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MIDDLE CLASS UNION," AKD MIDDLE
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£Hrt * <rinal Corregpon&ette*.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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MY Dear M , —I was obliged to close my last letter so abruptly , to be in time for post , that I left much unsaid in connexion 'with the Leeds affair -which I was desirous of saying ; and what I did say was written so hurriedly , that I fear you -will either have misunderstood it , or at least haTe drawn some erroneous conclusions , unless I explain myself further . Well , then , let me resume the subject , that we may the better understand each other . I should no » be opposed to a union betwixt the middie ana working classes , if I saw aay likelihood of a real and honest union . But I see no such prospect ; noi is there , I am persuaded ^ any inch intention on the
part of the originators of thia scheme . Trne , their otUntibU object is unio * . bnt their nil object is disunion . In pretending to ur ^ ite with the working eluses , they only seek to dif . unite the latter among themselves . Indeed , they ha . re , to a small extent , done so already . They haTe de *« ached some of our leaders from the ranks * Others we f / ridantly » on the move .- These last h&Te not , a * jiez , openly joined the humbugs , but they are smoothing the way . I can see this in their every act and sp eech since the Leeds demonstration . Trust me , M » you will see , before three months have elap » ed , one half of the old Convention sitting cheek by jowl with the humbugs , um . ess the people
( SPBAK OCT , ASD THAT BIGHT EABNESTLV , AND At ; ONCE ! Fear alone deters the traitors for the present I Bat give them a little time , just sufficient to sound one j another—to form a party—to provide themselves with I a popular organ or two in the press—and to agree 5 upon some legerdemain definition of Household Suffrage I that may appear to be Universal—just give them time ¦ to do this much , and you wili see them desert in a body i t o the enemy's camp .
; " . But what harm in this , " you may say , if those you I call the enemy come over to TJniveral Suffrage ? " Not I the least , I admit , if , if , if ! but in th « if lies the | rub , " as ShaiBpeare his it I / the enemy really meant i to come over to Universal Suffrage , there would be no ¦ haraftn uniting with them -, but that is precisely what they do n « l mean . If they did mean it , they would i hare joined the Chartists , instead of asking the Chari tists to join them . If they did mean it , they would j not try to split the Chartists into two distinct bodies , I by calling one pertlon of them " rational , " " sensible "
: &c and the rest " physical-force-men , " and by paying I court to one particular set of Chartist leaders , while f they incessantly calumniate better men in the persons of ¦ other leaders . In short , if they really did mean Uni-, versal Suffrage , or anything calculated to produce the j results anticipated from Universal Suffrage , thsy would , i instead of setting up for themselves , have gone among ; the Chartists ( attended their public meetings , for in-1 stance ) , and then and there told them frankly what j they wanted , and why and wherefore they had not ' sooner joined the Chartists ranks . They would have . ' heard what the Chartists had to say , the Chartists would have heard what they had to say , and if an j amicable understanding or agreement was the result , , then , but not till then , would be the time to propose a ; union with the middle classes , or rather with that : small portion of them who have not altogether rej noonced God and humanity for the mammon of un-: righteousness ; far as to uniting with the middle classes generally , I cannot view the proposal in any other light ¦ than as a gross and wanton intuit . How the devil are : we to " unite" with men who shake a haJUr in our ' faces the moment we talk of equality of rights , and whose only arguments are the bludgeon , the bayonet , , the domiciliary visit at midnight , and the iron-doored dungeon ! Talk , indeed , of " uniting with the middle
cltsses against the Government ! " of " uniting , forsooth , with the creator against his creature ! with the toel-maker against his own handiwork . ' "Why , if the people are not absolute fools , they must know that it it , is not so much the protection of the middle classes against the Government that we want as the protection of the Government against the middle classes . "What had the Government to do with the numerous cues of individual persecution alluded to in a former letter ? What has the Government ( meaning its present members ) had to do with the innumerable cases of hardship and rain with which masters have visited working men since the commencement of the
present movement , and with which middle class magistrates , brewers , and house lords have visited publicans , coffee-house keepers , and various other descriptions of small tradespeople , wholly and solely on account of their Chartist principles ? I hardly know a Chartist licensed victualler ( and 1 have known many > who waa not persecuted during the late movement The same of eating-house keepers , news-agents , pork-butchers , jn short , every description of tradespeople , if they had shown themselves Chartists . Their credit was stepped —their shops were deserted by the middle classestheir landlords came down upon them for arrears , where they could , and where they could not , gave them
notice to quit , or re . used to renew their leases . jS ' or was persecution confined to small trades-people , I know one Chartist landlord , who had three houses to let in one of the best streets of a fashionable town , but could not find a tenant ! His business , a few years ago , was worth £ 800 a year to him ; last year and tbe year before it was not worth £ 150 ; and had he not " made hay while the sun shone" ( alias , placed himself beyond the vicissitudes of trade by the purchase of some freehold property in better times ) , he would , ere now , most probably have figured in the Gazette . As it is , he has been obliged ihaving a large family to provide for , ) to accept a local appointment under " the
powers that be , " and of course to retire from Chartist politics . A more benevolent and better man never existed than the individual I allude to , and I have cited his case enly to show you that even men of wealth cannot escape persecution if they are Chartists , and that the best of mtn are sometimes driven to fly into the arms of tbe enemy , as tbe only reiuge from destruction . Was ever tyranny more horrible than this . ' Tet I find it the same all over the country . I could name to you not less thanr forty honest tradesmen , and more than eighty honest and skilful workmen , of the best character , who have been literally half-starred Bines I ciroe here ,
through the system of middle-class persecution I allude to . I know one poor fellow , a publican , who had spent nearly j £ 3 C 0 in fitting up his house , and making tbe addition of a large room to it , to accommodate Chartist meetings , tc This man was doing a flourishing business just before my trial : he is now houseless , a wanderer like Cain , and that afteT six months' imprisonment in a debtor ' s gaol . ' ! Poor Batterworth , who left this place at Christmas , has been starving ever since . He has had but £ . % ( given him by the Manchester Chartists ) to live upon for six weeks , so that , were it not for the bounty of his fellow workmen , his liberty wonld but have proved his death . ' JS ' ot a millowner ,
