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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th March 1841, Edition 2 of 5, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDS , Fbidat , Masch 5 . The Dnke of _ l _ . gt _ l , who must be , judging from hi * aspirings , a political genius , unseared by tbe failure of the Lard Advocate and of tbe Earl of Aberdeen , BDd Troto-ogbt fcy the agacity of Lord Melbourne , which , tfce Noble Earl now acknowledges , —the new J > o _ k of Abgtu , announced that he wooH try his hand at a Bill to pat an end to discussions in the ( lurch of Scotland . The Earl of Aberpeek threw the cold water of his owd experienee on the project of the Noble Duke , who aaid , however , that he should feel bound to persevere . The Earl of OlesGjXL , in moving for copies of correspondence between the Poor Law Commissioners and lands wners at Clonmel , brought under the notice ot lie House of Lords one or two cases of what he described as gross corruption .

      The Marquis of N 0 RHa ? tby reported their Lo _ d-_ hij . _ \ o suspend their judgment , till tie had commusieatea with Mr . Slcbolls , the Poor Law Commissioner , OB the subject The Dole of Wellington could hardly be perreaded to wait , and instantly gave notice of a motion for Mcnday , bat at the request of the Marquis of Normanbr postponed it till Thursday . The Duke said he was greatly disappointed at the working ot the Poor I __ w in Ireland . jjm ** _ u x i ucm- _ .

      T / i ^ tf-j -T VK-nn-nnr / rr . * . » Ti . vnT . »_* fVt _ p * nnr . n A inn * « n a gross breach of privilege , for the official and private letters for the use of the Hous 9 contradicted each other . Tie Returns moved for by Lord GlengaJl were ordered , ami their Lordships adjourned to Monday . We presume the matter , whenever it comes to be disenssed , will afford a nice subject for a " most extensive party debate . Monday ^ March 8 . The E&rl of Shafiesbtbi , in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , took his seat -pen the Woolsack , a&ortly after five o'clock . Lorn Redesdale presented a petition from Toaster in Northamptonshire , complaining th _ t t _ . e expences attending vaccination were paid out of the poor-rates * n _ * -5 § e _ ting that as Taccbastion was a national object , tfce expences attending it Bhould be defrayed at tie national expencs .

      The Earl of Moc > "cashel wished to draw their Loidsfcips" attention to the intelligence which had arrived from America that day , and which was of the utmost importance to thia country ; it had created a great sensation in the city , and had produced an effect on the funds . He referred to the document which had spp - .-ired in the public papers purporting to be a Hep-jrt ot the Committee on Foreign Affairs presented to th = Congress of the United States on the 13 th of last month . It was chiefly respecting the detention of Mr . M'Leod , bat it also related to other matters in dispute between this country and the TJnittd States He did not intend to enter into the consideration of that document , it would be ill-judged in him to do so -, but hf wished to know whether the document fconld be considered as genuine , Snch a document might be

      got up for the purposes of stock-jobbing , and his reasoa for denoting its genuineness was , that he had too high ac opinion of the understanding and capacity of the inhabitants of the United State * . He believed that they were not se blind to their own interests as to put forth & document of the kind ; more particularly did he doubt its authenticity , when it did not appear , from the rtj orts , that any Member of Congr _» had ever risen t-j move an amendment to it . ( Hear , hear . ) Surely , if thai Aocument were genuine , the people of the United States must have forgotten the deranged state of their finances—they mu * t have forgotten that in their StaUs there were three millions of negroes ready t « take part with England in the event of a quarrel—they must have forgotten the great body of Indians whom they had driven into the interior , and who were ready

      to advance at once into their territories , to revenge the wro _ gs they had suffered . They must have forgotten the C _ nadi _ ns , who were among the most loyal subjects of her Majesty . Suppose they were to wreak their vengeance on the unfortunate victim who was now In their ___ »__ , did they sappase that the Canadians would not be ready to avenge his death in a _ _ ou _ & * d different -w _ ya T—did they suppose that they would coi s ^ ize some person ziTing in the United States ' QflTenment ? Did they forget the body of large tooops—he was happy to say , a large one—at present stationed in our North American colonies , aid the large naval force which could at once be brought to bear acaiast them . He thought that , after calculating all things , they would find that they were more Hke ] T to iEcnr a less than a profit by entering into

      hostilities with this country , and therefore he could not believe the document to be genuine . For these reasons he hoped this document could not b « a true one , but it had produced so strong an impression on tae public mind , that he thought it riiht to inquire of the Noble TiscouDt ( Lord Melbourne , whether her Majesty ' s Government had received any official information respfeciins ; this Report , and whether they considered it to be as official document or not . If the Government did consider it to be an official document , he ( Lord Mountcashel } did not consider the present to be the proper time for discussing it ; trttt lie should certainly m » v > some observations upoa it at the proper time

      He thflight a document more violent had never been penned by one country respecting another . He therefore a « ked the Noble Viscount whether any official information had been received on th * subject Lord Melbouo'E said he was really nnable to give -vny c . Ler answer to tke question ef the Noble Earl tt _ n tkat he was not aware that her Majesty's Government had received any uespatches from our Amtsissidor to the Usit-d States ; but he spprehsn _« 3 , from the form in which the Report alluded to by the Noble Earl had appeared , and from the manner in which it came , there could be no doubt of its authenticity .

      On the motion of Visctunt Dr > "CA > " > os the Tithes Composition Ireland ! Bill was read a second time , and ordered to be committed on Thursday . The Nobk Viscount said the object of the Bill was to save expence in the case of persons against whom proceed ings -were taken fer the recovery of tithes in Ireland . In the original Bill , each particular case was obliged to be proceeded against by the Attorney-Giner&l in a » e « arate Bill , bat it "vraB found so extensive that the prestnt Bill was brengltt in to sntborise the Attor _ . f c 5-G _ n _ r _ l to include any number of persons in the Kme Bill provided they resided in the diocese . On tfce motion of YLseouat Dvycxyxos , the Court of Exchequer ( Ireland ) Bill was read a second time , and ordered to t * committed on Thursday . The Noble Viscount said the object of the Bill was to amend an error that was supposed te exist in the formtr B \) L

      After a motion by the Earl of Gle . ngall , which was agreed to , for a returu of copk _ of ill correspondence t ~ t ^ eea the Poor Law CommissiuacM , and D . esis Phelin :, Esq ., and the otter correspondence on the surjt-t-. fa local appointment , in the Union of Cloamel , th = House adjourned .

