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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th March 1841, Edition 2 of 5, Page 4

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    • THE JNx(mTHEH]NT STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 6, 1041.
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      Untitled Article

      MESSRS . COLLINS AND O'NEII-., AND THE J BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS , j . I MEETING OF THE TBIESDS iXD MEMBERS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHARTIST CHtTRCH , BIRMINGHAM , TO CONSIDER THE STATKME 5 T 8 THAT APPBABED IN THE NOBTHERJf STAB OF THE 27 TH FEB ., 1841 . A meeting , consisting of 234 of the members and friends of the Christian Chartist Church , was held in tke chapel . Mr . Hill , Ben ., ? " Toted to the diair . Mr . Toll read the statements in the Stw , and the Animim called upon Mr . Stjle * to read an answer to them th&t had been drawn op by the Committ ' j * , ¦» fcieb now remained to- be adopted , or rejected by the meeting . Hr . Styles then read the following addr ess , and also » letter from Mr . Yiacfcc * , . subjoined : — Statement of Fact * Answer to an Article that appeared in the Northern Slar tf February YitH , 1841 . 10 THK SDITOB OP THB KOTiTHEBS STAB . Sir , — We consider it our dut y to contradict an anonymous article in the Star , containing serenl alleged facts and insinuations ag& iEstthe leaders of the Christian Chartist Cimrch genera' Jy , and Jdesara . Collins and OXeil in particular . In your introductory remark s , you intimate that you have received kiters comp ' . s' ining of an unfrieadly spirit manifested towards the associated body of Chartists , by the leaders of the Christian Chartist

      Church . We reply , that ne yer jn one of our sjeetiegs have we alluded to them , much less spoken unfriendly of them . When they attended our meetings , they were heard with the ear jje attention and friendliness with -which any of onr own members were treated ; and lastly , to show t ) ^ the statement was utterly false , all their intimati' jus ( though handed in irregularly ) have been given fror a the pulpit and desk with the greatest frankness , w ith the exception of the one aftermentioned , fcr res son * that we shall immediately explain .

      The only grounc . of difference that haB ever existed is , that most of ' ie members of the Church are not in the National 0 , barter Association , it being , in their opinion , < ia its jid constitution , ) illegal . The anonymr . us communication that follows , begins with the non-f ^ mouc cement of the soiree . The facts of the case w a not correctly stated , they are these : — Their mtij nations hid generally been handed in irregularly ; instead of handing them to the Committee , before the i netting commenced , they were sent in , in the middle , or near the close of the lecture or sermon . In this ins iajwse , Mr . Barrett bad been Bitting In the Chapel for » quarter of an hour before the meeting eommeaced ; the Committee were , as usual , sitting in the Tetf-ry at the same time ; the parties saw each other ; during this time no intimation was presented ; but , -as usual , near the close of Mr . Hawke ' s lecture , it was -banded to the Chairman .

      It was not gives out ; Me Barrett rose , and ailed why it was not ? Mr . OXeil , the Chairman , asked h im two questions . First—Why was it not handed in to the Committee ? Second—What authority he bad for stating that Mr . Vincent would be present ? adding , that if he answered these questions , it should , as nsual , be given out . The first was not answered ; and , after much equivocation , it appeared that the coming of Mr . Vincent was without authority , thty not having receiTed an answer from him .

      Mr . O'Keil said tint the impression made upon his mind by the announcement of the soiree read by him on Sabbath last , as well as % pon the minds of all -who beard it , tras that tha gentlemen mentioned were to be present . ; bo mueh so Usailxe was perfectly astonished at riftarvng on the day after , from ilr . Collins , that Mr . Tineenl Wi 3 not to be there . He immediately saw that a fzlse use had been made of Mr . Vincent ' s name ; he felt bottj that he bad been the means of aiding tha spread of the falsehood , and he therefore would not do it now .

