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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th May 1841, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE ffOBTHERN STAE. SATURDAY, MAY' 29, 1841.
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      Untitled Article

      ELECTION PROCEEDINGS AT LEEDS . P ^ A meeting of the Leeds Parliamentary Reform Association took place in the Large Room , Commercial Buildings , on Monday evening , to take into consideration what steps should be taken concerning the representation of iieds in the anticipated forthcoming election . . Geohge Goodxax . Esq . was called to the chair , ad said that the meeting had been called in pursuance of a requisition he held in his hand . He aUuded at some length to the depressed condition of the operative and manu'actiiring classes . They wanted a remedy for this state of things , and he thought one could be found . He conld not but think the wealth Of this country was produced mainly by its commerce , and that commerce had been much cnopled by various laws which had been passed . He had no hesitation in saying that if the commerce of the eountry

      declined , its agriculture would , sooner or later , follow . The injury of the one must always be followed by tie injury of the other . He therefore hoped they would choose men who would advocate a freer trade . Machinery had given great facilities to manufacture , and this country had allowed , or rather eompeUed ; foreign countries to compete with ns . There were other very serious matters connected with the election of members to Parliament . There must be compromise . ( Hear , hear . ) There were other parties who did not come up to their standard in politics The body of Radical Reformers wanted to go on aore rapidly than others , whilst others did not want to go on so fast . Let them endeavour to consult the Bcruples of the others ; let them endeaTour to snpport ihe man their Whig friends would bring lorn ward , that they might Bupw > rt them in teturn .

      Dr . Smiles next addressed the meeting , and proceeded to Bhow that the House of Commons dsd not represent the people It was quite clear the Ministry had been and ' wor ^ d be defeated on the measures they had brought forward , and it was quite clear that the repeal of all the laws which were opposed to the interest * of the people would be rejected , until they demanded that they should be fully represented ^ jko Uaaattnf fkunmons . Mr . Marshall ' s letter—• ca a more eioq g cUt mifer n&q ~ pgrgr ueen Vuu - miro —said , that there was a want of sympathy and harmony between the Government and the people ; and theyhad abundant proof of this . They should , therefore , endeavour to make the Government sympathise with the want 3 of the people . They also wanted a

      repeal of all those duties which pressed upon the necessaries of life . Ministers had said they would go a certain part of the way to effect this . It was not mil they wanted , bnt they welcomed it . Here was n advance which shewed the power of the peoplethat even Tories and Whigs wonld go so far in removing the grievances of which they had so long complained . Dr . Smiles here entered iuto some ob serrations respecting the Corn Lawb . Their duty was very clear : it was , to elect a man who wonld carry cut their views respecting the Corn Laws and the Suffrage . The suffrage was a lever to enable them to alleviate the condition of the labouring classes , for as soon as ihe people were consulted in the government of the county , they would legislate for the whole people , and not for the benefit of a _ par t only . The Reform 8111 was aquestion analogous to the

      present . In spite of the opposition of immense majorities , it was carried by the overwhelming voice of the people : in fact , it was a giving in to the democratic principled E ^ en the Whigshad declared themselves friendly to an extension of the franchise , and that they would go with the people on the food question . It was their interest , therefore , to go with that portion of the aristocracy who would go with them , and to declare for Household Suffrage a ; the least . ( Applause . ) He asserted that a msjority of the people was not in favour of the Corn Laws , and he was quite sure that if the people of Leeds were appealed to on the principle of Universal Snffrage , a majority would be in favour of a Repeal of the Corn Laws . He begged to move the first resolution , the purport of which was , that the Association should carry forward the objects for which it was commenced .

      Mr . Nicholas , a working man , seconded the resolution in a few remarks , which The Cka . trm * 5 put to the meeting , and it was carr ied unanimonsly . Mr . Crates , who was received with applause , then read the next resolution , which pledged the meeting to support a Whig , in case the Whigs would support a Radical . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He would gi * e the Whigs support , on condition that they would give their support in return to the Radical candidate . They must either do this , or each party try to have their own way , and then the Tories

      wonld have their own way . It was their duty to eo-operate with their Whig friends , for they would get more by this than the contrary course . Their Whig friends had come forward , and offered to cooperate with them . They had a right to cla m half of the representation as long as two members were returned . He knew that a majority oi' the electors —that half of them were Radicals . They were not in a position to carry two Radicals without the aid Of the Whigs , but when they were in a position to carry more , no one would be more ready than himself to do bo .

      Mr . Ratthet , a working man , next addressed tVi meeting . Whatever would administer or add to the amount of their liberties ( he said ) was something snatched from the aristocracy . There had been a feeling engendered of late , of hatred from tke working classes towards the middle and upper classes , which he regretted to see . He knew no one who had been persecuted more than he had been by these classes , or who had felt the iron heel of despotism more severely than he had done . He did not look to persons—he looked to principles . If the tendency of the principles advocated by any parties was , good , they were bonnd to co-operate with them , if they would promote the liberties of the people . The speaker , as we understood him , with his

      pack towards us , said , that he had been instrumental in getting some of the Chanist leaders to the meeting , who expected to be refused adrruseoh . He could tell them that he had attempted to gain admission to a Chartist meeting in Salford , bnt he had been prevented going in because they told him only members were admitted , as it was a private meeting . Here the speaker was interrupted with cries of " question , question , &c . " They most sxenso him if he mads 3 digression , as he was not in the habit of addressing a public meeting . It was not from any bad intention on his part . Though he was _ a working man , he weuld declare that the "Whigs had done more than the Tories ever had done or ever wonld do . He did not support the