not a master would employ him ! He tried a hundred of them in and about Manchester , but the answer of the overseer invariably was , " Mr . So-and-so will not allow me to employ a Chartist" Sometimes the fellows are prudent enough to conceal their real motives , and to pretend that they are full of hands- And to such exttnt is the perfidy of those modern despots carried , that they have actually itcrti marks by which , under the appearance of giving a man a good character in the shape of a written recommendation , they render it impossible for Mm to gat any employment at all : i could tell you instances of this that would perfectly horrify you . A poor fellow . applying for work With one
: of these rectmmendations , imagines all to be right , ( for it ; gives him credit for being " Bteady , " "sober "' "in-; dustrious , " and so forth , ) bnt then there is the damning ¦ secret mark ., by which the conspirators recognise a ! Chartist or black sheep !! * * * ! I know a poor fellow who belonged to an hotel or j bathing establishment , as head waiter or chief atten-| dant He was many years in the situation , and was a ! great favourite with his nv \ ster , on account of his excelf lent character and amiable disposition . But , then , I M , he was s Chartist , and no sooner was it known he had attended some Chartist meetings , than his
master was waited on by several " gentlemen" in sue cession , who gave him to understand that unless he instantly dismissed the said favourite servant , they would ad the establishment ! But I might fill fifty sheets of paper with similar occurrences ; and , after all , what signifies all that has fallen ander my notice , in comparison with the sum total of suffering resulting from this dark and malignant system . Look to the case of my dear old venerable friend , William Flowers , of Brighton , This old man is upwards of seventy years of age—has been forty years a Radical—was connected witn every movement in the country since 1794 ; and throughout has borne the reputation of incorruptible honesty and unblemished manners . He was once in gosd circumstances ; but in latter years has been indebted for a slender subsistence to a little millinery
Middle Class Union," Akd Middle
MIDDLE CLASS UNION , " AKD MIDDLE
CLASS P-EKSECUTIOX . Edinburgh , February 22 , 1 S 41 . Mr o ^ iT- 1 WDd faT PnoIieation a private letter from forme * ° D the aboTe ^ hjeet , in continuation of his & « lettef ' - P ™ " * " * » 7 < mr paper . I have had ano-* tich T ^*^ " " ^ k ^ **> eofctaraeB the subject , and t- 'a teci ^ iv 8611 ' 1 yotL Let Jour readers weigh their tto \* in ^ m ^ addrtssfs of Collins and O' 2 f eI 2 , " chLVBB * ft *> ut > lication , and then say whether the ste . ^ 7 ltot "fcparaAej the two classes be a " mutual " A . M .
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establishment , superintended by bis wife . He has been under one landlord far the last twenty-eight years , and never was behind with his tint . No opportunity or excuse , you will say , for falling foul on such an old man as this . Yes , M . , there is ! A base , bloodsucking landlord will never fail to find an opportunity of wreaking vengeance on tbe tenant that shall dare to be a freeman ! The course adopted by poor Flowers * landlord , it to tet up another party in the tame business next door to him , which , poor Flowers tells me , will have the effect of breaking up his little establishment . He . haa told me much more ; bnt you have beard enough . For the wise , terbum sat ( a word is sufficient ) ? • Poor B ., of 8 ¦— , was literally two day $
vnlhovl food when I last saw him as I passed through Preaton about a fortnight before my trial He told me a horrid tale ! * * In fact , no good man who remained trne to his principles , bos escaped middle-claw persecution . Youth , beauty , innocence , or old Age , has sometimes melted the heart of a Bey of Algiers , but nothing , human or divine , can touch the heart of a thoroughbred middle-class vampire ! Several of my old London Chartist friends have gone
off to America—others are preparing to follow—some are in gaol for debt—others have just gone through the Gazellt—in short , I could never tell you a tithe of a tithe of the cases of individuals suffering that have fallen within my own cognisance ; and , as I have just remarked , what signifies all that has come to my knowledge in comparison with tbe sum total all over England . Scarcely a single one of my London , Brighton , or Manchester friends has escaped . -
Now , M , the Government has had nothing to do with this slaughtering system of proscription . It is wholly and solely the work of landlords , cotton lords , iron masters , brewers , lawyers , et hoc genus omne . Yet these are the parties with whom the Leeds impostors ask us to enter into alliance ! Why , the vagabonds might as well ask us at once to unite with death and damnation ! Even in respect of the government prosecutions , is it not notorious that the Ministry were driven to institute them by the magisterial dogfeerries of the provinces , and these dogberries themselves only acted in accordance with the private solicitations , and everlasting remonstrance of the local shopocrats throughout the country ? Is it not notorious that these parties had been calling out for " military protection , " and abusing
the Government for non-intervention for several months before the prosecutions began ? Is it not equally notorious that the middle classes of Bradford raised subscriptions in support of subsidized spies and informers , whom they had sent amongst the Chartists ? Was it not at the urgent request of the " respectables" that the Birmingham magistrates first came into collision with the Birmingham Chartists ! In short , does not every man with a grain of common sense know right well that all the tyranny and cruelty exercised against us during the last two years by the Government were urged upon , enjoined , dictated , and virtually commanded to them , by the middle-classes ? Yet , the Leeds '' Reformers" have the modesty to ask us to unite with the middle classes against the Government 1 I will resume to-morrow , &nd meantime ,- &c . James B . O'Brien .
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REVELATIONS FROM NORTHALLERTON HELLHOLE . [ The following revelations from the hell-hole of Northallerton display some of the horrid and atrocious cruelties and indignities to which the Chartist victims are subjected by Whig tyranny . They were written by Martin to his friend , who has forwarded them to us for insertion . —Ed . ] Lancaster Castle , Feb . 12 tb , 1841 . Mt Dear Friend , —Tbe Editor of the Northern Star very truly observed tbat poor Clayton went to Northallerton madhouse a hale man , but leaves it a cvrpse . The following summary of his treatment , and of the treatment of the other Chartists , will enable you to judge of the cause of his death , and of what will be the result , if the other poor fellows be not immediately removed from their horrible dungeon .