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Friday , March 5 . In . ' ply to Mr . O'C . nnell , Lord Pj . lmzbsto . n stated that the treaty ^ th Texa 3 "was a general commercial treaty , and contained no provision to secure the entrance into Texas of British subjects , being free persons of colour , such persons being prohibited to enfc-r Texas . In ajiswer to Sir R . Peel , Mr . Labocchere premised to consider whether he would refer the Railways Bill to a s ~ lec : committee , as one clause was complained of by railway companies ; bu : both Right Hon . Gentlemen stated that if the railway companies who pttition ^ i for that , did it only to gain time , they should oppose any such plan . On the motion for bringing up the report en Lard Keane's Aninity Bill , Mr . Br » E moved that it be postponed till the correspondence between the Government sad the East India Company , relative to Lard Keane's service , be laid before the Heuse . The Hon . Member wished to have the annuity paid by the East India Company .

      Lord Joh > ' Rt'SSELL opposed Mr . Hume ' s motion , which on a division was lost by 127 to ho . The report ¦ was bri-usbt up , and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Monday . Thr E jtt lndh Rum Daties Bill was committed pro formi to innvdnee some alterations into it . On iae Order of the day for going into a Commiitee ¦ Of Supply , Mr . UBRIt ^ Teferrftd io our -unasv relations with tie V itec " . 5 : atts , and expressed an opinion that if "vre had a > : rcne f-tt within reach of the American " ports , it Wjjud \> i oetter than lo have a strong force on the fronti-r . Mr . E--ya ? . t svsr no reason for anticipating hostilities ; he relied on the good Ssn » c and interest of the inhabitants of the Tnited States , and lie trusted our unhappy differences would be amicably terminated . Mr . Huaie deprecated war in strong terms , and asked for information , although none was given .

      The silence of the Ministers on this important topic is of no pleasant augury . The House went into a Committee of Supply , and money was voted as complaisandy as usd&L Lord J 0 H > " Rcssell , in answer to a question , seated that a monument is to be erected to Sir Sydnf y Smith ; and Sir James Dike gave notice that he should mote that a monument be also erected to Lord . Exmotrth . Mr . MaCATLAT mcvsd the Army Estimates , wliich be explained in a businesa-lii-fi maun ** - One ium win be eons-awed by tie p-aiiic , as we considered it , curious : a vote of £ 500 for interest on deposits in Savings Basks , of Which soldiers could avail themselves That m 3 y mnke them careful and sane persons . Notwithstanding the exhortation of the Times to increase the army , we are glad to learn that the charge for the present year is only £ 10 , 001 less than laBiyear for the effective service .

      Mr . Hvhe regretted our disturbed relations with Europe , the great expence caus * d tcersby , and recommended a property tax . Sir H . Bap . dinge thought the estimates did not go far enough , and spoke as if be had written the leader in the Tiroes of Thursday on the subj-xt . An addition of 5 , 800 men would , he said , give tatisf&ction to the army . Lord J . SrssELL thought , of course , that the numfetr was exacJy right , lying between the parsimony of Mr . Home and the ex&aTagaace of the Gallant General .

      Untitled Article

      The Noble Lord justlued keeping our forces up to their present footing by the itaie of foreign countries , and of our colonies . In the course of the discussion which ensued , Lord Cardigan's case was brought under the notice of the House by Mr . Hcme . Lord Howick insisted strongly on the noeesstty of an inquiry , and pointed out that the Commander-inchief was not free from blame . An interesting conversation ensued . Several ot the votes were agreed to , and the House resumed . Colonel Sibthobp gave notice that he would call the attention of the House to the appointment of Mr . Visard as Solicitor to the Home Department The House adjourned at twenty minutes before one o ' clock till Monday .

      Untitled Article

      GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES . MENACING REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES . ( From the New York Papers received to the 17 th ult ., by the Packet-ship Westchester . ) TWENTT-S 1 XTH C 0 NGHESS .

      TTi » jUUij , t p » - > n , f ^ nti . i \ . j , CV _ n Mr . Pickens , from the Committee on Foreign Affairs , made the following report , which was ordered to be printed : — The Committee on Foreign Affair * , to whom was referred the message of the President , transmitting a correspondence with the British Minister in relation to the burning of the steam-boat Caroline , and the demand made for the liberation of Mr . Alexander H'Leod , respectfully report : — It appears that the steam-boat Caroline was seiasd and destroyed in the month of December , 1837 . The Committee are induced to believe that the facts of the case \ re as follow ;—

      The boat was owned by , and in possession of , a citissn of New York She was cleared from the city of Buffalo , and on the morning of the 29 th of December , 1837 , Bhe left the por 6 of Buffalo , bound for Schlosser , upon the American aide of the Niagara river , and within the territory of the United States . The original intention seemed to be , to run the boat between Buffalo and Schlosser , or perhaps from Black Rock Dam to Schlosser , and , should it seem profitable , it was intended to run her also to Navy Island , and touch at Grand Island anil Tonawanda . Her owner was Mr . Wells , said to be a respectable citiz .-n of Buffalo , and it is obvious his intention in putting up the boat was one of speculation and profit entirely . The excitement upah that portion of the -frontier , at this period , had collected a great many in the neighbourhood—some from curiosity , some from idleness , and others from taking an interest in the unusual and extraordinary collection of adventurous men gathered together at that time on Nary Island- Navy Island was " nominally " in the British " territory . "

      The owner of the Caroline took advantage of these circumstances to make some money with bis boat , by running her as a ferry boat over te Navy Island . All these facts appear from testimony regularly taken ( see H . R . Dec . No . 302 , page 46 and 38 , 24 Session , 25 th Congressi , and the Committee know of no legal evidence to contradict them . There is no proof that any arms or mnnitions of war were carried in the boat , except , perhaps , one small six-pounder fleld-piece belonging to a passenger . The principal ebject was to run the boat as a ferry boat from Schlosser , on the American side , to Navy Island , on the British side . It is believed that , even in war . a neutral power has the right to trade in contraband articles , subject , of course , to seizure and confiscation , if taken wfthin the jurisdiction of either

      of the contending parties . What is contraband of war is not always certain . Treaty stipulations frequently include some articles , and exclude others recognised in the law of nations . Trading in contraband articles is no excuse for invading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power , whose private citizens may choose to run the b-Zird of guch a trade . In this instance tbere were no two Foreign Powers engaged in war ; but all concerted in the outbreak or excitement within the British jurisdiction , claimed to be British subjects , in resistance of the authorities of Canada , a province of the British empire . Even admitting , then , taat the Caroline was engaged in coutraband trade , yet it vras -with citizens who claimed t » be subjects of the same empire with those who were styled the legitimate fficers of the Province .