      Repeal of the Corn Laws because the present Ministry had brought the measure forward . He would take the argument of Feargas O'Connor , which he had heard him make use of in the Music Saloon , at the time Lord Stanley and the Bishop ef Exeter Were a ; variance upon the Church question ; and he ( the speaker ) thought it was one of the best arguments he had ever heard . He said you couldn ' t do a better thing than cause a split between them , because then the people would come in for their share ; and that if you repealed the Corn Laws you would diminish the incomes of the aristocracy . He told them if they thought it was piety made the aristocracy Bupport the Church they were much mistaken ; it was because it provided them and their younger sons with places and emohmeut that they i

      mantained the Church , and it would be to the advantage of the people if there wcre to bera split among them . But , after he had said that the Repeal of the Corn Laws would diminish the incomes of the ar istocracy , and thus add to the power of the people , what dia he continue with ? Why , by saying that he would never repeal the Corn Laws , because he 1 would never have this country depend on foreign countries for its supply of food . Thj 3 was a childish argument that any schoolboy could have refuted . Here toe speaker was interrupted by repeated cries of " Question , question , " and *• vre don ' t want to hear nought about that , " " What ' s tlat " 0 do with theqaestion ? " 4 c . However , the speaker continued on the subject for a short rime , the chairman suggesting taat it was not proper in him ro do so ; bat he afterwards concluded by seconding the motion .

      A person In the body of the meeting aske < b Dj 63 ths resolution pledge us to support a Whig ? Sir . Geokgb Newtos next got up to speak . ( Cries of " cut it short . " ) They had been asked whether they were to support the Whigs 1 The re-Bolution bound them to support the mwi the other party mitiht think fit to fcring out . Before theT bound themselves to support it—A person in the crowd—I'll second yon , Mr . 2 \ cw : op . ( Laughter . )

      Mr . Newton— He would never bind himself t support a man who would not support that iiisuru tion . He would not deviate from the rules of th institution , and he would not support i Whig . K wonld forfeft his life first . ( Hisses , cheers , and ai kinds of ejaculations proceeded from parties in th meeting , upon this announcement beh . g made . Th Bpeaker could not be heard for some lime . Aim crirs of u chair , chair . *) The Chairman rose to preserve order . He truste they would preserve quietness , and hear what it

      speaker had to say . Mr . Newton said he should liks to see who it wa the Whigs brought forward , before he pledged him self to support him . They had told him it wa 3 a Mi Oldham or Aldham . If it were so , he'd rather hav < an honest Tory at once . ( Much interruption ant ? onfusion , and cries of '" You can ' t find an hones Tory /') They told him he ( Mr . A ) was opposed to th < Ballot . ( Hear , hear . ) He hai pledged himself ti support the Ballot , and he would not support a mai who would not advocate ihe Ballot . ( Again the in terruption became so great that ths speaker coulc not make himself heard . It continued for sorni

      tune . ) Jf they entered this Association they oughi to abide by its rules , and not to shufla or cut for anj laa-a jyriatever . The CfcttauAjr ! here threw out a few remarks r aationing tne tneettns-ajjainst division . That w ^ s jusi what the Tories were wisiwo ^ for . As par ; ies wcrt « ow nicely balanced they musVimi ^ d how ihey acUJ Haifa leal was belter than no bre * 3 ,- » kcr » fore ihej had better return one man of their own , and if th , Whigs brought forward & man meadly to free tra < ii

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      who mi ^ ht not be in favoar of the Ballot , let them support him . Mr . Punt followed in opposition to Mr . Newton's lino of argument . He eulogised the Whigs as a nobie-minded and charitable body of men , who supported the various useful public institutions with their talents and money , and concluded by saying , that if he saw that two Tories could be brought in who would vote for a repeal of the Corn Laws , he would vote for them on that ground alone . ( Mr . Newton—Aye , that's Newton ; that ' s my doctrine . ) Mr . Robinson said that their Association was formed to extend the suffrage , and he could not advise—he would not , hs could sot , ask the labouring classes to join it , if they were to neglect its principles . He would not vote for a Whig on any consideration .

      Mr . Atkinson said the question was , were they to unite with the Whigs , or stand on their own bottom ! If there was to bo a union there must be a concession on the part of the Whigs . He would not compromise with the Whigs , ( Applanse . ) If the Whigs said they would support two Whigs in preference , let the evil rest on their own shoulders . The resolution was put and carried with one dissentient—Mr . Newton . Mr . Whitebkad next addressed the meeting . He trusted the Whigs would not bring forward any one opposed to the Ballot , and none but a friend to

      religious liberty . He did not mean a man who would merely say that each religious denomination should support their own place of worship , but one who held church property to be public property . He had as great a right to church property as those who held it . They had brought forward Mr . Hume and he was happy to say the Whigs wonld support him . As they ( ihe Radicals ) had shown a disposition to bring forward a more moderate man than Sir William Molesworth , it now behoved them to elect a man as liberal as Mr . Baines at least . He was only sorry their Chairman had not been put in nomination . ( Applause . )

      Mr . Robebt Heaps hoped the Whigs wonld bring forward a man as nearly as possible approximating to Radicalism in his principles , or by the next dectiontneywouia see ifio acueaouj ^ r ^ utu S « . Mr . Plint argued that the Radicals most submit to have such a candidate as the Whigs thought fit to briog forward , and whose family connections and local influence would enable them to carry him . Mr . Atkinson moved that the meeting Bhould respectfully express a hope that the Whigs would choose a candidate favourable to the Ballot . lAfter a brief discussion this resolution was carried—there being a sirong body of dissentients .