Thursday , the 26 th ef MaTch , was the day on which we were taken from York to Northallerton . The prison van having stopped at an inn on the road , some of tbe prisoners ordered drink , pipes , and tobacco , which gave rise to a conversation on total abstinence . Ciayton condemned the practice of drinking and smoking . He said tbat as he bad been without for some time , and had fouDd the disuse of them had not impaired his health , which he then remarked was very Rood , he ¦ would never again have recourse to such bad habits . As he and Marshall , Penthorpe , Bcnison , and Paul Oldsworth , had been sentenced to hard labour , the only opportunity I had of acquiring any knowledge of their treatment ( after my removal from the mill ) was when the visiting surgeon came into the mess-room , in which &U the prisoners , felons and misdemeanants , were indiscriminately arranged ; but his visits to that quarter were few , as he generally called at the workshops .
1 once heard him ask Clayton bow he was : Clayton complained of a pain in his back , and of the hard labour of the mill . He attempted to say something to induce the surgeon to alleviate his sufferings , by removing him from the torturing wheel , when William Shepherd , the governor ' s son , in his usual peremptory manner , ordered him to sit down . On the same day I heard John Marshall address the kind physician ; but the worthy doctor , who appeared to be angry , told him he would see him next day . However , thiB paragon of humanity changed hiB mind , and took the trouble to examine him , and after he bad done so , he told Marshall ( who is a weak , debilitated old man ) there was nothing the matter with him , I was at the heels of this eught-to-be-preserver of life and health . He was going into the office when 1 heard him say , " These Chartista are always complaining . "
1 will now proceed to inform you how the other Chartists , not sentenced to hard labour , were treated . Upon our arrival at tbe prison , as soon as our chains were removed , I was put into a cell with one bed in it , with a strict injunction not to make any noise . There were some other prisoners in the adjoining cells , bnt 1 had ne idea who they were . About twe hours might have elapsed , when I was taken to the robing-room ; Holberry and Wells came in immediately afterwards . As soon as we were fitted out in our prison garb , we were placed with our backs against the wall , in the passage where the cells , in which we had been placed , are situated . The governor ' s son stood on the stairs , and read a few of the prison rules , accompanied with violent threats of how we should be treated if we attempted to move our hands about , respecting which there is not one word to be found in tbe whole vocabulary of the silent system .
At tne close or this harangue , we were taken to another part of tb « prison , and locked in cells similar to the first . It was then about three O ' clock ; at five o'clock one of the officers threw a black loaf on the bed , and a prisoner placud a tin can of skilly on the floor . It was the worst meat I ever iiad in the whole course of ruy life ; and surely no individual can be a better juiige of coarse food than an Ir shmaru The moDSter hunger compelled me to swallow the dose . No threats were necessary te induce me to obey ; fur my stomach had been already subdued in York Castle .
On the following morning , the Governor came round to inform those who hud not been sentenced to hard labour , that they must work upon the treadmill . 1 raised an objection , and told him that the Judge said the law would not allow Hie to be put to hard labour . But he told me he Iiad the Magistrates " orders to do so , and must obey . I thought I would try it before I offered any resistance . I did do so ; but , so great were my sufferings , that J felt as I never felt before . God knows what my thoughts were , but mortal never shall !
About five o'clock upon the evening of the first day , which was one hcut sooner than the usual time of leaving wort , I refused to obey the signal for me to ascend the wheel , for -which I was arraigned before the Governor ' s sob , who treated me with tbe greatest scurrility . But my fate was not decided until tUe following morning , when I was taken to the office . The Governor waa there ; he asked me if I would go to work . On my answering in the negative , he ordered his son to take me to solitary confinement . The countenance of the barbarous boy brightened , and he ordered me to follow him . The youthful monster called for an officer , and , with a suppressed laugh , commanded him to put me in a cold , dark dungeon , with double doors , where I was fed on bread and water—having first betn deprived of my cravat and pocket handkerchief . This was on tbe morning of thu 28 th of March .
On the following day , which was Sunday , the G « - vernor came to see ma He said he would release me from this belly of hell , if I would promise to go to work on Monday . I consented , for I thought it would be better to die in the workshops , in the presence of some of my fellow prisoners , than in a horrible dungeon , where no persons but my assassins could Ull how I came by my death . On the ensuing Wednesday , the visiting magistrates came round . I applied for my removal from the mlU , and told them what I had told the Governor , viz . ;—that the Judge , when passing sentence , said that the law would not allow me to be put to hard labour , and I did not ferget to tell them I had been to " solitary . " William l ^ nt , then chairman , informed me that the Governor had been ordered by the Magistrates to send me to solitary confinement ; and he likewise told me , that I should not ba removed from the milt , unless an order came from the Home OfBce to compel them to do bo . The first heart-rending scene I had to behold was William Brook , of Bradford , who had fallen from the mill , stretched , to all appearance , lifeless on tbe floor .
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But what do you think , my dear friend ? the poor fellow , though not sentenced to bard labour , was compelled to work on the murderingmachiue the following morning ! and poor Duffy could not have lived , had be been forced to perform hard labour two months longer . His sufferings wore great He waa troubled with a violent expectoration , and frequent vomiting . I ask now , my friend , do such fellows care about the lives of their fell * w creatures , who have been treating poor men in the manner I have described ? With what consistency can the Magistrates of Northallerton add reproof to a penalty of forty shillings for the worrying or killing of a cat , while they themselves permit men to be tortured to death ? Or , how shall the Whiga , at a future election , reprobate the bad Government « f the Tories , when the people have been treated worse by them than by Sidmouth and Castlereagh ?
