledged as much , it bfeiii . " consistent that the property of the slave-owner abound be kept in repair lest it ahouli too sooa wear ¦ oat -They contended , » nd so do I in this ca «» , that XBaa should be m * to have a will of his ova ,- and not fc * v " i ; g Vhat will , he is a being , thongh born free , by ¦ BSTirped authority transformed into a beast of burden
and a degraded slave . I contend for the emancipation of the white alaves of my own country—the Tafc ~ tU of Christendom—the place wteie Christianity reer * its majestic head , denouncing iojustice , decrying hamac slavery ; but where its professurs , to a considerable extent , forge the fetters to manacle its industrious artisans in civil bondage . The emancipators of fchr black slaves had no direct interest in their capfcm v—they hive in yours , both parsons aa ; d laymen , lid therefore their ChnKianity teaches tiem not to 11 lu ^ e « Be anotber —to " De just aad fear not , " but to hold fast that which is good "—for themselves alone . I " » V « a claim for the produeer , as well as the consumer of wealth , — or Use maa whe drags from the bowels of tke earth nature ' s choicest
treasur-s : for the mechanic , whose ingenuity enables him to juike that vast store of nature more valuable through hi * labour and industry ; for the slave who entwine * the chastely threaded vast to adoro the person of majasiy , who supplies the acq . u " vBidons to make liability apf ^ ar noble , and who gives to female beauty all that art can accoiEpliili ; for the toil-worn operative who er < rcu the stately mansion to shelter the pompous aruiocrat as well as the holder or wealth , deprived of his right through barbarous conventionalities;—in iact , I claim for industry its rights , that it may reeeiv * - its due reward . 1 aak for property everything , and nothing more *>>*¦•* what labour might possess ; but 1 tliink it truly ridiculous and unjest that one descriptioa tf property should render a man a slave , and
• eonfer through aaother the freedom of election . I demand for the public virtue , talent , aad manly superio-ity , honesty and integrity , exertion in behalf of the pnblic weal , asd the anxiety to relieve human suffering , a full benfe&t of the honours and rewards , equally and individually , both to rieh and poor . Ljot £ t mo and nrvn » T > w me well , you bitberto thou ^ hd ess and passive slaves ; examine between yourself and other individaals composing society . Caa you tell where the distinction lies between me and yourstlf , that I should hold a privilege Trbicfc yon " are alieaa to ?—that I should have a -voice in tite election of law makers , and that jou Bhould bare nous ? Unravel the mystery if you can . Ton may tell me that 1 am more we<hy , and , that its
possession confers the privilege ; but it is no such thing , for UD'iar the absurd system of represeatation which disgraces this country , a man may be ever so wealthy , but Bot holding the necessary requisite itself , he is a slave in the midst of it- You may tell me that I am more talented or more intelligent ; but tale it nor Intelligence are bo test to the qualine&Uon , and far from ihe qaaiificatian itself . Yoa may tell me that I am better attired , that I have a better coat on my back ; but that is not the distinguishing point ; nor , allow me tell you , does a fine coat make a wise head , or a suit of fine clothesmakea real gentleman . Yoa may observe that I am in an extensive way of business , and move among what the world calls respectable men , but this does not essay the difference . That I am a Poor I < aw Guardian , and
therefore know a great deal more than the poor themselves ; but I most tell yoa , you ore still a long way off the mark , and also that it is not always the wisest and best men who get into office . It is not in myself that I bold this right or privilege , either as an elector , or Poor Law Ou&roian , bat according to the value of tie brick * and mortar of which my premises are composed , with the influence of wealth , in the election of the latter;—so that bricks and mortar are the qualified sub * stances is the election of members of Parliament . The qualification literally it in the purse , and not in the Ban ; and the right of the mass of clay and lime is left in abeyance aa well as myself , under circumstances , and 1 am rendered incapable , or , ia fact , a slave , until tbe occupation of fresh premises , for a limited tune ,
invest me with fresh powers . The premises of £ 3 19 s . llfd contains a slave—a farthing more entitles the occupier to the privilege of a freeman . Toe . bolderof premise within the tenth part of aa Inch of the boundary of the town has a vote , and the oeenpant ot a ten pound rental , within the same distance on tbe opposite side of the line of £ 49 18 » ll ± d . is cut off from the franchise altogether . The forty-shilling freeholder , with a ten pound occupation , not bis own property , holds the privilege , in many instances , of voting for four Members of Parliament , and an occupier of premises at three , or five hundred pounds per annum , may be retained u a slave through the non-payment of » shilling , or on account of some informality in the entry of his name on the list of voters , a wilful or inadvertent act not of bis own , but that of some hired tool of party . Thus you aee from these brief and hasty statement
¦ what ttifies interfere , aad under what contingencies the right of voting exists . I contend that we are in a worse situation now , than we were previous to the passing of the Reform Bill , both a * respects the condition of the people , and the system of representation Under the old borough-mongering system , numerous Whig noblemen sent individual * of talent and integrity lalo Parliament , who in Qioss days preached the creed Of Ttafli ff ^ M" ^ On the iatrodnctaon ol the new system , the direct power of dictation was taken from the members of the "Opp-it House , and placed under the influence of the aristocracy generally in the counties and the boroughs ; and is thr-refere not a representative of the people , but of the aristocracy , tbe peers in Parliament being tbe principal movers in thefaree ; you mast then perceive fron the little I have said , that we are cot progiea ^ ng , but on the rstrcg&de , and it ii a fact which
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becomes more apparent day by day , that good govern ment can only be produced through universal representation , the right ot veting being secured and protected by the otbet essentials a * laid down in the People's Charter . I contend atUI farther tbst good government dEnOt exist . lor . any lw < gthenna per iod ot tbne in tbe absence of r aeneMng Intelligent people . Bat as a Batoral result •! the people at large baling tbe power to depute a Parliament , that Parliament , is thoalhV the duty of all Parliament * , would . In tbe first fart&e , aad in its general enquiries consider the condition of the
great mass of the people , and as a consequence practical system of education would succeed , or be contempo raneous with measures to give an impetus to Industryto feed and . clothe the industrious poor . Until such plans' and improvement * be introduced , ft behoves the working man as far as mean * will allow , to improve bfeosetf , and prepare for the © omteg change , far < some it must , and that » t no very great distant period . Until tbes , my frieada , earnestly , unitedly , and determlaedly , ttie more yon exert yourselves tbe sooner will come the period of your deliverance . .