      Throughout the meeting , anything but unanimity prevailed . A good many of the Rads declared they would not taKe a " pig in a poke , " in other words , that they would not support a man of whom they knew nothiDg , or any man the Whigs might choose to bring forward .

      The Ffobthern Stae. Saturday, May' 29, 1841.

      THE ffOBTHERN STAE . SATURDAY , MAY' 29 , 1841 .

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      " IRELAND AND " " GREAT COBXMEHCIAXt REFORMS . " As the co-operation of Ireland is most emphatically required and flatteringly courted by the "Liberator" on behalf of her Majesty's adviser * , in what is called their attack upon u monopoly , " we are bound to consider what the result of Ministerial success must inevitably produce , not for the majority of the nine millions , but for the very class who are , unfortunately , armed with the "life preserver , " and which they are now requested to use for self-destruction—we mean the electors .

      Ireland returns sixty-four County Members , two University Members , and thirty-nine City and Borough Members ; and , without the shadow of a shade of difference , the interest of the whole of the constituencies , be they county , university , city , or borough , is identical , as one great whole , in the approaching contest . Nay , more , to such an extent would the proposed alteration in the Corn Laws alone affect the whole agricultural , commercial , trading , and labouring interests of Ireland , that the greatest good anticipated by English speculators , even if realised , would be more than over-balanced by the blighting effects which the victory must inevitably produce in that country , and which must extend to thi 3 side the Channel .

      With Ireland , the Ministerial question is one of life and death . It is not bc ^ ed on mere theoretic or speculative dogmas of political economists . It is not to be followed by any adjustment which may be rendered requisite and necessary , according to the subsequent working of the experiment . It is not to be accompanied by any protective power , or retribntive accompaniments , to be placed in the hands of those who are asked to embark their all in the Government hulk , without masts , pilot , or even rudder , for the poor satisfaction of giving faction a triumph over party .

      Perseverance in the path of error has reduced the old and respectable party of English Whigs to a mere faction , whilst their awkward management of their own measure , " Reform , " has actually revived the embers of their factious rivals , and blown them into a powerful party . The same breath which was to have extinguished Toryism , has but resuscitated the monster . Is the part , then , which the Irish ate now invited to take in the war of self-destruction , for the mere purpose of party extermination , worthy of a great nation !

      But , after all , upon what will depend the success of the working of the measures in Ireland , should the Whigs sneceed ? Why , upon the law of wills , — not of testaments , —but of landlord ' s wills ; upon the will of the broken and driving landlords of Ireland . Upon the law of " sicvolo , " " sic jubeo . " " Thus I will , thus 1 order . " Upon the will of men in whom is now incorporated by the lauded Tithe

      Bill , all the power of landlord and parson , for the purpose of rent-screwing . Upon the will of magistrates , who can select whether they will distrain as landlords , or as parsons , for the ponnd of rent , or the five shilling of tithe , and for whose purpose the Whiss have supplied a large distraining staff of '' civil poicer , " icith muskets , bayonets , and cutlasses , and commanded , in most instances , by half-pay officers .

      Thi 3 , then , is to be the adjusting machinery placed in the hands of the " measuring cast" majority of Irish landlords . Be :, beiBg a great , a very great question—in fact , an entirely national question , a wholesale and real " Irish manufacture" question , we are bound to enter fully into a consideration of what its effects must produce in Ireland . In order , therefore , to relieve the subject of all those technicalities , mysteries , and absurdities , with which political economists free traders and trafficking polititians would enshroud it , ¦ we start upon a simple basis—upon their own

      foundation stone . Lpon one point only do the several sections of " anti-monopolists , " as the " monopolists '' whimsically call themselves , agree . They all agree that the alteration in the Corn Laws will make bread cheap ; that the alteration in the sugar duties will make sugar cheap ; and that the altering O £ the timber duties will waits Umber cheap . We here , then , admit the fact , as to corn ; and join issue as to the result . We a 3 k , then , does not iQ 9 whole project fail of its anticipated benefit , if bread is not reduced in price ? and , we ask , if bread is reduced in price , must not wheat , of which

      bread is made , be also reduced in price ? and if wheat is reduced in price , must not land which produces wheat , as its most valuable crop , be reduced in value ! and if land be reduced in value , must not rents be correspondingly reduced , as a fair accompaniment to the scheme ] " 0 , yes ; yes , of course , and so they would ; everything find 3 its proper leTel , " answer the monopolists . True ; we admit it ; but why not look for your level first—why select the most uneven and hilly line , when you can pass over

      a plain without injustice to any , or damage to the State ! And what , we would ask , is to happen while the Government engineers are levelling ! We will tell our friend , Geoege Hexey Wabd , who is bo fond of precedent , just what happened in 1821 , when , every house was fortified , when tha working classes of Ireland were Whiteboys toaman ; when the whole strength of England ' s army , and Ireland ' s ) Orange yeomanry , could not resist the determination of a people roused to madness , by the very same causes which the success of the new Government

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      plan would once more create in Ireland , and for the ¦ adjustment of which , 1821 famishes a precedent And , let it be borne in mind , that bad as it . was , ^ et did Whiteboy Union and perseverance , compel the Tory Goulbuhn ( being the Chancellor of the Exchequer ) to surrender to popular will , and oblige him to pass his Tithe Commutation Bill in two years after , by which all the Protestant grass-land of Ireland , theretofore exempt from tithe , was brought to bear its share of the Protestant Chnrch impost .