      Abstractedly speaking , how was a private citizen to de " cide who were right and who were wrong in these lo « al dispntes ? And which portion of the citizans of the same province must our citizens refuse to hare any communication with * But the boat was merely used for one day as a ferry boat ; and on the night of the day she commenced running , she was seizsd while moored at the wharf at Schlosser , and bnrnt . Several men were assassinated ; certainly one , who fell dead upon the deck . New the insinuation of the British ilinister , that Schlosser was " nominally" within the territory of the United States , may well be retorted , as -we can with equal truth say , that Navy Island was " nominally "

      ¦ within tie ' * territory" of the British Government ; for at the period to which we allude , the people collected there had as effectually defied Canada authorities S 3 any portion of our people disregarded ours . Yet British authority thought proper to pass Navy Island , then in its " nominal" territory , and in the plenitude cf its power to cast the ag i * ot British jurisdiction over American soil This was truly extending over us that kind guardianship which they had not the ability at that time t « extend to a portion of their own territory , and which recommends itself to us , full as much from its assumption as from its love of right or law .

      The British Minister is pleased also to call the Caroline a " piratical steamboat . " The loese epithets of any one , no matter how high in place , cannot make that piracy which the law of nations does not recognise as such . Pirates are freebooters , enemies of the human race ; and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no flag and no home . Piracy comes under the concurrent jurisdiction of all nations . Even in the worst point of view toat it can fee considered , those connected with the steam-boat Caroline were but aiders and abettors of others engaged in rebellion . And the Committee are totally at a loss to know ¦ upon what authority rebellion is recognised , as piracy Snch confounding of terms is retting the case upon epithets , instead of sound law or facts . But even supposing it to be a " piraticalboat , " as tbe . Minister asserts it to be ; yet the moment it touched our suil it fell under our sovereignty , and no power on earth could rightfully invade it

      There is no doctrine more consecrated in English history , than that every human being who touches tbe Boil of Great Britain is immediately covered by British laws . Suppose ene of her vessels were cnt from the banks of the Thames and burnt by Frenchmen , and British citi * ens were assassinated at night , and the French Minister , were to avow thut they acted under the orders of his Government , and that the vessel was " piratical , " and tbe citizens murdered were outlaws , then there is not an Englishman whose heart would not beat high to avenge the wrong , and vindicate the rights , of his country . TLe law there is the law here . And there is no international law consistent with the separate independence of nations , that sanctions the pursuit of even pirates to m \ udet and arson over the soil and jurisdiction of one of the States of this Confederacy .

      No greater wrong can be done to a country than invasion of soil . If it can be done with impunity at one point , and on one occasion , it can be done at another , and tie nation that submits to it finally sinks down into drivelliDg imbecility . It a representation of the state of things at Scalosser , and the conduct of those who bad contronl of tbe Caroline , had first been made to the proper authorities of J » ew York , or of the Unked States , then there -would have been some show at ltast of respect for our sovereignty and independence , and a disposition to treat us as an equal But in this case , as if to treat our authorities with contempt , there was no preliminary demand or representation made .

      It is hoped that the outrage was perpetrated by a party in sudden heat and excitement , upon their own responsibility . But the British Minister now avows , ttat " the act was the public act of persons obeying the constituted authorities of her Slajestys Province , " and again affirms that " it was a public act of persons in her Majesty's service , obeying the orders of their superior authority . " If this had been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might not have excited such interest , but there is an assumption in most of our intercourse with that great power , revolting to the pride and spirit of independence in a free people . If it be her desire to preserve peace , her true policy would be to do justice , and show that courtesy to equals -which she has always demanded from others . The Committee do not desire to press views on this part of the subject , particularly as a demand has been made by our Government of Great Britain for explanation as to the outrage committed , the answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory .

      As to tfce other points presented in the demand ma / ie by the British Minister for the " liberation" Alrxinder M'Leod , the Committee believe the facts of the case to be , that the steamboat wr . s seized and burnt , as stated before , and that a citizen or citiattts of y % vr York were murdered in the afiray . And there were reasons to induce a belief that M'Liod was partiefps criminis . He was at first arrested , and upon various testimony being taken , was then discharged . He was afterwards arrested a second time . Upon tbe evidence then presented , he was imprisoned to await his trial . There was no invasion of British territory to Be = ze or lake him . But upon hia being voluntarily within our territory , he was arrested as any citizen of the United States , charged witU a similar offence , mieht have been .

      We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offences charged to be committed against the " peace and dignity " of a State , because he is a snbjest of Great Britain , or because fee committed the crime at the instigation or under the authority of BritUh Provincial tfficers ; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President to deliver him cp without trial , at the

      Untitled Article

      ^—demand , and upon tbe assertion at to ( acts , of any agent of M » British Government It we bad been at open war with Great Britain , « nd M'Leod had committed the offences charged , then he might hare fallen under tbe rules and regulations of war , and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Government , and would have been subject to the laws of nations in war . But as the alleged criminal acts , in -which M'Leod is charged to be implicated , were committed in profound peace , it is a crime , as far as he may be concerned , solely against tbe " peace and dignity " of . ' ' ¦ — — - — ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ' ' *

      the State of New York , and her criminal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive . If the crimes committed be such as to make a man hoslis humani generis—an outlaw—a pirate , in the legal acceptation of the term , then , under the law of nations , the United States Courts and tribunals would have jurisdiction . But the offence charged in this case , committed aa it was in time ot peace , as tax as this individual was concerned , was one purely against the . lem lod and coining exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York .

      The Minister , in his letter of the 13 th December , 1840 , says , "it is quite notorious that Mr . M'Leod was not one of the party engaged in tbe destruction of the steam-boat Caroline ; and that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain Canadians , outlaws , and their abettors , " &fc This may perchance all be so , but it would be asking a great deal to require an American Court to yieldjurigdiction i and surrender up a pr isoner cnaifea wtuoSences against the law , upon the mere ipse dixit ot any man , no matter how high in

      authority . Whether M'Leod be guilty or not guilty , is the very point npon which an American Jury alone have a right to decide . Jurisdiction in State tribunals over criminal eases , and trial by a Jury of the venue , are essential points in American jurisprudence ; and it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system , to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict « f the one , or thwart the jurisdiction of the other . If such a power existed , and were exercised , it would effectually overthrow , and upon a vital point , the separate sovereignty and independence of these States .