      To show , however , that he was perfectly willing to intimate anything founded on truth , from whoever it came , he would give out their second announcement ( for there were two ) , Tiz , Chat Mr . Iten Taylor would preach next Sunday , a-t Lawrence-street , adding full particulars as to time , subject , and admission money , That Mr . OXeil advised those present not to purchase tickets is a base falsehood , and that any steps hare been taken to make the soiree a failure , is equally falsa . Toe insinuation against Mr . Collins is a malevolent attempt to surrsund with suspicion a character which they have not facts sufficient to injure . Mr . Vincent ' s letter , sent by him upon seeing the slander in the Star , is sufficient to disproTa it The last

      statement is not , only utterly false , in its first part , but throughout Its style is such as to evince clearly a diabo-Ecal anxiety to follow ' out the abore mifoiiaded suspicion . Tbe only meeting publicly held in BirmLngham f « r Frost ' s restoration , was the one alluded to on Holloway He * 3 , on the first of January . Thare was none othtr for M . t . Collins to attend . As to Mr . CuLins ' s interest in behalf of the exiled patriots , let his two last journeys to Longhborough and Bilston spea ± . It is stated , as if to produce an impre&sioa of carelessness , that Mr . Collins and Arthur O-Z ^ til came on to the ground h ^ . f an hour after the time for which the meeting was advertised . It is well known th . it demonstra tions rarely commence at the time intimated ; the charge is altogether paltry , aad the fact is that very few weie on the ground when they arrived , and the business did not commence till more thaa hal : sn hour after

      they arriv&d . The unanimous election of Mr . Collins to tha chair , and the enthusiastic approbation with "which he was received , clearly show that " the people" knew not of any " past ounces" Uj forgive ; it is a gratuitous slander . His conduct ; as chairman , met with the highest approbation , and when the business of the meeting was ended , one of th& Frost Committee proposed a rote of thanks , which was passed with enthusiastic applause . No thotijht of injuring Mr . Frost has ever been attached to Mr . Collins , and why the parti&s , cow complaining , did not on the spot dissent from that ¦ which th ^ ey say -was an irreparable injury to Mr . Frost ' s character , is for them t-j txplain . Why they stood by witbeut giving th&ir veto against Mr . Collins is passing strange , and more so considering the fact ef the vote of thasks proposed and carred by them . Seoonded by Mr . H 211 and carried unanimously . VEEBATTM COPT OF KB . TI . VCKKl ' S LETTER TO JOHS COLLINS . 5 , Greenland Grove , Craven-street , 1 st March , 1841 . Mt deab Collins , —I have read a paragraph in the Northern . Star , to the effect that you had advised me not to visit Birmingham . I do not wish mistakes to go abroad . I wrote my reasons to the members of the © ommittee at Birmingham who did me the honour of jnriting ma I do not suppose yon knew anything of the matter . You could not have done so -when in London , b * cause I had not then received the invitatian . I am « orry that my name should be used in matters With Which I have EQtMng to do . Prior arrangements jtnd my own private affairs prevented mj accepting the kind invitation of the Birmingham friends . Yon are qaite st liberty to make what use of this letter you please .

      Th& .-chargs against you , so far as my vitit to Birmingham is cczoened , is no ; true . You had EOLhing to do in the mstter . My own reasons hare been given in my own h&Edwriting . Regretting that any dispute should exist in oar own ranks , and hoping that such disputes may be speedily settled , so that our glorious cause may properly progress , I am , " dear Collins , Faithfclly your ' s , . He . net Tiscext . It was afterwards resolved unanimously : — " That the thanks and approbation of this meeting be presented * o Messrs . Csllins and O'Xeil , for their intelligent , and persevering defence , and zSrocacy of the cause of Chartism , requesting them to go ojnrares in tbs fcojy cause which they bare espoused- "