- Mr . Uvrnv said it was with feelings of great pleasure he came forward to move tbe first resolution He was actuated by no other motive than that of lending his humble aid is' tba gtesvt work of political ragener&tion . ( Cheers . ) He trusted that all parties would be wise , and see that the time was approaching when the distress of the couafcrj must be remedied . It wss a question that concerned tbe Corn Law repealer , the Chartist , the Sectarian , the Tory , and the Whig . The working classes were becoming sensible of the state of degradation in which they were placed , and which tb * y never ought to have known . ( Cheers . They tell the working elaaaea ( said Mr . M . ) that they are ignorant , aad not St to possess political power . I deny it . But if they are ignorant , whose fault is it f Does
not the responsibility rest with the very parties who make the charge ? ( Hear , and cheers . ) Plans have been proposed to educate the people ; bat would the Government aid in carrying them out ? Mr . Syraoas pat forth his plan , measuring man ' s intelligence by his own standard . ( Laughter . ) If the criminal infring * i the laws of those members over whom be has not the slightest eontroul , he must pay tbe penalty , whea , perhaps , -those very law * caused bis erime . ( Hear . ) The people ought to have a voice in making tbe Laws . The present existing distress is the &Uengroaslng topic . It is an evil which presses heavily on the rights of industry ; and which , if tbe people use their moral power , must era long be remedied . I am alad to see bo m&ny working men present : it proved
that a spirit of inquiry had axiaea among them ; it showed that they were ae longer the willing slaves of faction or the passive dupes- of tbe aristocracy . He hoped they had assembled that night to express their opinions fairly asd candidly on the aspect of politcal affairs . They had often been told that it was no use to petition the House of Commons for a redress of grievances ; but he was of opinion that a petition signed by three or four million * of persons would produce a powerful effect even oa the present Parliameat . If it did not , however , it would show to the rulers that there existed a discontent which nothing but concession could allay . la the National Petition was embodied the great principles of Chartism . It claimed that the -working man , tbe middle man , asd the wealthy man should alike be represented in tbe legislative temple of the nation- Many there were who ridiculed the idea of Universal Suffrage ; but he begged to state to tho » d individuals that the greater part of the distress in
this country owes it origin to class legislation ; the working men having discovered that they have resolved to remove it ; but how is it to be removed ? why , by the ucefcasing efforts of the people—by the spread of iatelligence—by the determination of every individual to work it , as if success depended on his exertions alcne . The last fouT years of agitation bave worked a great amount of good—it had cassed tbe minds of the humbler classes to understand those principles which before were monopolised by a few . He called upon them to rally round those who had courage enough to denounce tbe oppression to proclaim the superiority of democracy over aristocracy , and to try all their puwer to convince their opponents by reason and not by denunciations . If they adopted tbu former COUse , they would ensure for themselves the approbation of all good men and success for their hallowed c ^ use . After a lengthy and energetic address which was received with great cheering , he proposed tbe foilowing resolution : —
" Toat we view with regret and dismay , the daily increasing evils arising oat of tbe present corrupt system of representation . Having witnessed tbe complete failure of the Whig Reform Bill as a means of improving the character of tiat House , nteVOT . rc . ed the Commons" House of Parliament;—holding that assembly to be family corrupt with the properly called boreu ^ hmengering Parliament of former days ; considering all patchwork expedients as unwise and dangerous ; wishing to see peace aad social order prevail ; anxious for the -welfare and prosperity of all classes of the people ; acknowledging the right to tbe franchise as being inherent , and indeliVly written on the person of maa by hi * creator , and that to delay , or annul that right is % serious offence against humanity , we do adopt a petition to Parliament setting forth our grievances , an «" pointing ant -what we consider as the effectual re-Hiedv . "
Mr . Wiggins , In seconding the resolution , impressed on tbe metting , the necessity of becoming sober and temptrate , as the grand means by which they coukt make themselves sufficiently intelligent to obtain their just rights , which the aristocratic Government had so long withheld . The manufacturer could make afortnne ont of the labour of the work id g man , which was the only property unprotected . They were told of their ignorsnea , and yet . £ 30 , 000 was all they would give to educate the whole people , while tae Universities , founded for the education of ta « poor , were prostituted to teach the sons of the aristocracy how to put their hands into the people ' pockets , with the greatest advantage . ( Laughter . ) They had been told that Cbartisna w «* dead ; but be trusted that they would show that the day of resurrection—( cheers )—and power was at hand . Toe resolution was passed unanimously .
Mr . Mti-SOM « aid tbe age of Ignorance , » uauc > snj , priestcraft , and state-eraf ! . was fast fading ; i-w » y , and iu its Stead he h-pert to live to see the day when tbe toilworn mechanic might receive a fair remuneration for his labour , and , unemployed , might find means to live in abundance , and in tbe midst of every comfort . Tradesmen and mechanic * were alike containing ; misery and destitution c veied the land . The manufacturer was becoming bankrupt , and-our gaols were being filled with criminals . P . ana bad been devised by Cora Law repealers and Emigration Conimitteea , but the time for palliatives was past ; the only remedy for tbe enormous evils preying upon society was in the adoption of tho principles contained in tbe People ' s Charter . He would not say that of itself tha Charter would do all this ,
and that on Its passing into a law all grabbling would cease , all the empty bellies would be filled , and all the backs clothed ; but the Charter must be the basement to s « . pp « rt the edifice in which all tb ^ se good things would be fuund . Ha had been out lecturing in an agricultural district for some weeks past on Sundays , and he was astonished to find the feeling which prevailed in favour of democratic principles . He -was at "VVincbcomb on Sunday last , and not leas than from four to five hundred persons wtre assembled , all eager to get political knowledge . His office as a lecturer was no Binecure : he travelled and preached politics at his own txpence ; yet , on Sunday last , the parson of the pariah accosted the assembled multitude , and recommended tbem to take care of their pockets . He could
not have wi&hed to convey an idea that he had a design on their pockets , he shculd suppose ; but of a certainty he was the only one present who obtained a good salary out of the pockets of the parishioners . The parscn was accosted not very courteously , and rode off apparently rather chagrined . Parson Close , of this parish , once told him that working men had nothing to do wiih tbe Constitution . It may suit those -who ¦ wished to deprive the working man of tbe benefits of the Constitution to inculcate such a doctrine ; but tbe people were becoming too wide awake to swallow it , and if the people exerted themselves , they had the
moral power to wre » t their rigfita from those who had bo long -withheld tbem . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Milsom then at j great length dilated upon the principles of the People ' s j Charter , and concluded by expressing his opinion that , the Repeal of the Union between England and Ire-: land would be beneficial to both countries . He asked j them should England and Scotland possess privileges ) which Ireland should not enjoy ? He hoped they would ' be determined to obtain equal rights and equal laws , | and then tyranny would fall , never Again to rear its head . ( Loud cheers- ) Mr . Alilsom having read the ; petition , : Mr . Glehisteb seconded it !