      Tbe Federal Executive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign State , but even then it might not be ebligatory to do so , unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation . This duty and right in an Executive has generally been considered as dormant , until made binding by treaty arrangement—But when tbe matter is reversed , and demand is made , not of fugitives from justice for offences agaiust a foreign Power , but for tho liberation of a man charged with offences against the peace and dignity of one of our own States , then it is that the demand becomes preposterous in the extreme . The fact that the offences were committed

      under tbe sanction of provncial authorities , does not alter the case , unless we -were in a state of war . In such cases as the present , the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the Federal Executive by treaty stipulation . It could only be conferred in t !* ose cues over which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the Federal Constitution . Such , for instance , as treason , which is an offence against tbe conjoined sovereignty of the States , as denned in the Constitution . Over all cases , except those defined in the Constitution , and those coming clearly under the laws of nations , the States have exclusive jurisdiction , and the

      trial and punishment for offences against them , are incident to their separate sovereignty . It is not protended , in this case , that there is any Treaty stipulation under which the demand is made ; and the Federal Executive , under eur system , has no power but what is conferred by the Constitution , or by special law of Congress . In the former it is declared that " the Executive power is vested in a President of the United States , " and that power is then to be pointed out and denned by special laws passed from time to time , imposing such duties as are thought proper and expedient by Congress .

      Your Committee deem it dangerous for the Executive to exercise any power over a matter not conferred by Treaty or by law ; and to exercise it in any case in conflict with Stale jurisdiction , would be -worse than dangerous ; it would ba usurpation . But your Committee forbear to press these points fnrther at present , and they would not have said as much on snch clear questions of international law , but that in this case , the demand for liberation has been made by the accredited agent of a great Power , and under circumstances of peculiar aggravation and excitement

      We have other points of difference with Great Britain , which add intertst to every question that arises between us at present Neither our north-eastern or north-western boundaries are yet settled with her , and the subject is not entirely free from difficulty . She has recently seiaad our vessels , and exercised a power involving the right of search , under the pretext of suppressing tho foreign slave trade , which , if persevered in , will sweep our commerce troiu the coast of Africa , and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power . She has recently , in her intercourse with us , refused indemnity and denied our rights to property , on a SUDJect-inftttei" vital to near one half the States of this Confederacy , and which , considering her military position at Bermuda , and her growing power in the West Indies , is of the last importance to our national independence . All these subjects make every question bttween us , at this particular juncture , of tho deepest interest

      Besides this , we are both pwnnantntly destined to have , perhaps , the most extensive commerce » f modern nations . Our fligs float side by side , over every sea , and bay , and inlet , of tfce known globe . She movti steadily upon her sheets , with an ambition that knows no bounds . And wherever she has had a conflict of interest she has rarely yielded to any power . At this moment she presents to the civilised world the spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination ever known . From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe , and her peculiar ominercial system , she has been made tbe reservoir of the wealth of nations . Her internal resources , skill , labour , and machinery , with her capital , > re beyond calculation . Her natural position , being about midway the coast of Europe , gives her great control over the outlets and currents of commerce .

      Her military occupation of Gibraltar , Malta , the Ionian Islands , and recently of St . Jean d"Acre , give her ascendancy on the Mediterranean and the Levant , while St Helena and tbe Cape of Good Hope , give her possession ovgr the currents of trade along those extensive coasts . Then Bombay , Calcutta , and her immense possession in the East indies , together with her recent movements in the Ciiina seas and Islands , enable her to extend her po-wer over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated magniticence . She posseses Falkland Island but to control the commerce that passes round the Horn—while Trinidad gives her all she desires in the Carribean sea . Halifax at one point , and Bermuda at another , stand out in gTeat force over our own coast from one extremity to the other .

      Her positions all over the world aro at this moment , in a military point ef view , equal to a million of men under arms . Her continual conSicts in the mighty regions of the E * st , only enable her officers to become skiifnl and to improve in the arts of war , while her great armies and extensive fleets draw their support , from the immense countries seized and occupied . In the present juncture ef affairs , no statesman can overlook these things . Steam power has recently brought us so near together , that in the event of any future conflict , war with its effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity thiui formerly .

      Avarice and ambition are the running passions of modern times , and it is vain to shut our * yes to the state of things around us . It remains to be seen what effect steam power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war . It may be a great engine for again levelling mankind , and reducing everything to a contest of mere physical force . In that event it might be difficult to conjecture what system of national defence will stand the test ef time and experience . W « have a deep stake in peace , and fondly hope the repose of the world will not be disturbed . We have certainly not the least desire for any rupture . Firmness and a wise preparation will long preserve us from such a catastrophe . But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice upon the one hand , so no consideration , on the other hand , should ever induce us to submit to permanent wrong from any power on earth , no matter what the consequences may be .

      Your Committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief that all the points of difficulty may be honourably and amicably a 1 justed , and that harmony may long be preserved by both Governments pursuing a liberal policy , congenial to the interests and feelings of both people , and compatible With the spirit and genius of an enlightened age .

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      Extensive Foegert upon the Bask op England . —It has been lately discovered that a robbery to the amount of £ 6 . 250 had been committed by means of a forged power of attorney on the Bank of England by Cnristopher Picard , of Friday-street , linen-draper . The stock taken out was in the New Three-and-a-Half per Ceut > ., and Picard was , it is said , a trustee . The forgery was committed some months ago , but was not discovered until within the last few days . Ozi Thursday Picard was in town , and in such , a state of health as to be unfit to leave his room . He was , however , doctored up in such a manner as to be able to go out in a coach , aad it is generally supposed tbat he is now on the Continent . The money vra . 3 taken ouj at two different times . A reward of £ 100 his been offered for his apprehension .

      Adultebatio . n of Tea . —At tbe Uford Petty Sessious , Edward Glover , of Westham , appeared to answer an information for having in his possession 300 ibB . of dried eloe and hawthorn leaves , for manufacturing an article called " Mochafarina , " but which was a decided imitation of tea , and aa such tho defendant was liable to the penalties inflicted by the Act 17 George III ., cap . 29 . The case was clearly proved , and the defendant admitted that he had manufactured the farina , but had never sold it as tea . The Bench convicted him in the penalty of £ 200 , and iu default of payment sentenced him to twelve months' imprisonment .