      Untitled Article

      THE ANTI-COHN LAW AGITATIOX-SIGNAL DEFEAT OF THE " LEAGUERS . " On Monday evening these worthies met with a com plete overthrow . Tfea meeting was held at the Crown and Anchor , and according to the placards and handbHls ( which were by no means widely circulated , probably from prudential reasoos ; it was intended to be " The Annual General Meeting of the Metrapolitin , Central , and District Branches of the Aati-Com Law Association . " At an early hour , one of the large rooms of the tavern was crowded by pseaons , chiefly of tfee working class . From the appearance of those psisons , and the ¦ entiments occasionally uttered by them before the proceeding * commenced , it sooa became evident that the smooth-tongued political economists , who have- so kindly taken the interests and welare ofthe "labouring Classes" into their especial protection , would not be permitted quietly to have it all their own way , and the result showed tiat those anticipations were wellfounded .

      At about half-past seven o ' clock , Mr . Warbuiton , M . P . { who was announced to take the chair , ) entered the room , accompanied by a great number ol the " leaguers j" amongst whom were observed Hx . Villiers , M-P ., Mr . Hawes , M . P ., Mr . J . A . Roebuct , Dr . Bo wring , Mr . JJaoek < ex M . P . for Ludiow an < j ex-CMldidata for East Surrey , ) and a posx of those wellpaid and consequently disinterested gentlemen wko amajB themselves by going about the country as lecturers . Ko opposition was offtred to Mr . Warburton taking the chair , and a momentary gleam of self-satisfaction was apparent on the faces of the Honourable Gentleman's repperters , who had evidently apprehended an opposition ix limint by the appointment of another f ^^^ T ^ m ^ Tl ¦ But this pleasant feeling was destined to be * xm changed into one of deep mortification . The Chairman , howeTer , with the eye of a " wary , cool , old soldier , " at once saw the position and strength of the enemy , and consequently appeared by no means as ifh « were « ifcting hi an easy chair . In the outset of his opening address ilr . Warburton , by vrsy of deprecating the introduction of any other topic than that of the Com Laws , read the rules of the Association at the * time it was originally formed , which , after a few of the usual claptrapisms about these auce lav s bting

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      " inimical to the welfare and interests of the labouring classes , " &c la postulate , by the bye , which '^ e majority of the meeting , by their cries of " no , \ ior seemed to think was not demonstrable either b " y argument or by proof ) , ended with a declaration tb ^ t their attention was to be confined to the one r oie object—to wit , " the repeal of the accursed br * - ^ tax , " and that they were not to entertain , nor ^ rm ! t to be entertained , any other subject whatever < & any of their . meetings , or at the meetings of the C ommittee . ( Here there were loud cries of " Oh , oh , " md laughter from the Chartists . )

      Having remi ^ ued the meeting what the sebject was wbJsh the / had met to discuss , the Hon . Gentleman Concluded his few observations by imploring order and a fair hearing for the gentlemen who would -address them ; and after the report should be read , and the resolutions proposed , it would be competent for any gentleman in the meeting—( loud cheera * qm the Chartists , and the Hon . Gentleman quickly saw his mistake)—for those who were members—( "Ah , iah , " and "It wont do , Warburton ")—for any other gentleman ( this re-correction of himself appeased the augry Chartists ) to address the meeting .

      Th « Secretary ( Mr . Sydney Smith , it was understood then read the report . It stated that the association had had -enormous difficulties to encounter since its first meeting on the 3 rd of August last , arising first from the apathy of the middle classes ; and secondly , from the hostility of the political portion of the working classes—( cheers )—both of which causes , however , were fast disappearing , particularly the latter—( loud eries of " Ko , no , never , ")—for the working classes had now become most active in their co-operation with the association . ( Here there were still stronger expressions of dissent ) The report then went on to state that the exertions of the lecturers had been attended with super-eminent success , and that they had been well received i * every part of tie kingdom . ' ( This was rather too barefaced for even those who were not Chartists , and , therefore , this Teracious rtatement was received with great laughter from all parts of the room .