William Brook , Duffy , Holberry , Wells , William Booker , and myself , were , put on the tread mill , contrary to law . I was removed to Lancaster , in consequence of the moved tyranny of the Governor ' s son . You must put all this in your petition . I could fill a doaen sheets with their cruelties : but I hope thi * letter will suffice , until 1 am at liberty . I am , dear Sir , Your's faithfully , William Martin . ^^
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PLEASANT NOTIONS OF JUSTICE AND LIBERTY . TO THE EDITOR OP THE H 0 KTHERH STAR . We give the following communication as we received it : — Sia , —I am a working man , and have had the misfortune te be out of werk for a long time , having bad only eight weeks for the last twenty-three weeks past On Friday week , I got work at Pontypool . After working eight days , I went into a public-house with a shopmate , where we had four pints of ale between us , and no mora A soldier comes into the heuie , and begins to insult the whole company , and to threaten to blow holes in the coats of some of the company / At length I ventured to beg of him to hold his tongue , for a soldier was no more than a man , and I feared and thought he was something less than man to disturb the company without provocation of any kind . Very few honest hard-working men ever entered the army , but
it was a kind of place to run to when all others failed . He eaid * he had taken the Queen's money , and would not hear her name blasphemed . Now , no one had blasphemed her name ; but I told him tbe Queen would have no money if I and others of my class would give her none , at which word he runs off , and brings some men , and takes me off before a Mr . Roberts , inspector of police , ' who looked very wise , and told me it was a serious charge . I called for my accuser to know what the charge was . The man came forward , and accused me of speaking blasphemy against the Queen . He could not repeat any words , but he knew it was very bod . On this charge I was locked up for four hours iu the guard-house . The great man , Mr . Roberts , told me he bad power to discharge me ; but for the future 1 must mind what I said . The soldier was very drank , or perhaps the charge might be a very serious one .
Now , Mr . Editor , I was taken in custody , and kept for four hours , on the word of a drunken fellow , with a green coat , who could not even give the charge , except the vague charge of blasphemy ; could not even tell the words of blasphemy ; and then discharged by a policeman , without any other authority . If I had any cash , who could I bring an action against ? Neither policeman nor aolditm are worth action ; so I most report it to the world by means of your paper , and let it rest . GEORGE EttLlNTON . Pontypool , Feb . 23 d ., 1841 .
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TO THK EDITOtt OF THE NOBTHEBN STAR . Sir , —For reasons , with the repetition of which I will not trouble you , but which are to me important , I request your explicit and decided answer to this plain question . Have all monies received by me from your agents , during the time I have been collector for the Slur , been paid over by me , at all times , in my next settlement of accounts after having received them ? Yours , respectfully , Kouekx Wilkinson . Halifax , March 2 , 1841 . [ Decidedly , Yes . —Ed . N . S . ]
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TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF GHEAT BRITAIN AND IKEL . lND IN PAKLIAMENT ASSEMBLED , The Ptiilion t > f Robert Pediii * , late Manufacturer and General Agent , Edinburgh , present Prisoner in the Hvuse of Correction , Beverley ; Humbi / y SnEWETH , —That in the month of August , 1840 , a petition was presented to your Honourable House from your petitioner , containing statements relative to his apprehension , trial , anil conviction , upon a charge of sedition , conspiracy , and riot , ut Bradford ; and complaining , but in very moderate terras , of the treatment to which he had betn subsequently subjected in consequence of the severe sentence of three years ' imprisonment , passed upon him at the March Assizes , held at York , in 1840 .
That the said petition was presented to your Honourable House , by Joseph Hume , Esq , but not pressed to a division , in consequence of a pledge from the Honourable Fox Maule , Under Secretary of State , that he would institute an inquiry into the truth of its allegations . Taut the petitioner was grieved to learn that the Secretary of State for the Home Department , hail returned for answer to your petitioner ' s friends , relative to this petition , that certain allegations were not borne out by facts ; but that those which related to impaired health should be referred to the proper officers .. In regard to the first of these allegations , which were relative to his entrapment and condemnation through the agency and evidence of paid and acknowledged spies , he is prepared to prove them at the bar Of your Honourable House , should he be allowed the means ; and , in regard to the second , a dangerous illness of twentyeight days'duration , laid the officers of the establishment open to conviction .
That it is further in the power of your petitioner to make clearly manifest to your Honourable Houbo , that the principal concoctora and agents of tbat conspiracy , ( as detailed in his former petition ) were persons employed by one Briggs , a constable at Bradford , under the sanction of the magistrates , and who , # in all their doings , had this man ' s concurrence and approbation . In short , that this person was the life and soul , of that wicked and disgraceful syBtem of spy entrapment , which endangered the property and peace of the inhabitants of Bradford , and now crowds the prisons of Yorkshire with victims .
That your petitioner , who was at Leeds on business , was invited to attend a meeting at Bradford , in favour of John Frost and others , then under sentence of death , which , out of a motive of humanity , he unhappily for himself , attended , and which was the first connection he had with the Radicals of Yorkshire . That previous to this period the magistrates , through their emissaries , had information of the farce of an insurrection at Bradford , and were prepared for it accordingly . That the petitioner was inveigled by one Smith , in conjunction with Harrison , or rather compelled by an armed foroe , assembled in his house , to attend a meeting in
the Market-place , where he waa the means ( under Providence ) of saving much property and life from the destruction of a lawless multitude ; and , on that account , had he no other claim , feela himself entitled to the clemency of your Honourable House . And he may here be allowed to state , as a proof of bis innocence , tbat the inhabitants of Bradford have held a meeting , if they have not already petitioned in his favour . So conscious , indeed , was the petitioner of bearing a conscience void of offence , that he went about his public business as usual , for some days previous to his being apprehended .
That your petitioner on bis apprehension was committed to York Castle , on the serious charge of high treason , which was afterwards abandoned by th . 6 Attorney-General , as too ridiculous to be entertained ; but to the injury of the petitioner ' s case this charge was kept up agaiust him until within a few hours of bis being placed at the bar , upon the minor charges ef sedition , conspiracy , and riot . That by such conduct on the part of th « Attorney-General , your petitioner waa compelled to go to trial with his arrangements incomplete ; and thereby both he and his counsel were prevented from doing that justice to his case which they otherwise might have done . That , as a striking mark of how little he had to do with the Bradford affair , he was not only considered by the Chartist party , as a spy himself , employed by Government , but vilified in their public journals while his trial was pending , and even denied the benefit of their most approved counsel .
That upon the uncorroborated testimony of two accredited spies and two policemen , the latter of whom he can prove to have been deceived , in a very material point , and one Ashton , who was absent during part of the proceedings , your petitioner was convicted of sedition , conspiracy , and riot ; and although upon the charge of sedition no evidence was offered , yet had he passed upon him the cruel , severe , and , in bis case , mO 3 t undeserved sentence of three years' imprisonment , hard labour , and to find security ; a senteace of unprecedented hardship , the parallel of which was never passed upon a po / itical offender in Britain , and which he humbly submits to your Honourable House , tbat no act of his , npen the most strict inquiry , will be found to warrant .