      Let ns now see what led to the White Boy revolution in 1821 . In 1815 we had peace proclaimed , and a partial return from high war prices for agricultural produce ; speculation upon capital made in war time , and anticipation of more blood-letting , still kept the farmer afloat ; and he paid the same rent without any abatement . The harvest of 1816 , however , gave high rents a ** heavy blow , " and two other bad harvests , between 1816 and 1821 , caused a demand upon the Landlords for a reduction of rent , and upon the parsons for a reduction of tithe , commensurate with the fall consequent upon agricultural produce and a return to

      " cheap bread . " How was this demand answered By calling oat the yeomanry ; by proclaiming martial law ; by appointing special commissions ; by shooting without colour of crime , and hanging without colour of law 1 " O ! true , true , " say the politicians ; " bat it was the Tories !!! " No , no ; it was not ; it was the landlords , the parsons , and the magistrates , Whigs as well as Tories . It was that force which in every eountry , when its interests are attacked , either compels the existing Government to assume the lead in despotism to preserve its order , or vtopvoto Hi © OoTomiiisul upon mfosol , and establishes one of its own in its stead .

      How did the landlords and parsons meet the emergency 1 There were two classes of landlords , without distinction of creed or politics : one class was very , very scanty indeed ; the class who made tardy reductions ; but even in the mode of making those reductions they completely paralyzed all industry among their tenantry . It was this . They held them to the old condition in their leases , and gave them receipts for the full amount , upon receiving the reduced rent , and held the old arrears over them as a drawn sword , ready upon a war , or any other

      godsend , to have the " full pound of flesh . " Thus were the farmers out of all heart , while the Irish labourers were compelled to have recourse to opera benefits patronised by the Royal Family , needlework performed by Maids ef Honour , proceeds of fancy balls , and subscriptions from the English humane and ch * ri table , for support ; and the plague partially terminated , by an influx of Irish agricultural labourers into the English manufacturing market ; an influx greater in four years than the whole swarm of poor creatures who had been banished for the previous century .

      The other class of landlords were those who held on by the terms of the lease as long as the last goose had a feather in her tail ; middle men , in most instances , but well backed by fee-simple proprietors . This system , coupled with Mr . Goulburn ' s Tithe Bill , of 1824 , gave rise to the plan of knocking small heart-broken farms into pasture ground , which led to another irruption of displaced labourers .

      In 1826 , the Irish currency was assimilated ; that is , land held by small farmers was again raised by 8 J per cent . ; the old Irish pound was compounded , being demanded in the new coin , £ 1 Is . 8 d . This the small cottier tenants , bore , as they would bear anything for a hiding hole and a " spot to work on . " But it also dislodged many . Then came the Catholic Relief Bill in 1829 , and this measure relieved the political traffickers of 380 , 000 of their live stock , whose little holdings of an acre or two were knocked into large farms of fifty or a hundred acres ; and then had we an immense exportation of the life ' s blood of the country—of the real wealth of the nation .

      These 380 , 000 heads of families constitute the whole mass of Irish pauperism , at present bo humiliating to those who witness it without a struggle for its removal ; and also have greatly augmented the reserve in the English market . During these trying periods for the farmers , the parsons , as a body , tried shooting upon a large scale , rather than reduce one farthing of their accumulated demand , or abate it in future to peace

      prices ; and although they justified their refusal by " the trust imposed upon them for their successors ' —the never failing plea of Churchmen , as expediency is of tyrants , —yet did they , in . many , very many instances , refuse to take fifteen shillings in the pound of the arrears from the Catholic occupiers , while they leased them out to Protestant proctors for ten shillings in the pound , upon a strict promise not to abate one farthing of the legal demand .

      Now such are the parties to whom the Irish farmers and the Irish labourers are to loek with confidence , for the adjustment of any inequality which the " GREAT COMMERCIAL MEASURES " may create—to a party who have systematically plundered , in violation of all laws human and divine , and who , in compliance with a Government measure , will not , we imagine , surrender in proper season , the right of " doing what they please with their own . " To such a tribunal are the plundered to appeal as a last resource .

      If this calamity does not come , then does the project fail ; for bread will not be cheaper ; and if this calamity does come , then will it be met according to precedent , by shooting , hanging , and transporting , in the first instance , and then by the exportation of asother millioa of Irish agriculturists as a further reserve for the masters ; and then another million of a loan from England for Irish parsons .

      And tees , perhaps , may be applied the lever which if used in time , would have spared the weeping the wailing and the gnashing of teeth . That lever is the Charter ! which by depriving the landlords of the power of annexing destructive conditions , would oblige them to give leases for evar at a corn rent , and to bring their land into a valuable retail market to meet the wants of God's own flock .

      This , and this only , can make a people independent of all foreign growers . This , and thiB only , can insure peace , plenty , and " cheap bread : " but this they will not do till forced to it , because upon the monopoly of the land depends the existence of a lucrative church establishment , a lucrative army and navy establishment , a lucrative place and pension establishment ; one and all of which are so many hot beds—nurseries and provisions for the scions of the landed aristocracy .