The Chaibmax put it to the meeting , and it was ! carried unanimously . j Mr . J . F . Berixgton said , with the Chairman ' s ) permission be had a resolution to propose , which he j ¦ spas core wonld meet -with the approbation of all j present ; It t * & » * -rote of thanks xa Mr . Duncombe , ' M . P . ( Loud cheers . ) He was a glorious exception to { ttie majority of these composing that den of corruption , j miscalled the House of Commons . He was one whe ' had nbver treated the petitions ef the people with scorn j or contempt ; and when they considered his aiisto-1 cratic connections , and situation in life—that he was ¦ toe nephew of a Tory Peer—that all his family were |
Tories , and that , being the younger son of a younger j brother , he was deprived , by tbe accursed law of primogeniture , of that which naturally and morally should be his—whea they considered that be bad so far descended from his high position ( as the aristocrat would say ) , as to preside that very night at a tea-party in the metropolis , for the benefit of Carrier , the victim cf Whiggery , whose release from the Whig dungeon he had been mainly instrumental in procuring , they most admit that to him , and men like him , more gratitude wes owing than to one of their own class , who merely intended taking the burden from others to remove its weigh * from himself . ( Cheers . )
The following resolution was then proposed , and seconded by Mr . Wiggi . ns , and was passed unanimously : — " Taat the thanks of this meeting are due to all those patriots of the present day who have advocated the ftiost" of tba workins classes ; and more especially , as Member of Parliament , to Thomas Duncombe , Esq ., for the consistent conduct he has rnaniftU-ed oa so niary oesulona , and to assure him of their having tie fullest confidence in his political honesty . "
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Thanks were voted to Ihe Chairman , and the meeting separated , apparently highly elated at the evening ' s proceedings . A number of voters , and- persona of the middle class , were . jTHSowt « tiu not a dissentient appesj ^ dtbzougaout toQ wbgOe procoadingi . > - -
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' : ' ¦ SHSFFXEUK DEFEA . T OF THfi "PL ^ W& ^ -MSlLORIOtrS " TRIUMPH OF THE CHARTISTS . ' ' On Saturday last ) large Whiggish looking placards announced the " very important" fact that Mr . Vfm . Duffey , of the Londen Free Trade Association , (?) would deliver two lectures in the Town Ball , on toe evenings ef Monday and Tuesday , fco * em * er 8 th aad 8 th , on the subject of Fie * Trade—these p ! ftca * d » wete Beaded , " The Schoolmaster at Home , la the Town Hall , " and announced that the charge of admission would be twopence t Our old friend the Independent was not hack ward in trumpeting the approach of the ck&mplou of humbug , as the foHowiay paragraph will show : — ' Free Trad ^ e . —We underatand ^ at two lectures will o < i delivered In ' the Town Hall , on konday ana Tuesday , in defence of the principles of Free Trade , by Mr . Win . Duffey * of Manchester . The lecturer i * well knows in Liverpool , Manchester , Bradford , aad other towns , for
his services in , the cause , . aad for tbe ability with which he encounters its opponents . We need only bespeak for him a good audience aad fair play . " . . Well , the Chartists found Mr . Duffey a " good audience , " sad gave him , " fair play "—what he did for bis " cause" the sequel will show . On Tuesday the Council considered whether the Chartists should offer any opposition , and the decision ultimately come to , was , that the whole thing looking very much like 8 job to replenish Mr . Duffey * s pocket at the expense of the working wen , the Chartists should be Instructed not to attend the first evening ' s lecture , but to attend us usual at the Association-room , and then appoint a deputation to wait on Mr . Duffey , for the purpose of requesting him to throw open the doors of the Hall ou Tuesday evening for the free admission of the public , a few friends ot the Charter volunteering to bear half tbe expense of the HalL
Monday evening , ( he . Cb&rtist body assembled in Fig Tree-lane , deputed Mes&re . Harney , Marsh , and Gill , to wait on Mr . Duffey with tbe above offer . On reachtog the halt , * miserable array of empty benches met the view ; we counted the numbers present , and found there was just ^ eighty-three , one JOdt ot whom were Chartists ; while " poor Duffey stood " alone in his glory , " with not a single friend beside him , to cheer him in his desponding situation . Shortly after nine o ' clock , the lecturer concluded , he had spoken in so low a tone , that daring the time we were present , we heard cot a sentence distinctly . -.
Mr , Habnby , addressing the lecturer , said he had tho honor to appear there aa one of a deputation appointed by tbe Chartist body , to challenge Mr . Duffey to a publio discussion of the Free Trade question , and he was instructed to a * k Mr . Duffey whether be would agree to throw open the do rs of tbe Hall for the free admission of the public , he ( Mr . H ) and his friends volunteering to beat balf the txpence ? ' Mr . Duffby inquired who would be hi * opponents ? Mr . HAB . KKY replied himself and Mr . Gill . After some consideration Mr . Duffey agreed . Some squabbling took place afterwards in consequence of the interference of Mr . Wardle aad others of the " Plague , " Mr . Wardle sticking to the ticket system of admission , and the Chartist Deputation insisting upon
the public admission of all who choose to come . Tbe Deputation anally left the Hatl , some of the Corn Law Repealers declaring , that notwithstanding Mr . Duffey's agreement with Mr . Harney , they would charge twopence for admission tbe next night , as they had done that However , this they deemed it prudent not to attempt , for the next morning handbills were in circulation throughout the mills and workshops of tbe town , calling on the " Free Traders to attend before ihe time and prevent the packing of the Hall 1 " This , as Mr . Duffey would say . was aa Irish way of getting the " Free Traders" to pack the Hall . But a darker job remains to be toJd . The " Free Traders , " anxious to emulate their " prepare-to-meetyour-Gort" comrades of Manchester , sent three or four times to the leaders of the Irish Repealers resident in
Sheffield , urging their attendance , { or what atrocious purports need not be told . But , honour to the Irish exiles , they indignantly spurned the appeal of the " Bloodies , " and they may be assured that their manly conduct will not be unappreciated by their suffering English brethren . Mt Wardle denied to Mr . Harney that bis party had solicited the attendance of the Repealers , bnt we have since heard that such was tbe caafi from an undoubted authority . The Chartists issued no bills , nor took any particular measures to summon their friends . Nor was this needed , for the news of the intended discussion went through tbe town like wild-fire , aad so early as half-paat six o ' clock BoiH 9 hundreds ef people were congregated in front of the Hall . The doors , however , were aot opened un ; il half-past seven , when a rash for seats took
place-Mr . OTLEY wm appointed Chairman on ihe motion of Mr . Daffey , seconded by Mr . Harney , the free traders offering no opposition , seeing as they did , from the onset , that their case was hopeless . Mr . WaBDLE read the regulations of the discussion agreed to between himself ( on behalf of Mr . Duffey ) and Mr . Hariiey . It was agreed that Mr . Duffey should opsn tbe dlscassion , to Bpeak half an hour ; afterwards to be limited to a quarter of an hour in his reply to Messrs . Harney and Gill , vrbo were to spe&k each thrice , for the tame period ; Mr . Daffey to conclude the discussion . Two referees w < re appointed to time the speakers , Mr . Harney naming Mr . Marsh , and Mr . Duffey naming Mr . BeatsoD .