That iu pursuance of his inhuman sentence on the 23 rd of March , 1840 , he was conveyed in the most ignominious manner to Beverley , chained to three robbers , one Chartist , and ene woman , and there subjected to the state , condition , and treatment of the most depraved , and worst of felons . That he was immediately subjected to the severe , painful , and nealtk-destroying labour of the tread-mill , which to him has proved positive torture ; and , as much ignorance exists in regard to the working of this accursed machine , your petitioner may be allowed to state , that the prisoner is compelled to keep ascending the wheel until he has accomplished an ascent of 1100 Bteps , which generally occupies twenty minutes ,
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when he is permitted to rest for ten minutes , and is then put on again , and is thus continued fur about nine hoars a day . By the time your petitioner has accomplished the third or four hundredth step , his body is covered with the most profuse perspiration . Every article of dress he wears ( and eren in winter he wears as little as decency will permit ) is wet through , and his shirt drenched as if taken unwrung fronv a washing-tab . That by the time he has accomplished 800 steps , he is uniformly seised / with giddiness in the head , dimness of vision , nausea , and not unfrequently vomiting . That by the time he has gained the on * thousand one hundreth step , his state of body , from excessive Buffering and fatigue , is past the power of language to describe .
That the consequence of his subjection to the painful operation of this cruel machine has been already 'most disastrous to his health , so much bo , that for many weeks together he has been under the care of the surgeon ; and that he entertains the most Bertovs but too well-founded apprehension for the safety of his life , as the baneful effects already produced upon his constitution , by the operation « f the tread mill , are suoh as to warrant the assertion , that if the sentence is pressed to its full extent against hfm , death , from general exhaustion and loss of appetite , most inevitably follow . That such being the true state of the case , your petitioner wonld have considered death , by the hands ef the common executioner / decidedly preferable to the more tedious but not less painful one of the tread-mill , in his present deplorable situation . -
That besides the amount of bodily suffering he has now endured for about twelve months , he is subjected to the mental agony and operation of the silent system , which is here rigidly enforced . That he is denied the use of pen , ink , and paper , except for a single monthly letter . That he is prevented from receiving visits from either friends or even the members of his sorrowing and afflicted family , none of whom are , by the rules of tbe prison , permitted to see him during the three years of his imprisonment . That by the rules of this house , to which in common with felons he is subjected , he is only permitted to receive and write one letter a month . The extreme hardship of this arrangement will appear , when your
Honourable House is informed that your petitioner is engaged to a considerable extent in trade . That owing to bis unexpected and unaccountable apprehension , he was withdrawn from his business at a moment ' s notice , leaving his affairs in a state of confusion . That he is , moreover , a married man , with a family . That his wife , on whose exertions they now depend , is a woman of extremely delicate health , which has been much aggravated by her anxiety for her husband . That bis mental suffering , on her account , is painfully great , more especially as the poor privilege of a monthly letter has been , by one restriction or another , as unmeaning as they are , in his circumstances so frittered away , as to render his correspondence with bis family almost useless .
That the magistrates of this place , acting , as the petitioner eonceives , under a mistaken knowledge of their instructions from the Hame-office , have kept from him his wife ' s letters , so that he has only received one letter for a period of nearly seven months . The reason assigned tor this erne ] conduct is , that these letters contain accounts of what exertions have been made , publicly and privately , in the shape of getting up memorials to her Majesty in behalf of your petitioner , in order to procure a mitigation of his sentence . His present interest , according to their opinion , not being concerned in these proceedings , he is considered as not entitled to receive these letters : your petitioner is thus deprived of the comfort of receiving his wife ' s monthly letters—a privilege secured by law to the very worst of felons .
Your petitioner will not occupy more of the time of your Honourable House at present , by disclosing all the horrors of his situation ; but trusts that he has said enough , both now and formerly , to shew your Honourable House the base , artful , and wicked means by which he has been entrapped into his present unhappy situation , to which he considers transportation would have been a mercy ; and he trusts that what little he has said of his bodily and mental sufferings will prove sufficient to interest the humanity of your Honourable House in behalf of himself and afflicted family . That , in addition to these sufferings , your petitioner has sustained a loss in business , credit , and otherwise , wbicb one thousand pounds would not compensate . That the health , comfort , and prospects in life , of himself and family , have been , by his imprisonment , already nearly ruined ; and that he would fain bopo tbat the ends of justice may now be satisfied without dying her hands in blood , or at the expense of the life of the petitioner .
Your petitioner , therefore , throws himself , with full confidence , upon the justice and humanity of your Honourable House , trusting that , in your wisdom , you will so address her Majesty , as will rescue your petitioner from his painful and degrading treatment—a treatment which throws negro slavery into the shade , and is repugnant to the spirit of the British Constitution ; praying that her Majesty may be pleased to order the removal of the prisoner ( as has been done in some cases to others convicted for political offences ) to a place of confinement where the rules are less rigid— where the torture of the treadmill is unknown , and where his communication with his friends and family may be uninterrupted .
And your pstitioner will ever pray , &o . Robert Peddie Beverley House of Correction , 12 th February , 1841 .
Untitled Article
MR . COLLINS . TO TUB EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Bread-street , Birmingham , Feb . 24 th , 1841 . " I concluded my remarks by observing that ' no union would be effected without such a definition of the term Household Suffrage as should include every man of mature age , and sound mind , Ac ., who had a residence in a house , or any part of a house ; ' and further , that , unless upon such terms , a union ought not , ami , if I could prevent it , should not take place . " —I . elte . r to Leeds Times .
Sir , —You have occupied nearly four columns of your paper in pointing out the difference between the Charter Suffrage and the Household Suffrage , which would not enable more than " one person to vote out of a house , be it never so large . " I need not say that I oppose as much as you can such a franchise . That the term " Household" can by no art be made to include more than one I totally deny , for if you have ever visited Scotland , you must know that , even under the present exclusive system , seven , and even ten votes are obtained from one house ; and , moreover , that the majority of £ 10 electors in the large towns hold the franchise solely on this footing .