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      THE CONTRAST . CO THE EDITOR OF THE NOBTHEBN STAB . Si a , —A moat admirable method baa , for the lart few weeks , been adopted for giving the readers of the Star a view of th « mass of incongruities which surround oi , and which are the effects of the cannibal system under whiok we , tome way or other , contrive to exist We have seen the expensive tomfoolery of royalty placed In juxtaposition with the wants and woes » f the useful portion of society . We have had the fulsome adulation which state sycophants and well paid panders heap upon the idols whom the poor are compelled to clothe in purple and fine linen , and daily provide with sumptuous fare , contrasted with the contumely , Insult , and cruelty , endured by the really useful but unfortunate members ol th » community . -- - - - - - _______

      We have seen the inequality , or rather the maladministration , of the law—the titled blackguard being held up ( mangre , the notoriety of his vices ) as a paragon of moral perfection , while the nntitled man , of spotless reputation , has been assailed with opprobrium , and treated as the vilest of his species . The tyrant is held guiltless , while the patriot is visited with all the vengeance which despots can inflict . These things , and many more , originate in the want of a properly regulated system of government r one based upon the n » tiaa ' ewia , conducted , in all its ramifications , by men chosen from among the people by the people themselves , and responsible to the people for their every act touching public aflaira . This is " the consummation devoutly to be wished , " and to achieve it we must look at the two pictures immediately before our eyes . I mean Chartism and Foxiara ; and , when we have viewed both , we must act as reason dictates and justice commands .

      CHARTISM . FOXISM . Look on this Picture . And also 2 ooh < m this , i Chartism recognises the Foxism unmans the man , right of all men . " Men and makes him a mere being by nature equal are thing ; giving him no entitled to equal rights . " rights , but conferring them upon inanimate matter , which to-day may be in the possession of the sane and to-morrow in that of the insane—to-day in that of an honest man , to-morrow in that of an highwayman .

      Chartism will abrogate Foxism will only cancel every law inimical to tha such laws as militate general weal . It will lay against monopoly t usury , the axe to the root of the It will only prune corrup-Upas tree , and pie vent the tion ' s tree , and cause it to desolation produced by its be more fruitful , and its baneful influence . branches more extensive , that tbe cormorants may - be fed thereby , and fresh birds of prey find a resting-place thereon . ChartSsm will cleanse Foxism will only stir the Augean stable in West- up the dung , and increase minster , and make it a fit the stench , leaving it , as receptable for honest men . the scavengers of 1832 did , in a worse condition than

      they found it . Chartism will make the Foxism will lay its paw labourer first yartnker of on the first fruits . It will the fruits of hia industry , profess a desire for the cheap loaf , but a greater desire for cheaper labour . It will perpetuate the " coarser sort of food" regime . Chartism will abolish all Foxism will retain all useless places , unmerited the " nice pickings , " and

      pensions , and snug sine- comfortable places , for it * cures . needy and gapiug adherents . Chartism will oast bad FoxisiUWillaliOWShOUldservants , or unjust stew- be representatives three ards , at the earliest possible years to " pick , " plunder , period . and perpetuate mischief-It will re-establish the parent of the septennial act , which , at its next lying-in might give birth to a sit-fast for life .

      Chartism will disband Eoxism will require the a useless and expensive continuance of the physiniilitary establishment . It cal force corps , for the will carry retrenchment purpose of defending the into the naval department , » ld citadel , and clearing and send the "blue-devils" the way for its votaries , to the right about . who arc anxious for a firm stage and solid favour , besides a good protection from lodgers , nutters , and houseless vagrants .

      Chartism will be the Foxism will be , like the foundation of individual Whig Reform , a steppingcomfort and national pros- atone for political advenperity , if carried out , and turers , and unprincipled improved , in proportion to charlatans to ascend to the increased knowledge place and power , while it and altered circumstances will be an additional millt > f the people . stone around the necks of the people . Chartism ia just ; hence Foxisin is a . fraud ; hence its advocates are persecut- its advocates are smiled eil , prosecuted , imprison- upon by " the powers that ed , transported , and put to be , " and the arm of persedeath , cution is turned away from them .

      These are a few facts which may be improved . Yet I trust that the Chartists know their course too well to be led into the traps of the Foxes , even though some wilt-be leaders may show the white feather . Yours , truly , An Old Chartist . Leeds , March 2 nd , 1841-

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      TRADES' HALLS . How few exist in this country—and those only in name J Are any of them based on right principles of equality , &ndpeifect freedom ofoccupation t How have they been buill ? By the united subscriptions of working men , or the purse of the speculator ? Trades' Halls are now wanted more than ever , common sense and justice admit the claim of the great mass of the population to make known their opinions , and the law acknowledges its existence , as a component principle in the British Constitution . " An Englishman has the privilege of forming his own opinion upon the policy , expediency , and justice of the system that is adopted by his rulers . Having formed this opinion , it cannot bo denied that he has a right to promulgate it , to support his own opinion

      by his own arguments , and to recommend its adoption in what he may deem the most efficacious manner . "—Lord Brougham . Oh , yes I tho working classes may meet ! But where ! " If they turn their attention to the green fields , or to the common heritage their forefathers possessed for their ' folkmotes , ' their * tithemotes , ' and other public purposes , they are there met by the law of trespass , tho power of exclusion , the opposition of all the squirearchy of the town . " And , last , but not the least , " Torchlight" Proclamations ! Trades' Halls are now tho only direct barriers against the progressive suppression of public meetings and free discussion . What is the use of Trades' Halls amongst the working men of the country ?

      "To uuito ia one general body , persons of all creeds and opinions who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people . "Chartism by Lovett and Collins , p . 24 . " To oxteud the utility , influence , and number of Trades' Societies , by offering a commodious building , where their meetings may be better and more economically accommodated than at public-houses . " London Trades' Hall Laws , No . I . To provide a " Mechanics' Institution , " in spirit , as well as namo , an extensive library and readingroom accessible to operatives throughout the day and night , at an expense of a tew pence per week each . To offer cheap and liberal schools for the tuition of the children of both sexes belonging to the working class .

      To unite , and call forth in public meetings and festivals , the mutual feelings and sympathies of both sexes of the labouring population , on the ground of their common participation in every public measure calculated to oppress or benefit the rights of labour . A substantial and extensive means for the accommodation of public meetings , of from 3 , 000 to 6 , 000 persons , at a lesser amount of rental than the public buildings already existing can be engaged , without any exclusiveness on the score of politics or religion , and available at the same time for lectures , concerts , and social entertainments .

      Depots for concentrating the intelligence and operations of the numerous Trades' Societies of the countryr and the promotion of an easy and permanent system of communication between them for mutual benefit and information . Trades' Halls will benefit all classes in the country , beneath tho aristocratical one ; the interest in their erection and use is general ; and , amongst the working men of the kingdom , would prove an immediate source of pecuniary profit , and speedy political improvement . The constitution , government , erection , and application of Trades' Halls ' will be developed in the fature numbers of the Star .