      " Well but , " says an " anti-monopolist , " " would you not crush that faction . " We answer , A'b ; not if by crushing that we crush those who would be innocent Eufferers , and create in its stead a more heartles 3 set of " quasi" landlords , what the Irish call" Sky farmers "—domestic jobbers—who would

      purchase the produce of the land from Germans , Russians , Turks , Prussians or Americans , as cheap as they could , and sell it as dear as they could to those whose own land they had rendered sterile in order to hold oomplete dominion over their working slaves . We would crush them by making them rich , whether they would or no ; by taking from them the power of making themselves paupers , by impoverishing their country and their fellow-msn . That we call Christian justice , and we much prefer it to the

      justice of political economists . The great anomaly of the corn branch of the new ' commercial exotic" is this , that the Irish people are asked to join in reducing the price of the only thing they produce—for the purpose of cheapening the thing of which ( hoy never consume a particle ! " O but that is a part of our complaint , " say the humanity mongers ; " we mean to make them consume more bread . " To this general fallacy we shall reply nnder the head " Timber Duties . " Cheap bread , then , must make cheap

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      land ; bat cheap land will not follow cheap bread , so long as one of the old tenants upon any estate has one fraction left , whereby he can be "keptto his bargain ; " while the desolation , expectation , and misery caused while the thing was finding Us level , wonld be indescribable . So much for the "fixed duty on corn" and now for > SUGAR DUTIES . " Upon this subject , as regards Ireland , we require bat a word . We would feel obliged by the " cool Mr . Baking" furnishing us with a " sliding scale , "

      by which a lot of jolly Irish boys in a frolic may estimate the reduction to be made upon each tumbler of punch , according to the "GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORM . " We want that ; because it is the only manner in whioh Irish labourers or Irish farmers use eugar , from the 1 st of January to the 31 st of December . u O , but they must have sugar , " say the monopolists . " They shall have the Whig ' Balm of Gilead , ' the great sweetener of life ! the joy of the poor man ' d heart ! and the refiner of his morals !"

      Fudge , blarney , bother , humbug ! Give them enough of" praties" first , and they'll find the sugar and timber afterwards .

      " TIMBER DUTIES . " An Irish farmer , holding fifty acres of land , and even more , does not use twenty pounds' worth of imported timber in the whole of his life and what he does uso is Canadian , upon whioh the additional duty is to be laid on for his relief . Aa Irish labourer dees not use one plank of foreign timber in the whole of his life . He is rocked in the arms of some native oak ; he trips through manhood with a native shillelagh , leans in his old age upon a native staff , and ia borne to the grave upon a native " bi er . " Every stick in his mud hovel" comes from "his honour ' s wood ;" and thus begins and ends his use of timber !

      " O , but , " Bay the " anti-monopolists , " " we mean to put an end to this . The farmers surely would use foreign timber if it was placed within their reach . " Yes , they < do use foreign timber , but not much , and as before stated , it is Canadia n . The shafts of their carts are made of " treble deals , ' ' the bodies of their carts are made of " treble deals , " and that is all they use , and that the great reform is

      to make dearer for them ! " O but Memel or Norway red deal is much better , and our 'GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORM' will bring the latter article within their reach . The Baltic trade , you know , the Baltic ! " No ; it will not . As well may the economists tell us that a tax upon friez 9 would force the peasant to Wear broad cloth , or that a tax upon "jaunting cars" would oblige the Irish tradesman to drive in his carriage .

      The smallest tax , injudiciously laid on , may amount to a total prohibition of the use of the taxed article . The new sohool of calculators would impose upon upon us the belief that the true way to make Irish farmers purchase a better article is by raising its price , while at the same time they reduce their means , by diminishing the value of their exchange . For what , then , are the Irish people to join in the " new move . " Hear it , ye good men , struggling for freedom , and sorrow ! Hear it , ye bad men , contending against justice , and blush ! " O ! OUR

      RELIGION WILL BE ATTACKED BY THE TORIES J" Sacred liberty ! what an insult 1 O , Mighty knowledge , what a folly ! Merciful Creator ! what a sin ! This , then , is the real casus belli ; this i 9 the mountain ; this is the crutch of limping , truckling , blighting , blasting , hypocrisy ! But , O knowledge thou idol of the good man's worship ! thanks be to God ! thou art fast unbinding the tight bandage which has so long obscured man ' s vision ! Thy magio influence comes like a mighty torrent in the midst of the calm , and will sweep away all the ignoranco , superstition , and bigotry of darker ages . Yes , knowledge will expand the mind , mature the judgment , and unite the mighty masses in one overwhelming band of freemen .

      Under such a combination of right and might , with the knowledge which the English and Scotch now possess to direct us , we will gain liberty without a blow . But 6 hould tyranny , strong in long possession , made courageous by unopposed sway , and confident by passive obedience and non-resistance , still resist ; we will then , with one mighty blow , strike the Hydra-headed monster to the earth to rise no more !

      The tactics of Ireland as recommended by the "Liberator , " are the most dishonest , base , and flagrantly mercantile and treacherous , of his many political speculations . Must not every man with half an eye at onco see that the return of Whigs by the Irish people , is the cutting of so many sticks to beat themselves soundly , when they shall first have gently whipped the Tories from the Treasury benches for six or seven years longer ! Then will Mr . O'Connell have entirely succeeded ; his object being to throw another stumbling block in his own way , the removal of which will be a fair excuse for raising tho supplies for years from a poor deluded starving people . } Never was there bo rascally a juggle , and well may the Irish patriots

      exclaim" Alas ! poor country , Almost afraid to know itself . " We beg , in conclusion , to give the following heartrending scrap , exultingly paraded in Monday ' s Chronicle , as the first Irish instalment of the very anticipation of the " Great commercial Reforms : "—

      " EXTENSIVE EMIGRATION . Up to the 15 th of the present month , thirty vessels have sailed from the port of Cork alone , with 4 , 662 emigrants , for Canada , the United States , and Mew South Wales . " There " anti-monopolists , " won't that rate of transportation satisfy your hellish lust for removing the pressure upon subsistence ! or what more do you require , you infernal fiends !