Had yoH taken the above quoted sentence , anc shown that there was any difference between it and the Charter Suffrage , you would have complied with my request ; and I have yet to learn that any man who reads the abore sentence , can see any difference . It is exactly the Charter Suffrage , or to use your own expression in the fourth column " Uuiversal Suffrage qualified by residence in a house . " If any parties or persons agree to this extension of the franchise , I shall be most willing to receive them , as brethren , from whatever class they come , and I ^ ieed not say that I shall be the last man to join any class or person , who do not espouse it and the other fundamental points of the Charter . I remain , yours , &a . John Collins .
[ We regret that our reply to Mr . Collms ' s letter was too long for him ; but we should have regretted still more to weaken its force or perspicuity by shortening it ; and yet it appears that loi . g as it was , we may with great propriety adopt the foregoing of Mr . Collins as an appropriate postscript , wherein he most forcibly illustrates our position by hia reference to the Scotch system . We have always said that such a definition of Household Suffrage as would satisfy the owners of property , would make houses mere stables for holding human beings , and that to whomsoever the house belonged to him also would belong the vote . Mr . Collina knows full wen that the voters to whom he refers are
all manufactured voters ; urban voters qualified out of small allotments of land , and not as he states qualified out of one house . But , does Mr . Collins suppose that the power which the present system vests in the hands of the privileged order for protecting their voting serfs , would , if the vote belonged to the serf himself , be exercised by the master for the benefit of the slave?—We thank Mr . C . for his confirmation , and now we will ask him a short question . Will any of the Scotch houses full of voters , be found voting for a Chartist candidate ? or even further , are not Whig houses filled with Whig voters , and Tory houses with Tory voters ? and does Mr . Collins presume so far upon his strength or upon middle-class forforbearance , as to suppose that a like system would not prevail in England and Wales ? If so , we beg to refer him to the seven thousand and sixtieth clause of the new alliance
Household Suffrage BUI which is to be ; for to tbat , or even greater length , would the details run , rather than commit the blunder of allowing Chartist voters to stable themselves on a qualification . We imagine that if we had merely ¦ aid , " Then , Mr . Collins , as there is no difference , call the spade a « pade , " we should have satisfactorily replied to his former question . Again , we tell him that so long as one man ' property constitutes another man ' s vote , ao long will the owner have rent and vote ; and we heartily thank our friend for having furnished his Scotch case as the most trite and happy illustration of the position . If Mr . Collins is sufficiently omnipotent to have his Household Suffrage just as he likes , then let him call us brethren , but till then , we shall remain related to the fundamental points of the Charter , —Mr . Collins with us if he will , without him if we must—Ec ]
Untitled Article
O'CONNOR QN ELECTION CLUBS . In our last number we reprinted a letter of Mr . O'CONNORS , from the Northern Star , Sep . 28 , lS 3 t There happening to be two letters of hi » in that n amber , the printer mistook our directions , and extracted the wrong one . The following is the letter we intended to hare siren last week : —
TO THE WORKING CLASSES . Brother Radicals . — -For the same reason that a Serjeant ' s guard of disciplined and armed troops will bent and put to flight a squadron of raw and unarmed recruits , have we been beaten by factions disciplined in the arts of treachery and deceit We must discipline and remedy this evIL We mmst meet them on their own ground , and with their own ¦ weapons . W must organise , and show the front of freemen . In order to effect it , then , I submit the fallowing suggeBtiont for your consideration : —
Peel says " Register , register , register I "—O'Connell » y « « Register , register , register !"—the Whig press and the Tory press »» y •? Register , register , register 1 " and , therefore , there must be some magic In the word " Register . " You cannot register , but yea can " Unite , unite , unite ! " and Russell says it is your right to exercise influence over the elector ; while O'Connell sayB tbat it is your right to ose gentle coercion toward * the elector . Let us , then , place ourselves in a position to be prepared whenever the struggle may come ; and , believe me , it is at hand , else would not our en < niie * be loading their pieces . Let a committee be established in every town and village throughout England , Scotland , and Wales , according to the followingform , and for the performance of the following duties : —
THE FORM . Let the electors and non-electors instantly form county , city , and borough election clubs . Where the clubs consist of several hundreds , let them be divided into hundreds . Let each hundred appoint a chairman . The hundreds should then be divided into tens , aad each ten should appoint a chairman . The chairman of the hundreds should constitute the General Election Committee . The chairmen of every eleven tens should , according to convenient locality , constitute the district or ward committees . The committee of tens should report on every Monday night , to the General Committee , the state of the public mind in their several districts ; after which , a compendious report should be submitted by placard , handbill , or through the medium of the press . The terms to constitute membership to be one penny per week . The funds to b * appropriated as a Finance Committee , appointed by a show of hands at a general meeting , shall direct .