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      The Governor Fenner . —Wehave been requested by & . surviving brother to publish the following names of a family wh » perished in the wreck of this unfortunate vessel : —James Holt , carpet printer , Bridleway New Church , Rossendale , aged 36 ; Mary Holt , his wife , aged 36 ; Jane Holt , his daughter , aged 12 ; Fanny Holt , hia daughter , aged 7 ; James Holt , aged 2 ; Alice Ann Holt , aged 7 ; and his wife ' s sister , Alice Barnes , aged 34 ; and Alice Cunliffe , cousin , from Loughborough , aged 28 .

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      OASTLER'S FLEET PAPERS . Nofl . IX . wwIX . It waa our intention to give a lengthened notice , and an extract from these excellent numbers of the " Fleet Papers , " in our last ; but circumstances prevented our being able to do so . We will not mar with commendation the touching and pathetic introduction of a factory cripple to his readers , by Mr . Oastler . It will speak better for itself than any language of which we are master : — " I told you , in a preceding letter , I had heard that a yonng man , wh » was formerly a HuddersEeld factory boy , had left twenty shillings for'me-with a friend . I will now tell yon somewhat more about it Believe me , Mr . Thornhill , it was the po « , broken-down , wornoat , turned-off , kicked-ont orphan factory cripple , Joseph Habergam 1 The first time I saw that poor lad was in my drawing-room , at Fixby Hall . John Wood was there that morning . Joseph had heard , from some ef

      his comrades , that I loved poor little factory slaves . He was ' doneup *— served with crooked legs and spine , swelled knees and ancles , and a broken constitution , at fourteen years , as the reward , from the factory monster , for his industry ! He had crawled on his hands and knees , and , in some hours , bad managed to creep two miles ! The poor slave , having heard of my exertions for the factory children , hoped that I could help him to ' on iron frame , * to put his deformed and crippled body in . ' This will only be understood in tbe factory districts , where it is common ( when the children are so weakened and distorted as not to be able to stand or walk ) to make iron frames , like gibbtts , to fix around their limbs and bodies , so as to enable the poor wretches to support themselves by that artificial aid . With the help of John Wood , I was enabled to procure an iron frame for Joseph ; and af forwarder , William Osburn , jun ., and Robert Hall , Esqrs ., befriended him , got him into the Leeds Infirmary , educated him , » nd — but I am running on too fast j I am not

      abont , in this letter , to write a memoir ot poor Joseph . I have told you of the first time that I saw him ' ; the last time was in this prison—in No . 12 , Coffee Gallery : I have not seen him in this cell , but I have seen his kind master , Hall , and his benefactor , Osburn , here . When he entered ( rery neatly dressed he was , but atill Joseph was creoked , deformed , and crippled ) he said , Oh ! Sir , I am sorry to see you here . ' Do not grieve , Joseph- I am rejoiced to see you . And then I asked him about his health , and about his poor mother , and his kind master and mistress ; all his answers were satisfactory , but his look was melancholy . Then he seemed to be weepiDg , and said , Oh . ' Sir , I Bhould have been in my grave but for your kindness ; you have saved many others , as well as myself . I am

      sorry to see you here 1 * Bless tbe lad . ' I could have clasped him in my arms . Would not you have been moved under such circumstances ? I saw that he waa in some difficulty or embarrassment : he did know how to perform the task which he had set himself . I said , Joseph , was it you who gave Mr . — a sovereign for me ? ' 'I never intended you to know that , Sir : I have brought you ten shillings , and bos sent you a nice home-baked loaf ; she thought it would be a treat for you in prison . ' Talk of rents , Mr . Thornhill , of dividends , or of winning bets . ' Why , Sir , the receipt of thousands , in such ways , is abject poverty , compared with the real wealth which Joseph Habergam thus poured into the lap of his imprisoned benefactor ! Joseph , said I , ' I do not despise your offering— it is too large ; your mother needs it . I will take sixpence from each of your donations . ' * I can

      well spare it all , ' replied Joseph , with a smile that seemed reflected from some celestial being ; ' and you know I owe you everything ; but for you I should now have been in my grave . ' He saw that I was resolute , and then he said , ' I will send it to my mother , Sir , and tell her that you have given it to her . ' Do you not admire the delicate sensibility of tbat youth , Sir ? 1 do . Joseph was a noble victim—too noble for the waste and cruelty of tbe fell factory monster I I never enjoyed anything so much as tbat interview ; and , afterwards , that loaf ! Oh . ' it was good ! But that expression—with the celestial countenance , and sweet , yielding , conquering tone— ' I will send it to my mother , Sir , and tell her that you harxuiven it to her £ was an angel ' s treat—a treat worth coming many times to prison to enjoy ! He thus , with his own gift , repurchased for me the prayers and blessings of bis widowed mother !

      " I wish I could convey to you , and to all who read this , the feelings of my enraptured mind at that moment . Its very memory is sweet , and will be to my dying day !" Upon his favourite subject Oastler is , of course , at home ; and the treasure-house of his memory not seldom brings out matters in connection therewith not less annoying to the lukewarm friends or open enemies of England's infant slaves , than serviceable to their cause . Such we apprehend the following reminiscences to be : — " The Select Committee of the Honse of CommonB , on the operation of Althorp ' s Factory Act , is sitting ; and , although I may not discuss their proceedings , I may write something which will be useful to them . There is . I believe , no law to bar me from that .

      " You are aware , Sir , that the present Factories ' Regulation Act , was passed by the Government , in IS 33 , in opposition to the Ten Hours' Bill of Lord Ashley . Lord Ashley had no hand whatever in the passing ef tbat Bill . His Lordship had solemnly and publicly pledged himself to the Ten Hours principle , at a meeting , held in the City of London Tavern , the 23 rd of February , 1833 . Sir Peter Laurie , on that occasien , ( Lord Mayor of this City , ) was the Chairman . Lord Ashley then said : — " Before he sat down , he begged to assure them , that he should not give way a single moment on the

      question of Ten Hours . He assured the meeting , that he should persevere in the course he had commenced He hud taken up the question as a matter of conscience , and as such he was determined to carry it through . If the House would not adopt the BUI , they must drive bim from it ( the Ten Hours' Bill , ) as he tvould not concede a single step . He moat positively declared , that as long as he had aseat in that Houae , and God gave him health and a sound mind , no efforts , no exertions should be Wanting on his part to establish the success of the measure . If defeated in the present sesswi , he would bring it forward in the next , and so on in every succeeding sessiO 7 i till his sitccess was complete . ' "