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      DANIEL O'CONNELL AND " THE MISCREANT CHARTISTS . " By our report of the Crown and Anchor Meeting , reported in our . Iast . and convened by Mr . O'Connell and his friends under a sixpenny protection , and ostensibly for tho purpose of blarneying about Repea ^ but r eally with a view of feeling his way once more into popular society for the purpose of foisting the

      " bloodies" for another term upon us , it will be seen that the " miscreants" can find their way even to a ticket show in sufficient numbers to upset humbug . Never were insolence and folly more conspicuous than in the combination of both , which the learned gentleman exhibited upon the occasion . The blind followers hoped to give tone to the country by the trick ; but Martin and others opened his eves . 1

      It appears , however , that a Mr . Duggan , rent collector in Manchest er , has insured Dan a favourable reception

      IN MANCHESTER ; aud we learn that the walls of the town have been covered with bills , announcing Dan ' s intention to meet the factory operatives of Manchester in the Carpenter ' s Hall , on Tuesday next . The indignant excitement which this threat has created in Manchester , Oldham , Ashton , Stockport , and the surrounding districts , is intense ; and the Chartists are resolved to give Dan a benefit !

      Now , be it remembered that the Leeds working people are the most Mi 3 ter-ridden in the North of England ;> and yet did they , in the depth of winter , with snow upon the ground , turn out well to meet the reviler of the " miecreant Chartists . " Manchester , therefore , owes Leeds a return of the compliment ; and Manchester , we have no doubt , will do its duty . The Pilot , Dan's tool , and the other tools of the Irish liberal press , have paraded Dan ' s thrashing at the Crown and Anchor as a complete triumph over Chartism . Now , we ask if this is fair to our Irish

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      brethren , who are just now struggling to throw the monster from their back ! Is it justice to them , we ask , while they nobly struggle against corruption , and corruption in the very citadel , that we should allow them to suppose , for one moment , that we are about to receive the traitor whom they have expelled from their ranks ! We rejoice to find that our London friends and others have so warmly taken up the cans * of the aged Mrs . Mellon , and have recommended a relief

      fund for all persecuted Irish Chartists . This is as it ought to be ; and Mr . O'Connor , notwithstanding his many annoyances , has commissioned us to publish his willingness to act as Treasurer for his oppressed countrymen . He says that he will look upon every farthing given as a gift bestowed upon himself . We ask , then , is this the time to admit the arch traitor amongst us , just as he is imposing upon the people the additional task of supporting his victims in his native land 1

      The Irish Chartist Association is likely to become the most powerful body ever organised in that country ; and we expect ere long to have the inexpressible pleasure of announcing their first grand procession , and open air meeting . Can we allow such indomitable perseverance to be checked by courtship * here , of the common enemy ! No , we cannot . The country , and our Irish brethren would very properly hold the Executive responsible for any damage done to their cause by tolerating the enemy of the " miscreant Chartists" even to attend one of their meetings .

      Have we not had enough of his oppression , and his support of the " Bloodies , " or are we , like fools , now to pardon the greatest of all our enemies?—the man whose sole aim is to fill his pockets at the expenoe of a starving people , and whose only objeot is to purchase a renewal of confidence for renewed traffic . Men of Manchester ! you were among the first and the boldest to demand a proper reception for the " miscreant" in Yorkshire ; and now , upon behalf of Yorkshire , we have a right to demand from yon a

      return of the service which was so nobly performed , and so oheerfully undertaken , in defiance of all opposing obstacles . Up ,. then ! and meet the enemy . Let him see that you are what you profess to be ; and if a slave class , not willingly so . Ireland expects every man to do his duty ! We expect , in our next , to be able to publish a list of subscriptions for the relief of the persecuted Irish Chartists , and the proper reception of their persecutor .

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      THE PRESENTATION OF THE NATIONAL PETITION AND THE MOTION OF MR . DUNCOMBE . The National Petition was presented on Tuesday , to the " House . " The number of signatures was announced by Mr . Dukcombe to be more than one million three hundred thousand ! It was borne to the " House" on the shoulders of eighteen "Fustian Jackets , " who performed their duty well—preceded by a procession of the members of tue Convention , and other leading Charti 3 t 3 .

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      A short- delay occurred at the side entrance to tint House , through the iron gateway , as the bearers stopped to send a message to Mr . Duncombe , to « m . nounce the arrival of hfe protege . An answer traj soon returned for the petition to be carried up and it was accordingly conveyed through * dense crowd ( containing many Members of Parliament among it ) to the lobby , where it was received by Messrs . Dun . combs and O'Connell , who , with some difflcultv

      managed at length to roll it through the entrance along the floor of the House , and in front of the table , opposite the Beat wher « Mr . T . Duncohbi awaited the opportunity of presenting this tremendous petition to the " House , " and of moving oa fa contents . Of the " debate"we shall say nothing We have given all the important part of it froni the London papers , and merely advise oar readers to read It . The issue was , that Mr . Dcncombe ' s motion fob THE BGLEASE OF THE IWCAHCBBATED VICTIMS WAS LOST BY THE CASTING VOTE OF THB SPEAKER ! Will the Government dare to keep them in prison after this !! We shall see . After the division , the fustian-jacketed bearers of the petition and their friends adjourned to theBoQ Inn , where the death knell of faction was sounded in a most pleasing and enthusiastic Chartist meeting .