THE DUTIES . The duty of the Election Club will be to select a fit and proper candidate , who shall be vigorous and active in laying before his constituents the principles upon which he claims their support—to read at public meetings , as often as opportunity affords , the report * and resolutions from the several committees . Kv « ry candidate Bhould be pledged to support Universal Suffrage and a repeal of the Legislative Union betweea Great Britain and Ireland , to take his seat if returned by a majority in" the bodse called the House of Commons—and to restore his trust whenever required to do so by a majority of a committee to be called "ihe committee of review of public men ' s conduct , " which step must be sanctioned by a public meeting of his constituents . The committee should also appoint collectors
of contributions , who should leave the following printed form of application at the house of every voter in their district : — " We , the committee appointed to superintend the management of the election of , do respectfully solicit your support and interest , and also such contribution' as you can conveniently give , to promote the aforesaid object" A book should be kept containing tbe names of ail the electors in the several districts , to be called " The canvas and contribution book . " When the whole machinery is completed , public meetings of the electors and non-electors shouid be convened , to take into consideration the propriety of appointing a National Election Convention of twentyone , whose duty it shall be to sit- in London for the purpose of receiving , and disseminating throughout tae country , digested reports from the several election committees . '
I think at a single glance you will see thii ? the adoption of the foregoing plan will at once raise u safe and constitutional standard round which the friemU of Radicalism may rally . We shall then stand upon an equality , in the field of agitation , wi ; h both Whigs and Tories ; ana , according as we are treated , bo shall we treat the enemy . In t'lis instance the constitution recognises no superiority ; and if we are not prepared to carry out this principle , we are not deserving of Universal Suffrage . If , upon the other hand , we are
prepared , and if , by our united exertions , we can return a majority of the six hundred and fifty-eight , we shall be jubtly entitled to go to tbe House of Commons upon the first day of tbe next session of Parliament , and there pass a law directing her Majesty to issue new writs foe the return of a Parliament upon the principle ot Universal Suffrage . This requires no exhibition of p ! u sical force , as any' opposition offered to the will of a nation thus manifested would be high treason upon the part of our opponents . The effect of our preparation would be the immediate liberation of our friends from their
dungeons ; for , believe me , that our enemies but await our union to obey our command . I cannot cenceive a > more glorious sight than & nation of freemen marching to the hustings in sections , divisions , and squadrons , there to show their hands , which are ready to support the dictates of their hearts . My mind is always upon the rack , my invention is ever at work , to leara how I can best serve your uause ; and lazy men , who will not work themselves , call me presamptous—but how much more pleasing and easy would it be for me to remain idle , if those who abuse me would work ; but * the work must be either left undone , or done by a few . Instead of constantly nibbling and carping at my propositions , let them suggest , and I will follow ; but 1 cannot and will not remain idle so long as a single
grievance remains unredressed . I implore you , then , my fellow men , by your valour , by your patriotism , and by your humanity—by the love which you bear to your God , your country , your family , and your kind , to awake , arise , and let the voice of freedom be heard upon each passing breeze throughout this sea-bound dungeon ! Let us proclaim the right of the labourer to enjoy the fruits of his own labour—of the freeman to enjoy the protection of his castle—of the community to enjoy social comfort and happiness—of the poor to live upon the land of his birth—and of the nation to be governed by laws made equally for the protection of tbe rich and the poor . Let union be your watchwordliberty your idol—and Universal Suffrage , and no surrender , your motto . For these things L have lived , and for these things I am ready to risk my life ; and
am Your faithful and sincere friend , Feaegcs O'Connnk . Leeds , 25 th , Sept , 1839 . .
Untitled Article
We learn that tho house of Montcfiore Brothers , connected chiefly wkh the Australia trade , have come to the determination of suspending payments . It is confidently stated , however , that the suspension will be but . temporary , and that before the termination of the present year the firm will be able to discbarge their engagements . Falling of two Houses in Fleet-street . —One of the most awful casualties ttiat can possibly occur in a crowded city , occurred on Saturday night at tea o ' clock in Fieet-street . A few nights since a fire took place at the house of Mr . Buridy , a trunkmaker , next floor to the office of the Weekly Ditpulchaud the ruins were left , as was imagined , iu
, a state of perfect security . This , however , by tho event that has occurred , appears , too awfully , to have been an error . On getting into the street , th <* scene that presented itself to the spectator was frightful in the extreme . There was a wide and fearful gap of falling bricks and timbers , supported by gable ends and ricketty boards , rendering the approach of aid a matter of the greatest danger Soon after the accident , Mr . Harding and Mr . Ward , builders in the neighbourhood , were Bent for to examine the premises , as was also Mr . Elmes , the City Surveyor , who sent for a number of builders but without being able to obtain their co-operation . A mau , named Wm . Megson , a journeyman tailor ,
was let down by ropes from the back room on the third floor Of Mr . DobsWs hoase , and which honse also feil , with a tremendous crash , at the same time ; ho had been in bed upwards of an hour when he heard the crash of the timbers . He instantly jumped out of bed , and endeavoured to open his door , but , finding it impossible to do so , he $ lighted his candle , and dressed himself , and remained standing upon half a foot of boards for nearly three quarters of an hour , until he was released by the police , in the way just mentioned . He also said ,, that finding his room-door going out of the level , he frequently warned Mr . Dobson of the danger , who , however , laughed at his fears . Every precaution was taken to -arouse the inmates of the adjoining house to the perilous situation in which they were placed , and the police having made a communication to Mr . Dobson . a hackney carriage wasobtained ,
and Mrs . Dobson , with four or five children ( the statements Vary ) , were placed in the vehicle , and drove to the residence of a friend . At this time loud cracking of the tottering walls became mote load and fearful , and the police observing the upper part of the houses bending forward , raised a shout of "It is coming . " The constables took to their heels , and a cab , which had just set down its fare , was peremptorily a few minutes before ordered off . The driver happily took the warning , and acting upon it , lost no time in leaving the spot , which , in a very brief space of time , presented % melancholy instance of the desolation thus unexpectedly created . Dalton , the officer , had a narrow escape , his clothes being completely covered with flying dust , which , but a second before , gave notice of the fall of the two houses . U p on the casualty occurring , a large number of the City Police Force were in attendance , and prevented thi reckless females with which this crowded thoroughfare is thronged from meeting with accidents , which , in all probability , would have followed th « ir temerity in approaching the ruins .
£Hrt * ≪Rinal Corregpon&Ette*.
£ Hrt * < rinal Corregpon&ette * .
Untitled Article
THE CAUSE OF O'CONNOR . TO THK SStTOS 07 THB K 0 BTHBR 5 STAX .