The Ciuiiiman made some remarks upon tbe subject of discussion , and declaring that he would as he had ever done , act impartially in the office they had done him the honour to elect him to , aad calling on both parties to preserve order , and show that fair play which should ever characterise an Eugliati assembly ; he sat duwn , calling opon Mr . Daffey to proceed . Mr . Duffey , who was received with slight applause by bis frifcnda , commenced by remarking that it was a great mistake to suppose that the principles of the free-traders were opposed to their own . He had proposed a CharUst for Chairman , and he demanded of the Chartists that they should show him fair play . He contended for free trade as defined by the Chairman . Was it not necessary that something should be
done to relievo the wretchedness at present in the land ? Tiie people were perishing , taxes and poor-rates increasing—and why ? Because trade and commerce , crippled by fiscal restrictions , wera fast leaving our shores . He contended that it was not just that man ' s industry Bhould be limited , that there should be any limit to the free exchange between man aad man of the produce of his labour . ( Partial cheering . ) Mr . O'Brien , whom he knew as a public man and an acquaintance—( oh , chi . —yes , an acquaintance , bad said that the object of the free-traders waa the further degeneration of the people of this country—their intent was to reduce tbe working classes of this country to the level of the Continental labourers—( cries of " true" )—this he denied The object of the free-traders was to give increased employroent and cheap provisions to tbe people of this country . ( Cheers . ) Double the quantity of bread
could be purchased in New York , that for the same money could be porchased atCienrael in Ireland , while the wages of a labourer in Clonmel were but sevenpence per day , and in New York four shillings ; yet , Ireland was a ceunlry protected by a Com Law , while in New York there wns no Corn Law at alL His wish was that ail should unite to put on end to the monopolising spirit of our legislation . ( Cries of " the Charter . ") It was said that masters and profit-mongeTS would reap the whole benefit of a repeal of tbe Corn Liws ; this he denied . It was not the interest of the master to reduce the workmen ' s wages . ( Yes , yes . ) He was told it was necessary to get legislative power to obtain a repeal of these laws . He did not see that—( oh , oh )—the voice of public opinion was omnipotent , and if the people wiiied tbe repeal of these laws , the aristocracy most succumb . Time being up , Mr . Duffey sat down .
Mr . M . Keiierick complained that while there was yet room in tae hall , a great number of people were excluded from admission , tbe doors being closed against them . ( Criesof " shame , " and confusion . ) Mr . DUPFE . TE said , if any portion ot tae publio wns exoindod , it was no fault of his ; he wished for full and free admission . ( Cueers . ) The Chairman said , the closing of the doors was most disgraceful on the part of the officer having charge of the hall ; as Chairman of the meeting , be demanded that the public should be admitted . ( Great cheering ) After some little delay , the doors were opened , another rush took place , and the ball became completely crammed . After the confusion had subsided , the Chairman said he had now much pleasure in introducing to the meet ' ing ilr . Julian Haraey .
Mr . Habjjet , who was received with the most enthusiastic and prolonged cheering , said he felt himself placed in an awkward situation , called upoa to reply to Mr . Dq % , and caving nothing to reply to—( cheers ) really he was disappoiated at Mr . Duffey ' s speech . It appeared to him that Mr . Duffey had never entered into the question , but had left it for him ( Mr . EL ) to open the discussion . Well , he would dp so ; be presumed he was doing no injustice to the free-traders when he said that Corn Law Repeal was their principal object—well , then , upon this question he joined issue with them . He did aot believe that merely a xepoii of the Corn Laws would confer the benefits ainfittod by the
free-traders . The people had aot foigottea what were the promises made tbem ia the Reform Bill question aad how miserably they were duped— ( hisses sad cheers ) —they bad got the BUI , but what bad been its fruits ? Like the apples of Sodom , fair to tbe eye , bat within , dust and ashes . He reiterated the oplaoa that cheap bread meant cheaper labour . ( Cheers . ) Forwb&taid big opponents desire Cora Law Repeal t Why to enable them to compete with the foreign manufacturer ia the markets ef the Continent ; but would a dingle repeal of the Com Liwaeaable them t » do that ? No . If those laws -weie repealed bread might be cheaper , but unless labour was also cheapened , the manufacturers of this
country could aot successfully compete with those of the Continent ; he would let them know what were the wages , and what were the hours of labour on the Continent . ( Mr . Harney here rtud a statement of eoa-
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( inental wages , which we have not room to insert ) But it was said Corn Lav Repeal would Increase trade , that increase of trade would swalltw up ther present surplusI « b 6 nr in the market , and the working-class could then dictate « helr . wages , t Suppose Corn * Law Repeal would bring an iopgase of trade , and t&at that increase of trade would employ tbe present surplus haads lathe towns . Had they forgotten the oomatry ? Miey knew that for every quarter of wheat imported , a quarter of . wheat would cease to be grown ia this country ; what was to become of the men heretofore employed in growing the quarter of wheat ? WouMLthobe content
to lie down on the road side to die of famfee ? . vWottld they be content to enter the accursed bastile there to be goaded to death ? No , they would flock to the maw factoringdistriets , and would there competewiththe people of thetowns at the loots , to the factory , and workshop ; . the result would be that ' the masters would dictate to them , not they to Weir masters , what wages thej > ahould work for . } Great oteering . ) Mr . Haraey eoBolnded by showing-, on the authority of MrvFieltlen , that as trade bad Increased , the returns for our exports bad decreased , aad the wndition of- the working people bad deteriorated .- He resumed his seat sinldst general apphmae . •¦ "¦ ' ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ . ' . ¦ \ .: : ¦ ¦ ¦"> - • ... ¦'; i ¦ . - ., ¦
' Mr . DUPPET rose , and yn * agate received * fthapplause by bis friend * . He said , Mr . Harney Wlls you he is ao friend to monopoly , but the whole tenour of bis remarks bave been the support of monopoly . ( Cheers , hisses , and confusion . ) While be has denounced the principle of monopoly , be baa -en'dea ' yointia to show you that its removal > 7 onld do no gdod . He complains that class legislation is an evil , and nobody denies It . ( Laughter ) He ( Mr . D . ) had asked for the Suffrage , and It bad been denied htm ; they denied him the Suffrage on the ground of ignorance ; but be would
tell the legislature that if they thought him too ignorant to have a vote , be knew he was not " too ignorant to eat . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Harney had talked about the wages On tbe continent He ( Mr . D . ) would ask did the present By stem keep up -wages in England ? ' It was not tbe price of bread that regulated wages—it was supply and demand . He was told , he must wait for tbe Charter . If they had the power to get tbe Charter , let them get It . He Went bfcfore the legislature demanding justice ; he bad no wish to benefit the employer at the expense of the employed , bis wish ; was to see harmony between the two classes .