      The most important part of the whole proceedings ii the fact that the National Petition of 1841 , got np from first to last , at little or no expence , and with scarcely any excitement , received as we shall prove , more than 2 , 000 , 000 of signatures . To this subject we shall return next week . In the meantime , let it be a warning to those who console themselves with the fall of Chartism ! and a solace to those look upon its triumph as the triumph of justice , morality , and r ight .

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      THE ELECTION CRISIS . At this most important and momentous period , we feel that the following nervous and well-timed address , is worthy of attention from all parties of the producing people ; and we therefore call to it their especial notice .

      "TO THE OPPRESSED MILLIONS THROUGHOUT THE LAND . " Huddersfield , 26 th May , 1841 . " My Friends , —Monopoly or no monopol y has taken the place of the old w nig cry of ' The BilL the whole Bill , and nothing but the Bill , ' and with the same Whig intention , namely , to dupe , to delude , and to cheat the unsuspecting and unwary . " A bitl , dated the 25 th inst ., and printed at Huddersfield , headed—* Monopoly or no monopoly , that is the question '—in favour of Whiggery , says , very truly , * That the inhabitants should refuse to be any longer befooled by party cries from any party ! ' Had they not been befooled by this crafty faction , we should have had no mock Reform Bill ;

      we should have had no " anti-Jfoor Law agitators , " paid or unpaid ; because we should have needed none ; that crew would never have had the power to inflict a law so bloody , so cruel , and so torturous . That hypocritical banditti could not have inflicted upon us so mauy Commissions , so many Rural Police ; they could not have created suon immense' burdens for the industrious community to bear ; they could not have added so heavy an amount to the National Debt ; they could not have granted £ 100 , 000 to the old Queen , nor would they have had the baseness and impudence to recommend recipes , and publish them , as Baines , their organ , has done , to the free and independent labourers of

      this enlightened country , by which , from a collection of garbage , eight pints of soup should be produced for 4 id . ; or that from rubbish , not fit for pigs , a mess should be made , which should make a dinner for five able-bodied labourers , for the charge of SJd . Those ingenious starvation mongers—those refined inventors of skillygolee , and advocates of free trade —those Judaaes , who , for the last nine years , have been engaged in contriving the best mode of making the people labour harder , and prodnca more , and live on lessen d coarser fare—who have brought them to the starvation point , and from thence to the bastiles , and through these to their graves , by thousands , —thoBe vile monsters who have been so consistent ,

      and so successful , in the work of lowering wages enslaving , starving , and extirpating the industrious community ; may , with their common , audacious , and barefaced effrontery , now that the tradesmen , all over the country , are becoming bankrupts by wholesale , and the trade is at a stand still , while ruin and starvation is all but universal—when theirown reckless cruelty and extravagance have cast them upon their beam ends—when they cannot progress in their work of havoc one step further , they may now challenge the devil to equal their cool effrontery , when they come to us and Bay "That a bold attempt has at length been made by her Majesty ' s Ministers to revise our partial , and

      oppressive , &c , Laws . " Why , I ask , did they not begin there ; and keep improving , instead ofretrograding during the whole nine years of their misgovernm ' ent \ Why at the last moment do thsy come forth with the olive branch . I tell you plainly , it ia to allure you—to bring you again intotheir meshesto induce you to seat them again in power , and if you do , if you permit yourselves to be deluded , you must bid farewell to liberty , you must expeot a continuance of their heartless inhuman system—yon muBt look for a renewal of their systematic arrogance , starvation , rags , slavery and premature death—you must expect a well clad and high fed army of blue bludgeoners , backed out by a red army with bullets and bayonets , and a land covered with bastiles , commissioners , and Government spies , with the foreign

      system of passports and centralisation , by woicfl every germ of mercy , justice , ( to the poor ) and benevolence will be annihilated , and we are slaves for ever . Then up , Britons , up , ' Now is tho day and now is the . hour , ' and if it is the last day and the last hour , the last opportunity which will ever be afforded you , let it hot pass—let it not slip , for the sake of mercyfar your own , and for the sake of your families—for the sake of posterity , be up , be at your post and let Whiggery be utterly destroyed—yea extirpated—at al risks , and at all hazards , from this land , and from the face of the earth . Fear nothing but the restoration of the baneful influence of Whig faction ; drive that pestilence from tb . 6 land . "I am most truly " And most faithfully yours , fl PlIKETHiY . "

      The tone of this appeal breathes more of honesty than of refinement ; but we are persuaded with Mr . Pitkethly , that the most effective step to be n $ vs taken for liberty , is the crippling of the Whigano matter how . The people ' s prospects look well , so far as the election ib concerned . Several Chartist Candidates are already in the field . Election Cbmmitttees are formed and forming everywhere , to watch the movements of the time—to briag out and support Chartist Candidates wherever it i * practicable—aud Tories wherever it is not . Any thing to beat down tho " bloodies 1 "