<< A Patriot is the noblest work of God . " Pope , with a alight alteration . gIR > _ For nine long months has the patriotic / wvujnor been immured within Um dreary dungeon ; tgt nine long monlbj he has suffered every indignity and jamlt th&t a mean factions party could devite to crush nauJy and noble spirit The brightness and beauty ^ ganmez passed awiy , but they passed unenjoyed by fcg » p tive in hi » cell ; the cheerless winter has been MoirlJ ( Jraffi ^ S it 8 oaxrne : ** found , and it is leav-* nt our generous and sincere Mend an oppressed ^ gngr ; but , Sir , though the seasons change , though
Ljjg £ ia onward , though mutations occur in the poli-_ . j » in the natural world , yet O'Connor is found in iguiiod soul tbe SMBB—the Eime In resolution and ^ & > pa— trne to his principle * and hi » promisesjgjjoos in the cause of right , and painfully anxioui for tbe bait iEtertita of the people . Sir , I had the grati-Ration of bearisg Mr . O'Connor , when on hi * trial at Tori , for what is called " Libel ; " I there saw him Sin Bsd erect in the dignity of truth , contesting , inch by inch , the disputed ground with the persecutors of j ^ countrymen ; 1 heard him launch the thunders of jjii eloquence against the corrupt minions of the cro wn ,
ted paint their characters with such fidelity , that even they shrank from his frowns abashed and confo aed ; I also bad the pain of seeing him in the priaon , of the Queen ' s Bench , where he was suffering , mer . ully and bodily , from ill health ; I heard the opinions of his medical fcttendiite , and I saw their oertifir Ate » , staking their profassioaal reputation , decUn ^ g that it venid most probably be fatal to their patient , if he Tis removed to the cold and cheerless < astle of York ; I gsw him dragged away in spite of . an t&ese cireunr jtisees , and heard his last sei , tin « nt » before hia ^ p-rtare , showing defiance and t corn for his meTcilesa oppress *** , Mid love and anxietjr . for his dear
conntryjnen . 1 need hardly say wh ' it ple&snre I have since ^ jriTsd ii learning , from your truly valuable columns , jjai he has ever maintained , the same composure and ggjasea of mind through the nuny and severe trials to Tbich he has been a posed . He has shown himself to be Tilling to suffer sa a martyr in a good cause , and to be endowed with a . character , as Christian , and as p fcflosophisal , 5 s it is truly patriotic . But why do 1 jasist on these thinr , s ? It is needless , for the " High priest of Chartism ** has been tried by every test , and jas eome forth pore from the ordeaL He is a tried ^» j be is Tmderstood , and lie is trusted ; for his in . -tegritT is appreciated by t £ te msasee , who have never iaowa fr'T" to break his word , or to leave a projaije unfulfilled . X 0 , Sir , it is unnecessary to paint tbe excellent qualities of O'Connor , when he is so uaverally acknowledged to possess them ; but yet it j » 5 " be necessary to remind all of the fact , that one is now away from them , who not only has the will , but » 5 *> the Ulent and power to serre them ; it may be accessary to remind them , lest there should be found any so apathetic , or so lost to bis own welfare , as not to rouse all his energies in the struggle we are about to -make far tbe restoration of our truest friend once more to our
yurYu , once more to freedom , and the cause of justice-The appeal , which has appeared in your paper , and which has emanated from meetings assembled on the jabjeet , will not , I feel certain , be disregarded . The people are grateful to those who live but for their nies , and an opportunity has now presented itself" for than to display their most fervent gratitude . They may now deel&re the falsehood of the assertion that they ire fickle , and skow that they will not desert their Mends in need .
¦ With regard , Sir , to the mode we should pursue for the desirable end of obtaining O'Connor ' s liberty , it appears to me that there are two features , which should be kept in view , and which , perhaps , yon will allow me to lay before you , and your readers . First , we must coaxiitrale onr powers , and our exertions , on one bhkd at a time . This is the only way to attain any great aid ; the human mind , if much divided in its pursuits , may advance some way in each , but seldom goes the whole length in any . And so it is with the people , as with an individual ; if they propose too many triumphs of a different nature , and requiring different means at one time , they probably fail in ail I , Sir , am as anxious as any one can be to see justice
done to every sufferer , and to behold the tleaaings of freedom bestowed on every political prisoner , and emj political convict But , at the same time , I canaot disguise from mytelf the fact that we are not taking the proper steps for the attainment of this end ; I cannot but feel that we should first gain tbe presence of such a man aa O'Connor amongst us , and then , reinforced by his inestimable assistance , go tanrard for the restoration of those whom seas divide from their country . I adopt this opinion , Sir , after mature deliberation , and I do so , first , because we can obtain ihe release of the York prisoner , in a shorter space of time , than we can possibly hope to obtain that of Frost . Jones , and Williams .
Secondly , because the latter object , as we all know , presents many more difficulties th * n the former , and we are in want of the aid of such a friend , as O'Connor , to overcome them . And thirdly , because I know we must select one of these subjects for cur first attack , mh 4 then havicg- met with success , go on to another . I propose , therefore , that our powers shoaJd be collected into one focus , and without deviating to the right or its left , should be at once directed in their overwhelming force to the liberation of O'Connor . This advantage we can gain inunediatdy , if we set about it in real esrsest , and do not weaken ourselves by having too
Eisy points in new . when he is out , then let us do the sime thing for other dear , though suffering friends . It is evident , Sir , that petitions for O'Connor must ponr into the House of Commons from every quarter -, Korth , Eist , West , and South , must rally in good earnest , if anything is to be accomplished . And this brings me to the second point , whieh is the mode of QiawiEg up our petitions . If , Sir , the cause we are eng&fed in be worthy of our exertions , it is also USServiEg of some trouble to prevent those exertions from being frcstrated . We cannot blo * r hot and cold i \ tie same time ; let ns make our choice . If we petition , and desire to be heard , what in the came of
cosoncn sense u the use of framing onr petition so that it will not be heard ? Why fill it with vain and foolish words , which prevent any good arising from it ? We Jasy all have our opinion on the capacity and honesty of onr Parliament ; we let them know i \ sufficiently , * ad we let the world know it , bnt it does appear the ksight o f felly in us , to choose the moment of petitioning for the moment of abuse . Tbe result is , that we fain nothing by our trouble , for the appeal is immediately rejected . Let us be prudent in our actions , and consistent in onr endeavours .
These remarks , Sir , I venture to offer in a true and friendly spirit , having only our common good at heart . Sflfvald you think them of any value , perhaps you will Jtre them a place in " the organ of Chartism . " My wnutrymen , who may peruse these words , I need ksrdly exhort to &o their dnty . It lie * plainly marked before them ; they ha-re but to follow it , ana all will yet be ireli . Let them remember that one who has «« ffered all things for them , who has devoted his
kfeats and his life to them , who is their well-tried , 'sfceere , and manly advocate , ia now secluded from their ** iety aad their service by a dungeon walL Let them ftaember how he has slaved for them , and bow he is * & « ady to devote hia best energies to their causa *** them remember these things , and if they have one P * rk of gratitude , one feeling of remaining affection * ^ their hearts , they will eagerly rush forward ta ? e » rae as old and a valued friend .
I remain , Tour sincere admirer , and Cooftant reader , Amiccs L ° adon , February 2 rth , 284 L
Untitled Article
^^ = _____ ' _ ___ = —L . THE Nfr&ffiEflN' STAR . / 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct369/page/7/
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