Mr . Gill , who was received with cheering , now rose . He expressed bis pleasure at having the honour to address them , but at tho same time bis regret that owing to a severe cold , he could not address them as be could bam wished . He waa surprised at Mr . Daffey "a speech ; he had not replied ia a single instance to the arguments of his friend , Mr . Harney . ( Cheers , ) The question was whether they were to assist in extending and strengthening tbe power of the moneyocracy of tbe country ; for his part , he would oppose to the-utmost any enlargement of their power . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Gill here entered into some interesting statements , showing 1
tbe workings of the bonking system , and provingthat every hundred millions of wealth exported from this country , was taxed to the amount of twenty millions by tbe rag money thieves . Mr . Gill's speech was chiefly statistical ; our limits wilt not permit as to give the figures and statements quoted in support of . bis position . Mr . GUI concluded by maintaining tbat it was machinery tbat mainly caused tbe present misery of the people , because it was in the hands of the few , and used by tbem for their aggrandisement , and tbe degradation of the many . He resumed bis seat amidst great cheering . :
Mr . Duffey said he waa now called upon to reply to a speech replete with argument in support of his own position . ( Oh , oh , aad great laughter . ) Mr . Gill bad thought proper to denounce ft worthy and ft virtuous doss of the community , tbe traders and manufacturers . ( No , no . ) He stood there to defend the character of tbe commercial community . In all ages commerce and trade had always been opposed to feudalism and despotism , and it was to trade and manufactures tbat England was principally indebted for her glory as a nation . In tbia attain Mr . Duffey proceeded , concluding his speech , by asking if the Chartists meant to wait for Sir Robert Peel making tbe Charter law ?
Mr . HaKNET again rose . He remarked , that Mr , Duffef bad complained tbat bis opponent * had not shewn wherein they differed from him . He ( Mr . H . ) would leave him no Buch cause of complaint First , then , tbe Chartists believed that a mere increase of trade , unaccompanied by sound legislative changes , would bring . no lasting benefit to tae people ; second , they believed that , supposing a repeal of the Corn Laws would confer all tbe benefits stated by Mr . Duffeythey believed the free-traders would never get that repeal . ( Cheers . ) In 1688 the whole foreign trade of this country amounted to but £ 7 , 000 , 000 exports and imports together : since then our export trade had increased twenty-faid , until we are now trading with from fifty to sixty states , and sending out of tbe country from sixty to seventy millions' worth of real value every year ; and whom bad this enormous increase of our trade benefitted ? Mr . Harney went on to say that
the aristocracy bad declared , ia a manner not to be mistaken or misunderstood , that they would never COn-• ent to a repeal of the Corn Laws . How , tben , would tbe free-traders get that repeal 7 They might say they would compel tbe aristocracy to yield , bat tuat was an idle boast , unless they were backed by the people . Now , standing there , he solemnly called upon the people to bave nothing to do with the free traders —( great cheering )—but to bide by their Charter , and swear never to desert that Charter until they bad made it law . ( Enthusiastic cheers . ) They could only hope to repeal tbe Corn Laws by bringing tbe country to tbe verge of a revolution , and an equal power would carry the Charter . Let them not waste their energies in lopping off one branch of certuption ' s tree . No , lay the axe to the roots , and bring down the rotten old system altogether . ( Great cheering . ) Mr . Duffey now declined to speak , and
Mr . Gill again came forward ; be made an excellent speech and was enthusiastically cheered . Mr . Duffey rose for the last time , but it was quite clear from bis agitated appearance , that he felt himself beaten ; be teld his old tale that all that his opponents had advanced enly went to aupport hifl position ; he was not opposed to the spread of the democratic principle , on the contrary , be believed tbat as tbe people progressed in intelligence , the democratic principle would progress and triumph , at the same time he denounced -what be was pleased to call the tyranny of the Chartists in forciug every man to be a Chartist , or eiae opposing all be did for the public good . The discussion having closed , Mr . Harney moved the adoption of the following resolution : —
" That this meeting is of opinion that a repeal of the Com Laws , accompanied by other just and necessary measures , is unattainable but by and through a Radical Reform of tbe House of Commons , and tbis meeting pledges itself not to assist in the agitation of any political question save tbat of the universal enfranchisement of the people , and will never cease their efforts in the cause of right until the People ' s Charter shall become the iaw of tbe land . " Mr . Gill seconded the resolution . Mr . Wardle proposed an amendment , which was seconded by Mr . Bateson , to tbe effect that a repeal of the Corn taws would be of great benefit to the people ; that Free Trade wjuld give to the people increased power to obtain their political rights ; and deprecating all opposition to tbe question as tyranny on the part of the Chartists .
This was the substance of the amendment , your correspondent obtained a copy , but unfortunately baa mislaid it Tbe Chairman sailed for a show of bands for the amendment , when from sixty to eighty hands were held up . The Chairman then called for the original motion , when one mighty forest of bands were upheld . The number may be estimated when we state that the Hall will hold twelve hundred people , and it was crammed to ovei flowing . Mr . Wardle moved the thanks of the meeting to the Chairman , seconded by Mr . Duffey , and carried by acclamation . Three tremendous cheers were then given for the Chatter , three for O'Connor , three for O'Brien , aad three for Ftost , W illiania , and Jones .
Thus euded this last splendid triumph of principle over humbug , and the cause of right over the machinations of folly and knavery .
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BB . ONTEHBE O'BRIEN . PUBLIC MEETING AT WHITECHAPBL , LONDON . A public meeting was held at the Social Hall , Whitechapel , on Friday evening , to welcome Bronterre O'Brien , to the Tower Hamlets . The spacious Hall was well filled many of the audience appearing to be of the middle class of society . Mr . Robson was called to the chair , and in a brief but pointed manner introduced Mr . O'Brien to tbe meeting , and read an excellent address from the Cnartifttfl Of the Tower Hamlets , welcoming Mr . O'Brien on bis release from his Whig dungeon . Mr . O'Brien then came forward and was greeted with great applause . The friend who baa introduced me has styled me honourable . God knows from the manner in which this title has been prostituted in Westminster Hall , I have not mnch reason to be proud
of It , but if being elected a member of the House of Commons constitutes one an honourable , I have a perfect right to it I was elected an M . P by a free , indepent constituency , with a majority of 1100 to 200 , bat tbese receivers of stolen property have usurped my place , bavestolen my seat . They never even demanded a poll , bat because my friends were too prudent to upend £ 2 , 060 in law expenses , they bave taken advantage of their poverty and their prudence and have sent a man there to make laws for me , instead of my making laws tot him , and in virtue of his laws , I may shortly be sent again to prison for making a good speech ; but I hope the day is not far distant , when these honourable
tbese respectable gents ., who never earned a shilllag in tibelr llten , who have lived by the robbery of yon , ja » lU be compelled to vacate those seats which they keep from honest men . I have been on a tour through Lancashire , Westmoreland , Cheshire , and Yorkshire . In forty-five days , I have attended forty-one great public meetings ; in some parts I have found an excellent spirit evinced , ia others a deplorable apathy . Even where a good spirit exists , I have found tbem at times ignorant ; as to the means of obtaining their rights , and also in complete darkness as to the seat of the place from whence the evil has sprang . I bave everywhere seen tbe greatest distress existing . At BarnBley , the men are ouly receiv-
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ing 7 s . fox -work that ten years ago they got 12 s . ; at Stockport . the , spinners are only getting 17 s . for work wnlch had used to jlroduoe thorn 40 s . ; ' at "Manchester , they are receiving from Ih . to 2 a foi Reaving si * fcy jar ** Of OOttbfi * . 'Whereas & 0 &' fatbew obtained i # » . for doing tbe a&me quantity . It is tbe same in Wigan , Blackburn , Colne ( and to fact * . in all t £ e manufacturing districts ; ' tbouaaads of weavers ' are only receiving from 4 s . to « s . perr . week . ^ In Londda , you have not experienced thiswduettaa of wages , but youar * equally suffering from dearth of employment . They talk to na about defending the rigbts of property . What can bepwre sacred ptropartrtban that which a inaa earns by bis labour ? : These men who preach about the rigbts of property are robbers , are receivers of stolen good *; tbejhav ^ sweptawsy the greater part of yoa * property .