      Colonel Thompson at Hull , Shabman Cbawfobb at Rochdale , and Captain Wood at Bradford , are all in a fair way for invigorating the rotten carcase of St . Stephens with some really patriotic life . Let but the peopio bestir them , and the votes of the Chartist electors , and the power ( rightly directed ) of the Chartist non-electors , shall now prove itself to ba all sufficient for the utter annihilation of one of the two great factions by making the other worry itand then hurrah ! for the simple tug of right against might ; of a united people against the single foa II We informed our readers some time ago , that Mr . Baines did not intend to bid again for Leeds . We think ' the following extract from the Convention report will shew them that Sir William

      Molbjworth need not : — "Mr . Cullen called upon Mr . Leader , but did not see hita . He then , waited upon Sir Win . M *!* " ^ and requested his support of the petition in tavour of the imprisoned Chartists , and to present memo rials for the restoration of Frost , Williams , *^ Jones . He first said that he would- ddiberwe whether he would present the Leeds pr t » £ « nj « ?? T He then said that he could not support the petition , or present the memorials . " Will that satisfy the Chartists ! Will they permit

      the "Goose Club" to return Moles worth again . even if they should dare attempt it ? We <^ ca not . Two Tories will go in for Leeds , to a aew certainty , if the people do their doty . 1 "bloodies" talk something , as we h ear , about jo Hume ! We just think we see Bkown B » m Joseph , walking arm in arm with H » J « J Neddy , and escorted by a procession of Hana w _ weavers carrying a small brown loaf and a ^ ro red herring , on a pole , and playing the W 0 B March" upon" Rough Music ! " How very funny-

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      SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS . It is really amusing to see the lucubrations of the M Artful Dodger" and the Tap-tub , served up by the immortal Sun , for our evening repast , in one hash , under the title " Spirit of the Press , " and seasoned with the Palmersto . v piquant sauce , extracted from the columns of the little "Globe . " A bit of French and a bit of Latin , and a bit of a

      joke , to constitute the balance of power of a great nation , and to guide out destinies , is quite characteristic of the * Old Beau . " It does to serve his purpose , and , in truth , as we were some time ago favoured with specimens of the poetic productions of members of the Cabinet , we see no reason why every Right Honourable Gentleman should not have his own particular paper for chronicling his own peculiar views .

      In fact , it would be but justice to others , inasmuch as the Noble Lord , whose trade is diplomacy , has certainly out-jockeyed his colleagues in his press-gang manoeuvres . By his fascinations he has won the columns o f all , while he is most heartily ridiculed by each . Yet we must bear in mind that Editors are but men , aud that they may be flattered like other men ; henoe we And , that since poor Easthope stretched his legs under the Premier's mahogany ,

      he has lost all decency as a journalist in his duty towards his host . From that fatal day to the present , if Melbourne committed murder , rape , or arson , Easthorpe would justify the act by the necessity , and would not even ( as Fouche had the honesty to do ) call his master ' s greatest butchery by the gentle title of " a political blander . " No , Easthorpe would not allow crime in such case to be even a blunder . Well may the conquering journalist exclaim , " but one such dinner more , and I am undone !"

      In the meantime , the Great Geographer continues to dot his surface with the names of newly discovered depots of popular strength heretofore unknown beyond the parish boundary , save to the literati , but now swelled into frog-like importonce , and paraded under the head

      " GREAT DEMONSTRATION ON BEHALF OP THE GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORM . " Alas ! the attempt creates no more excitement than the mere curiosity produced by a first glance at a new " atla 3 . " The people are not there ! The people will not be there ; because the people don't want a HOUSE OF MASTERS to complete their ruiu . So the poor Chron . may dot , and dot , and dot away ; but tho close of the poll will dot him out of Leicester , and his masters out of the Treasury .

      O , what a god-send the Whitsuntide holidays would have been in 1832 ! and how dry the old timbers of Bristol and Nottingham would have been for a Whig cracks ; but now , alas ! the tears of the hungry have moistened them , and even in the dogdays they would not ignite , though Biruck by a sudden flash of Whiggery J The devil himself , be he blaok or be he white , could'nt save the poor " bloodies ; " and as a last hope they are calling spirits from the " vasty deep ; " but alas ! the spirits are too deeply sunk in Whig poverty , Whig bastiles , and Whig dungeons , to hear the summons . " When poverty comeB in at the door , lovo flies out at the window "—when Whigs came in at the window , prinoiple went ont at the door .

      0 , tho . poor , poor bloodies !! " what will become of the " bloodies 1 " What shall we do with the " bloodies V How will it be with the " bloodies 1 " " Noboby coining to help " the " bloodies . " Nobody coming to woo" " the bloodies . " So down down ! down ! with the " bloodies I " We aro irresistibly compelled to append hereunto the most recent discoveries of depots of popular feeling by the "Artful Dodger . " Hear , ye unins true ted in English localities , the places relied upon to carry Reform in 1841 ; and ask yourselves if the Reformers ef 1832 knew of the existence of one half of them .

      " GREAT DEMONSTRATIONS at Carnarvon , Corsham , Chippenham , Peterborough , Brampton Moor , Brampton , Tynemouth , Southampton [ again !] , Gosport , Rigg of Gretna [ who the devil is the Rigg ?] , Honiton , Chatham , Canterbury , Eppiug , Dartford [ great open-air meeting , thirtynine present ! J , Anna , " and so on ; but they were licked wherever they dared to meet the sinews : Slroudand Birmingham , to wit .

      Its all up , Chron . so you may map away , old boy , till you are black in the face ! You may just as well whistle jigs to a mile-stone , as offer your " commercial Reforms" to the people of England now .

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      4 - THE NORTHERN STAR . __

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 29, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct381/page/4/