      "It was at that very meeting , Sir , where ' the monster Judas O'Connell said : —' "' Gvod God ! that such a system should exist in a Christian * country—that poor infants should be condemned to the deprivation of sleep , the inhalation of poison , and the endurance of the extremes of human anguish , to obtain a miserable pittance to save themselves and their parents , perhaps , from starvation ! The questioti was a question of blood , and those who should sland by , and acquiesce in the continuance of such a system after the facts which had been stated , would be guilty of murder . Every manufactory was open to be viewed , and was proved , by concurrent testimony , to be a hive of swarming misery . The miserable creatures themselves , too , were brought before the Committee ; and their sunken eyes , hectic cheeks , emaciated limbs , on which was stamped the decrepitude of premature old

      age , spoke for them , and gave a fearful corroboration ts their testimony . He trusted that he should not be mistaken in supporting the cause—the cause of those who had no protector , no voice but the voice of humanity ; and that it should luwe the support of all his energies , humble O 3 they were , he pledged himself . It was said , that the number of hours it was proposed to reduce the labour of these children , was too small . ; but he was surprised that human nature could bear , under such circumstances , to work even that number of hours . He , for himself , considered that Ten Hours were too many ; but as medical men and men of experience bad decided , tbat labour during that period could be borne , he should go aleng with them to that extent , but he would not consent to the addition of one half-fcout- ^ -nay , one minute , beyond the time so decided to be capable of being endured . '"

      " It is true , that O'Connell , afterwards , voted against these , his solemn protetstations—nay , he even gave the casting vote against himself ! Ho also received one thousand pounds from the Manchester millowners and their friends . * * " Those solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , were made in presence of Sadler ; that fact stamps them with double weight . Myself , and others , were immediately dispatched to public meetings in Yorkshire and Lancashire , to inspire the hopes , and restore the confidence of the factory slaves , who were downcast at the less of the Parliamentary services of their champion—Sadler . The solemn declarations of Lord Ashley , at the London meeting , were quoted and requoted by us—until , at length , the hopes and confidence of the Ten Hours ' Bill men , were entirely centred in his Lordship .

      When the Bill was in committee , and Lord Ashley was defeated by the Government , on the Ten Hours ' clause , he entirely Withdrew from the discussion , and left Lord Althorp , to pass his own measure . " Now , Sir , it is impossible that Lord Ashley could have given the measure of his opponents a fairer chance than he has done ; for , even in the face ot his solemn avowal before tbe London meeting , he deemed himself bound by honour to wait , and try if the Government measure would succeed . So determined was his Lordship to give his opponents' scheme fair play , that , when

      he was urged by the Ten Hoars' Bill-men , to redeem his pledge , he answered : — 'I cannot interfere , unt il Lord Althorp ' s Act , has had a fair trial . ' Nay , even when his Lordship joined Sir Robert Peel's ministry , in 1831 , and when many enthusiastic friends expected that he would avail himself of his official situation , and introduce ; his own Ten Hours' Bill as a Government measure , so Strong did be conceive the requirements of honour to be , that , even then , he was silent , waiting for the proof of the efficacy , or inefneacy of the existing law !

      " The time , however , has now arrived , when the same feeling of honour , which has so long restrained his Lordship , will ttnpel him strenuously to exert himself for the fulfilment of his solemn pledge . * " Lord Ashley cannot now fail to be fully satisfied that he has waited till honour can wait no longer . He must now be persuaded , that the Jaw of his opponents has had evory chance which time , the power of Government , and the aid of his friends can give it ; and that ,

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      after * U , itUo failure ! He will now , in the * of Commons , redeem his solemn pledge , and bt ?* the Ten Hours' Bill as a matter of conscience Lm * such , be determined to carry it through . ' a 3 * foiled by the power of wealth , ( which I know ) , ' ' this moment , subscribing its blood-stained th < w for the pnrpose of causing procrastination and | S he will , ' as long aa he has a seat in , the House of r * mons , and God gives bim health and a Bound & £ take care that no efforts , no exertions will be lrt ??> on bis part , to establish the success of the tneu ^ and if defeated in tbe present session , ' he will keenC vow , and bring it forward to the next , and so m ¦ every succeeding session , till his success is comtiii Never shall I forget the honest indignation of r 2 Ashley at the perfidy of O'Consell , when the ' maw Judas' betrayed the cause i mos ^ Thus has Oastler pinned Ashley to the W . whence if he flinch now—no flogging can )> Hr severe than he will merit . "" * _

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      CORNER'S HISTORICAL LIBRARY-. ™* MARK , SWEDEN , AND NORWAY ff don : Dean and Munday , Threadnee dle-su ^ Nos . I . and II . = oixe ^ His is a very popularly , clearly , weil-writfc , historical work , designed for youth , schools 13 families . We do not recollect to have seen higtZ so familiarly and yet so ably written , and so » 2 suited for the class of readers into whose hands ir designed the book should fall , as in the numbnl before us . One great desideratum in all woS which are intended to convey useful knowleoVfl 5 the young mind is to present it in an aspeea blesri attractive form , such as will engage the interest » m absorb the attention of the student . This pokr fully attained in the edition before us . The two numbers constitute parts twelve and thirteen of the series . They are occupied entire ^ with the -histories- of Denmark , Sweden , and Nm [ way . andarecomplete in themselves , and iniWnjJ "

      of preceding or consequent parts . This is a me * in itself . w We have not room for more than one twoextraeb Judging from the following , * FEASTING AT P 01 ) LIfj | JIEETINGS WAS A SCANDISj VliW CUSTOM . " In Scandinavia , as well aa in Gaul and GermanT feasting was a part of every public transaction . M » riages , funerals , meetings on affairs relating to the state . or assemblies held for religious purposes , all w » celebrated with feasts . At the national assembli ? which were held in the open air , all free men ¦»» allowed to attend , and to have a voice in sierv thiv connected with the public welfareAll

      . persons cat * armed ; the king and nobles took their seats on 8 t < Z placed for that purpose , the king ' s being higher tha the rest , and then the priest commanded silen » and the king addressed the assembled multitude , ir ^ signified their assent to any proposed measure , h clashing their swords against their shields , and tte dissent , by a sorfc of groaning noise . When the latta was made , the proposition was usually withdrawn ; fo , the king was not an absolute sovereign , but merely i ! y chief of a free people , who elected him tbemseba and were willing to be directed by him ; though ( W preserved the right of opposing his will , if they thonA he was not acting for the general good . "

      In another page we find the ORIGIN OF THH KING ' S CHAMPION . " The office of champion was instituted in the till » of Harold Harfaatgre , and it was afterwards Jotrodaai into other European countries . The duty of tbj champion was originally to guard the person oftlj king , and to revenge his quarrels ; therefore , he *» required to possess extraordinary strength and valoa He was frequently engaged in duels , in defence « f tla rights of his sovereign , and tbe scene of combat *» usually some small uninhabited island in the Baltic From this , custom , perhaps , originated the trial t ; combat' ; in which champions were sometimes employ by females , or men who were too aged or infirm fe fight tor themselves . A battle of this nature yh called the Holmganf ; and the island where it mi fought , the Holm . " And elsewhere is described the obstinacy of