} n Wigan , hand loom weavera are only earning 6 s . whew their fathers earned 36 a . and 42 a . ; here they bave swept away five-sixths of your property ; the question theuis , who are the robbers aad who are the lecelven of stolen goods .. Forty yean back the same complaints were mado-tbat now are ; distress then existed , bat no £ so ' : general as now . I have read ia old histories that tba same arbitrary acts then existed—tbat wages irera then being gradually pared down and capitalists r earl £ hed at $ he-expense of the labouring classes . JM then are agreed that distress exists , but before we can curei i ^ , we must fin * the seat and cause of the evil . I believe : I iave done ao , and I'll endeavour to wake all I . come u > contact with also acquainted with it I suspect I , bave bit « pon , tbe right cause—that I have hit
the right nail upon tbe bead- ^ or Government woald not . bave been ao anxious to bave got me out of the way ; when the men of Newcastle ejected me to keep watch and ward over the jpteat thieves , they bad sent .. me to keep watch add ward , over the little thieves . Men of the Tower Hamlets , I do net come bete to lecture or address you , I come here , to talk to you . I do not come here to make a fine speech , to be called an eloquent man . I dont like eloquent men ; I generally find them great humbugs . They are generally either great rogues or great fools . If speech making w ^ uld care our evils , never ought a country to be 80 happy aa distressed Ireland , for never was a country bo blessed with speech-makers . We want to know who robbed the hand-loom weavers '
who robbed tbe agricultural labourers ? who robbed yoa ? who is it that caused the men of Aahton and other places to w . tlk about the streets like living spectres , to be treated as though they bad not a right to live f I will tell yeu who aie tbe parties . The . robbers are those who make the laws . : The receivers ot stolen goods are those who live upon large fixed incomes , giving the nation nothing in exchange for tbe wealth they receive . It matters aot whether their incomes , are derived from tithes , rents , funds , or whatever source , so long as they give nothing in exchange . Lord John Russell ^ says , that legislation cannot cure our evils , tbat Parliament can do us bo . good . The remedy be proposes ia keeping down the population ( not getting married , I suppose , he means ) , being temperate , sober , and
above all , emigration . .. He states that he does not like to raise false hopes , dont like to deceive tbe people , ( is not this very considerate of him ?) but if we could , show him . any practical grievance , be would give it bis most respectful consideration . ( Liughter . ) I suppose walking , about tbe streets with nothing to eat , with empty bellies , is not a practical grievance . If Lord John's ancestors bad not been lucky in the scramble for stolen property , Lord John might have been walking about with an empty belly , himself . I wonder whether be would bave considered it a practical grievance . Ho tells yoi \ that legislation has nothing to do with your distress , and that tbe Charter would giva us the power to destroy Ute property of all other classes , and finally to bring dowy . destruction upon ourselws , and these words
were cheered in the House of Commons , and re-echoed by Sir Robert Peel . The Times said , on the morning after the great meeting in Palace-yar . ? , tbat it was idle to talk about Universal Suffrage ; that it would do us no good ; tbat our distress was the natural result of the progress of civilisation . This is monstrous false . If I thought so , I would cease in my efforts for the people . But I will nndertake to prove to Lord John , Peel , the Timei . and to every man , first , that we owe all our distress to Acts of Parliament ; second , that through the Acta tbese bad men have made , they have enabled themselves to rob and plunder the people ;
thirdly , that I will poiut out those acts of which I complain ; fourthly , I will show what acts ought to bo put in their place , to give , with a few hour's labour per day , plenty to every man in tbe kingdom that woald labour these few hours , and those that would not do tills deserve to be in distress . ( Cheers . ) Land , labour , and capital are the three great elements of wealth . The British nation possesses more land than any nation in tbe world , Russia excepted , and far more good land than even RubbIo . We bave in Britain seventy-seven millions of acres , which won Id give three acres to every man , woman , and child ; and we have millions upon millions of acres in onr colonies . We have more land
tbau would sustain in comfort a thousand times our present population . We have , then , an abundance of land . Yoa are welt conTinced we bave no deficiency of labour—one-third of oar population are not , at tbis moment , able to procure work . There is no country in tbe world possesses so much capital , either real or fictitious . By real capital I mean booses , land , machinery , railroads , canals , &c > , all that bus been created by former labour . I need not tell yoa what fictitious capital is ; you have- the National Debt . You surely can never -want for capital wheu you borrowed £ 880 , 000 , 000 for the Christian , humane , and charitable purpose of shooting Frenchmen , and of crashing liberty in other nations . Surely , you would find no difficulty in borrowing a like sum to
purchase land to set tbe unemployed to work . There is no want of capital , my friends ; upwards of sixty millions was invested in railroads in leas than two years , and much more could be got if they saw a likelihood of a protitable return . If a Company was got op to go in search of Noah ' s Ark , with £ 380 , 000 , 000 of capital , I bave no doubt it would be immediately advanced , if yoa only ensured them ten per cent , whether the ark was found or not . The Times newspaper told as , at the time Sir Robert Peel was turned out of office by the Ladiea of the Bedchamber , that tbe address of condolence which was presented to him , was signed by between six and seven thousand merchant * and others of London , who alone could pay off the whole of the National Debt , and then retain a sufficiency
to live in comfort during the rest of their lives ; - and theso , you must remember , were only belonging to one party , and that tbe beaten party . Tbeae men , yoa are aware , were not Spitalfields weavers ; no , they were those who neither toil nor spin , yet Solomon , in all his glory , could not boast of capital like this . I wish these gentlemen would just take it into their heads to pay off this debt , or I wish the people would just take it into their beads to make them . ( Cheers . ) We bave , then , tbe moat land , the most capital in the world , and plenty of Skilled labour . How , then , is it we are not the richest people in the world t Simply , because our legislators have robbed us of it by Acts of Parliament Now , then , let me trace the stolen goods to the possession of the robbers . At the time of the
Revolution the revenue of this country amounted to fourteen millions ; it i 8 now between sixty-three and sixty-four millions , besides about three millions' worth ef aristocratic timber , cut down every year , and about two millions in quarries , mines , fisheries , collieries , &c , ranking it amount to about eighty millions . When tbe Norman Conqueror divided the land among his followers , it was the surface only ; but they soon found that there were collieries , mines , &a , which woald prove valuable . How to get at these without a distinct law , which would opsn the eyes of the people , they did not hardly know ; bat they set a cunning feltaw , a lawyer , to work , ( for when these fellows want helping oat of a difficulty they always send either for a lawyer or a parson ) , so this lawyer coined them a bit of
Latin , which the people could not understand , and by that got possession of the whole . Mr . O'Brien then gave the English of the celebrated Latin sentence as follows : — "Whoever owns the surface U bim belongs all that is under , down to the bottom , and all that is above up to the heaven "—( laughter );—you may well langb , to think what they wanted up to heaven ; but they were cunning rogues , and they knew there were birds , fro . flying above the surface on which they cast their greedy ejea ; previous to this there was a maxim of the old common laws , that which was made by the Commons , " wild animals belong to ao one . " What I want is , that the Commons should again make laws ; they would then be for tbe common benefit Mr . O'Brien then went into
a long detail of the manner in which the property of the landlords had increased , bow rents bad been raised ; and stating an instance of a person whose property In Manchester bad within tbis half century increased to forty times its then value , and the owner living daring the whole period in France , and if be had been asleep it mattered not , his property would have increased ia value equally as well ; and inquiring if they were to go asleep , whether they would find their incomes increased r one man he knew received £ 2 , 000 annually for tbe rent of a salmon fishery for allowing others to catch tbat which God sent for all ; and while their property had thus gone on i « T «> fr * i'ng the value of the labour of the poor bad gone on decreasing , showing tbat every increase in tbe value of their estates had
been effected by the robbery of tbe working classes by Acts of Parliament ; if Acts of Parliameat were founded on justice , they would not allow any one to get rich oat of the labour of the working classes without giving them something in exchange . Not only had they bo largely increased their incomes , bat by depreciating the value of labour , they had enabled one pound to go farther than three pounds did previously ; they could bay three or four gross of Birmingham goods fer the same money as they could one . ; they coald bay four , five , and six days' laboar of the band-loom weavers for tbe same amount as they could tken purchase one day ' s . What was tbis but robbery t These are fasts yon ought to know
. I defy any wan In London o * out of London to contradict it . Tbese men , not eonteut with getting possoteioa of tbe land by robbery , must make laws to increase it * valne , must become receivers of stolen goods , fitolea from tbe people ; and to enable thom to retain it must force aa to support an army of 150 000 armed men . This is how the landowners have robbed us . . Another description of receivers of stolen goods with whom 1 shall make you acquainted ; don't be alarmed , I believe you are all honest men here , but if there should be one bere , I would advise him to make restitution to-morrow , and to go and steal no more . I am for allowing these men to retain ail they have atolen according to law . I am not for taking it from
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them . Ishall hold any man to be nearly mtd int . more , to be very wicked , who should attempt to ^ t from them-what theyhave got so unlawfully pogWgJ ^ rT AIl-:. I- -WMV-fa , ^ : " ^ i ^ -wn » iH tlle 3 ri » te "; » oB )( ea l 5 be allowed to stand on tbe same platfoftn whh tw elves , tbat aU shall be ajual to tbe ere of Uw j 2 Tbese other receivers of stolen goods are-teat class m . frequeW Bu * aaae * dte * treet , tho *> Ur whom you » Z thirty millions interest annually for your NatkS Debt Havtogdteposed of tbe landholders , let asaetH we cannot trace these stole * goods to the fundholdenJ let as trace bow tfefese rogues thrive , while honest ml go down . If we go back to 1812 , we shall find tS £ 100 of -three ' ! per eepta . only brought £ 60 hi £ market , now tt iwodd ' bring jEffO ^ l alesr gain ef fS per ceat , and yon most reooUect tfcaf this £ ioo crt
means tbat you bave your name written in abookk Tbieadneedle ^ street , which gives you tbe HBerty of n £ ting your band into , ttie breeches pocket of other mT * nd > Wv antf » g < thJ » period . In which bis iacbmeS taereasfedvfiftypereent , be might bate been asla * for an the good he has done ; he never earned aW ing , and with bis £ 90 he can buy five or -six times » muehas trfenoid with hi « £ 60 . Mett of the Tow Hamlets , you w&o are living by your labour—yon « fc are slaviaglrom morning to night at -yoarjemploy * behind your coasters , does tbe law create any properb for yon withoutyoar exertions ? Does it work fo / yoo benefit whether you work or not r Yoa may work b six years and never get » sixpence until you bareeirnti it before bland , and not get it then until yoa bail earned perhaps sixpence for some" one else . This ?
what I call foul play—this is through their takfe upon themselves the trouble of making the laws , j acknowledge many of you work too bard ; butlaa anxious to five yon a little moire work . I want yoa fa ease them of this trouble of making the laws , and I promise yoa that if yoa do that—if you get that exta labour , that yoa shall be relieved of three-fourths tf your other'laboar , and get better paid into ttie bargah and mind this , what I bave told you of the fondholdea applies to all who live upon fixed inco me * to aUtj , Honble ., Right Hoabla , Gallant , and Right Revere ^ reeelven of Btolen goods ; I want to mate themfce * their bands out of your pockets . Perhaps yo * hut not reflected en these things before . I want yon fe know facts , and not to careabont fine speeches . Wbsi
I was In the town of Carlisle , a deputation of the hanj . loom weavers waited upon me , and 1 teamed frot tbem , that upwards of a thousand of them were ear * ing only 5 s . 2 d . a weekj out . t < f this they bad to pay li , a week tot rent of loom , and I think 2 d . in tbe ls . f « windbag . How coald these men exist if it was not for tbe slavery of their wives and children . Tbese me * are robbed * ithont their consent—robbed by their eij . ploy « rs , aad yet their employers do not receve the ben * fit , for when wages are lowered , there ia generally a manage that profits shall Call first ; yet these mea , against their own interest , are such a base set , that they would rather join with the Bishop who has £ l 5 , 00 t a year to pray that you may go to heaven , with tba soldier on bis black horse who is paid to murder you .