      THE NORWEGIANS' OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIAN !!! , . " In the meantime , his brother Haco used era ] effort to convert the people of Norway to Christianitj He built some churches and monasteries , and destrejai many of the heathen teraples ; but the prejudices i the people , in favour of their ancient religion , weretcu great to be easily overcome , and loud mui-mure ana The landholders would not consent to a form of woniif that made it a duty to rest one day in seven ; for tty all had slaves to cultivate their fields ; and they begs to reckon how much they should lose , it these pot

      men were allowed to cease from labour so often . Thing was , therefore , assembled to discuss the subject , at which the king was present , when one of Sx husbandmen got up and addressed him on the pail i his neighbours , saying , tbat they had elected bim it reign over them , on condition that he would rappd all their ancient institutions , and they had come to > resolution , that if he did not do so , and attend til sacrifices according to the custom of his predecessors , they should elect another sovereign . " This , " saidce , " is our determination ; therefore , king , take ttj choice . " Haco chose to continue king . "

      ORIGIN OF MARKETS . '' It was about this period , [ the tenth century ] tbil fairs and markets began to be established in tbe Norti of Europe , and these gave birth to towns ; foraslosj as there were no regular places of trade , every petea built his house where it seemed most pleasant to hia But when regular markets came to be held , it * n found so convenient to livo near them , that a greti number of houses were soon built on the same spot , and . formed towns , which gradually increased in as , wealth , and importance . "

      SLAVERY IN EUROPE . " Slavery was so general in Europe , at this time , [ til tenth century ] tbat the principal merchandise at til fairs and markets in the noith , and in Germany , «* sisted of captives taken in the wars , which were ofta made for the express purpese of obtaining them . Tin common price of a slave was one mark , or eight ooncei of Bilver . " Each number is illustrated vritb a neatly execute * steel engraving .

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      ADVICE TO THE REFORMERS IN REFERENCE ¦ TO THE TAXES ON FOOD . Bl Samuel Gordon , Esq . Dublin : West , 1 H CkpeUstreet . Mr . Gordon haa , in this little tract , demonstrated not only the iniquitous nature of the starvation law * but also , whether he intended it or not , the miscme which must result from their repeal , without Ito versa ! Suffrage . Let those who complain t&at tiff are brought to the verge of ruin by these enactment join the people for the attainment of their rights , and we will pledge ourselves for the repeal of tbea and of all other bad and class-made laws . Then are some facts added illustrative of tbe nice doing ! of that sink of iniquity , the Irish Court of Chancery ; to which we may find it convenient to invite public attention at some future time .

      The following remarks on the Whigs contiia some sterling truth : — . " Probably , it were better for the country that t » Whigs should occupy the opposition benches ; wwtt there they generally contrive to earn the chatactei tf virtuous ifagdalens , and even set the Tories jealons pl their good name with John Bull , and then the atrugpe begins as to who shall do most , but while in office they are notorious for their profligacy and treachery . If they will give us no Reforms—if they will set tfien faces against the repeal of the Corn Laws , against tM revision ot the Pension List ; it they wiJJ . do notnfflj but betray the people on the subject of Law BefoiB ' the Septennial Act , and every other measure of relia . themffl

      the sooner the Hero of Waterloo drives , » their position in Downing-street the better ; we sbaUtto know how to act . If he were to so to-morrow , it wow be impossible to get up two meetings in their favour a tha whole kingdom . It is . almost unnecessary MS " farther in citing instances of the real character of u » professions of Reform made by the Whigs ; they erew » a humbug called a Board of Works for Ireland , ana appears by a report of a Committee of the House » Commons in 1835 , that the attorneys and lawT . the Board could put the Company of a Railway oi d miles' length to the expence of ten thousand pound * 7 a deed of mortgage ! that is , an expence of ten tbou »» pounds for the parchment or paper writing , a ™ this by the way of encouraging employment tor v * starving people of Ireland . "

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      e . THE NORTHERN STIR . / V - - - i ^——— — — . ¦¦¦¦ i n—tmm ^ m , _¦¦¦¦¦¦¦ ¦ ¦ . i ¦ , ¦ ¦ nuWw ^ i ¦ ,. ¦''^¦¦^**>*»***» w * WWw *»*» - »**«***«**** W * " ***» i i ., , — — — — - ¦ - ¦¦ . ¦ ¦ ——— _____— - —— - ____— - __ . ——¦_¦—_ .. ____— ¦ i __ - ——__ - __ -----. — _¦ ¦_—___¦___ - _ - _— mm ii i—— ii m ¦¦¦_¦¦__________________ - —Taac ^^—^—

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      FIRST COLLECTION OF BIBLE HISTOBj-A CATECHISM OF THE HISTORYJJ ENGLAND . First second , and third CatecoBR of Common Things ; and first , second , and in « Lessons of Natural Philosophy for Children . « the Rev . T . Wilson . London : Darton and tan Holborn Hill . - n , «( We have carefully looked over the V ^\?\ Z new and excellent helps to juvenile education , » have much pleasure in recommending tnem w ~ noti . e of our readers , and the public generally-Wilson has most ably executed his task , an < i » provided a rich fund of information for »«;< % , mind , on a vast variety of subjects , aj" * . ?^ k , mnnnoi * aa in pnmKino . inntnintion With dellfi «_ ,

      opening intellect will here find ample range ^ exercise of its expanding powers , » I J . w r i «_ ft pleasingly introduced into the paths of ^ 0 ™ eu £ gaining fresh acquisitions at every step " , ? ^ coming imperceptibly led to mOTe £ D £ on 7 oi of real , practical improvements . The }™ " jat Natural Philosophy are embellished ™ f * tf& minature map of the globe , solar system , Tiew "L planets ; &c , and with highly useful *»** & lustrative of several branches of the subjects w * ^ of . These add much interest and value to ™* r We are sorry to observe Some tyP °# ? P H-, h _ l * which detract from the beauty of these »«« " £ ¦ works ; and what is worse , an inaccuracy » n »« - ^ the dates , and a few of the details , ^\ % tf the young student into serious mistaKes . . things wehope will be corrected in a secon e We most especially recommend Universal x tf phy for Children , and the Cf . techism ot w *» Things , to general adoption v _ d approval

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 13, 1841, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct370/page/6/