or with the landholders who will eventually be tin tuinof them , than join with you . If they aee a Work ing man endeavouring to get bi > rights , they airectfy say , oh , he is a Chartist—ho wants to take away oo property ; bat when they see a landholder or > a fuaj . bolder , they never say , ob , he wants to rob us . I will , hewever , aow show you bow by acts < t Parliament you bave been robbed . What create * tU National Debt ? Acts of Parliameat What crested tbe interest } Acta of Parliament If Aets of ParhV meat had aot created these , we should bave bad nobiog to pay to the fumdholder . In the year 1694 , the bank waa first established by Act of Parliament If it were not for Acts of Parliament , pledging the security of tbe taxes of tbe nation , a Rothschild or a Goldsmidt
would not advance a single dacnt We bave paid bj Acts of Parliament Interest « a portions of . the debt to the enormous amount of four thousand millions , although the debt ia only seven hundred and sixty-six millions , and yet though we bave paid off all this , we have not wiped off one far thing ot the debt . ThU ii the result of our usury laws . Far upwards © f out thousand years usury wa « held in abherrenca In Enj land . It waa a crime under the old common law to receive usury . In Edv / ard the Fourth ' s time , it wai punished by banishment . The canon law of the Chunh punishes those guilty of usury . Our ancestors believe * the Old and New Testaments , and they knew it « u denounced by Moses and the Prophets . The esriy fathers of the Church did not allow & man to receive iti
rites wbo had been guilty of usuryuntil he madereati . tution . That wife-killing tyrant , Henry the Eighthtbat disgraceful villain—was the first who made usurj lawful ; and . to show his villainy , commenced with tea per cent The Parliament had then robbed the cbnM&j and , that they might retain thia property , and maka the best of it , they passed this law , but it was abolished in tbe next reign . The people rose up in arms a , auut it ; they weald not have " their rellgiou defiled for tbe gain of a set of usurers . It was not re-enacted agtia during Edward's reign ,, nor all the reign of Maryoiled bloody Mary—but Elfeibelh , taking advantage of her popularity , again established it , but reduced it to eight per cent ; and the preamble of tbe Bill tbat enacts it commences with " Whereas usury is sinful
and detestable in the sight of God , " &c , and then proceeds to enact it ( Loud laughter . ) She was afraid of the people , so gammoned them by denouncing it , ud then enacted it to please a Parliament who had ( on times changed their religion . Queen Anne fixed it at five per cent ; and so yoa see Acts of Parliament overthrew the common law of the bind , and did away with Moses and the Propheto . Am I not right , then , in charging Acts of Parliament with being at the root of ear evils . If they never asked our consent to borrow this 800 millions , and even if we had given it them , we should not have been such fools as to saddle ourselves with the interest of it If they borrowed it , we should make them pay it If you borrow , you-mut pay , but yon cannot take a pinch of pepper , a cup of
tea , keep a dog , a horse , or aught else , without paying for that which you never borrowed . If you get ia debt , and cannot pay , ( a thing , perhaps , you may be pne * tically acquainted with)—( laughterl—belng poor men , I dare say yon bave been hauled up to the Court of Beqnesta , and made to pay It by instalments ; If you owed 18 s ., and arranged to pay it weekly at the end of nine weeks yon would have paid it , you would not be compelled to pay any usury ; and why ' because you stick by Moses and the Prophets . ( Laughter . ) I , who am called a violent Chartist , I only demand another Act of Parliament , to do away with that bad one . Sorely if a monstrous wife-killing tyrant , and a Parliament representing nobody , could do away with the comm « a law , and overthrow Moses and the Prophets , a
Parliament elected by tbe whole people—a Parliament elected on Chartist principles has a right to abolish usury —( loud cheers )—and yet because we ask for political power we are called ugly names—the many-headed raonBter , the unwashed , tbe swinish multitude . They say you want spoliation and anarchy , because you want to keep their hands off your pockets . We know these gents are highly respectable , that is , they have never done any useful act in their lives ; and , beiug very c # n » iderate , we will allow them to keep what they have got , but no more thirty millions of usury . We claim a ri ght to bave things called by their proper names—to call a dog a dog , a pickpocket a pickpocket ; but they have got not only the making of outlaws , but of onr language also . When they robbed the people of their
common land , they called it waste land , though it was the only land that was not waste , seeing the people had the benefit of it This puts me in mind of the Quaker who said to bis dog , "I will not beat thee , nor hang thee , nor shoot thee , I will only call thee mad dog . " Real property , which is your goods , the things which you have created , and which are your own , they have given the name chattels ; but land , and money , and those articles which God has given for all , they have dignified with the name of real property ; landholders they have called landowners ; the harbours , the dockyards , the palaces , &c , which are yoara , they call the Queen ' s , and they allow nothing ( as Cobbett truly says ) to be yours , but the Debt—that they freely Irt you h&ve . When you hear of the Tre : uury you are apt
to think of a heap of money ; but you are sadly out if you think there is any there . After ten years ' Whig economy and retrenchment . Sir Robert Peel , spsaking of Baring , says he was angling In a bottomless gulf of deficiency . True , you might find lots of Excheqaar Bills there ; but they were the evidence not of money but of debt I want you to have the Charter , «* means to an end . What that end is is not for me to ten you ; but I will give you my opinion of whataParliament should do elected by the principle of UnivO 8 * Suffrage . I would have them get dominion of the land and of the circulating currency . I would not take an inck of land from thepresent proprietors : this would produce a civil war . I do not want strict justice—tb is impossible-- ! only want a change which would le * d
to justice being done . I woald leave them in undfrtorbed possession of their estates until their deat&i when they should be purchased by the nation , arid the proceeds divided among tfceir heirs . And yet fo * advocating thia tba Government ia strongly inclined to hang me , and I am as strongly inclined not to bs banged . ( Loud cheers . ) Yoa must look out , or one of these mornings you will miss me . Mr . O'Brien then went into a long detail of this snbject , showing that by getting possession of tbe load in this fair and equitable manner a rental of at least £ 120 , 000 , 000 would aeeros to the nation , and that this was nothing compared with
tbe results which would flow from cultivating the land ia small allotments ; mentioned a farmer on tbe border Who farmed 11 , 000 acres of land ; highly recomended Feargus O'Connor ' s letters on this subject to their notice ; explained tae advantages of a national bank , with branches , to oar present system . We should not thta allow men like the Barings te accumulate it * themselves acknowledge ) £ 19 , 000 , 600 from their banklog transactions . ; bat what benefit was derived would be to ourselves . Mr . O'Brien concluded an sddnsf which occupied three hours in the . delivery , by intrtttlag them to stand by tbe Ckarter—tu bate tbe vow bogbristles and all . ( Loud cheering . )
, Mr . Cabbies , in a neat speech , moved a totew thanks to the lecturer , seconded by Mr . Wathins , and carried with three cheers . three cheers were given for O'Connor end the Starthree for Frost , Williams , and Jones , and three for *" who in any way assisted in the Chartist movement
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The DiBECTORsof the Manchester , Ashton-uiwe > Lyne , aad Sheffield Railway mada ttnir trip wng the new line to Godley , about eight miles from Man Chester , oa Thursday week .
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THE NORTHERN STAR . . ¦ - - ^ _ _ --- in ¦ ii ¦ i 11 ¦ ¦ - i — i —¦ — - ¦ " *»——^———^^————^—^——«—*—^^—^^— — ( ll
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 20, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct405/page/6/
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