      After a few unmeaning generalities , the report alluded to what it called a new feature in their proceedings , namely , the publication and dissemination of upwards of 20 , 000 copies of the evidence taken before a committee of the House of Commons , for the purpose of edifying the agricultural labeuren , and affording an abundant supply of waste paper to the butter and bacon shops throughout the country . The committee then referred to ihe fact , that a manifesto against the Corn Laws had been signed by upwards of 150 influential members of the House of Commons , from which they argued much good when the subject should again be brought before that branch ol the legislature . Several part 3 of tbe report elicited much disapprobation from the meeting ; particularly those passageB in which it ¦ was asserted , that the " total repeal of the Com Laws vould conduce to the -welfare of the land , * " the correctness of which piece of Anti-Corn-Law dogmatism waa vehemently disputed . The report having been read ,

      A Mr . Hasrisos moved , and the well-known Mr . Provi seconded , a resolution that it should be received , printed , and circulated—and now came the " tug uf war . " A Chartist named Wall , got upon the table , and was received with uproarious shouts of applause . The " leaguers , " one and all , looked dismayed . Wall observed , that tbe question for the working classes to consider was , whether their wages were to be lowered or not ( Cheers . ) The sole reason why the manufacturers had cjme forward was , because they knew that owing to high wages they were not ablo to compete with the foreign manufacturer—( cheers )—and hence it was that

      they were desirous of reducing the wages of the labouring ciaS 3 by a repeal of the Cora Liwa . ( Gheera . ) He contended , therefore , that they ware n&t tgitating for bat against the people —( ctetrs );—in fact , they had no other end in view but that of personal aggrandisemsnt . ( Loud cheers . ) He then moved , by way of amendment , in opposition t » the report , to the tffect that they could not expect , however , the Repeal of the Cum Laws until the people wtre fairly represented , * c , and advising the presentation of a National Petition to the Qaeen , praying her Majesty's interference on the subject of a recognition of the principles of the People ' s Charter .

      Another Chartist , named Boggis , seconded the motion in a speech which was really sensible , moderate , and much to the purpose . It abounded with plain common tense truths , which were so unpalatable to the leaguers , that they had the fead taste to permit their daajeurs 'of whom there were not a few in the room ) to endeavour to clamour down the speaker . From this point of the proceedings all was confusion and noise . Tha Chartists observed the interruptions , and , on the Ujt lalionis principle , seemed determined that none of the other side should be heard . In vain did Mr . Roebuck and D .-. Bowring avow themselves to be Chartists : they obtained not from the offended aadi&nce tbe " charity of their silence , " and , after several fruitless attempts to gain a hearing , they retired to the backgruund discomfited and chagrined . Mr . Villiers was a little more successful , for he wsj listened to with some degree of attention .

      Several Chartists then addressed tha meeting , and at length tb . 9 amendment was put and carried by an immense majority , amidst tha most tumultuous chetring . The Hon . Chairman and his supporters seeing that the " game wasup , "for this time , at least , then retired , leaving the remaining business in slMu quo . There \* a ? a long string of resolutions to be submitted to the meeting , but the ' leaguers" appeared to think , and wisely , too , that they had quite enough for the nonca . Cnagrin and mortiScution were visibly depicted on the countenances of the Chairman and those around him at the signal defeat they had sustained at this tbe Very commencement of their London campaign for 1 J 4 ] . It seems to bs clear that they have no : hing else to expect at any future meetir g they may venture to hold in the metropolis ; and therefore one would be inclined to whisper in their ear , in a friendly way , " discretion is the better part of valour . "—Horning Herald .

      Untitled Article

      THE NATIONAL CKAKTER ASSOCIATION OP GREAT BSJTAXH . THE AMENDED SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION . Axo . ' fG the many good things ¦ which O'Cosnell has said , we remember one gajiDg of his : that "the next best thing to beiDg right yourself is to put your enemy completely in the wrong . " We fu . ly accord with this doctrine ; and hence we have ever been most anxious that the operations of the people should be conducted peacefully and legally knowing that if their moral strength was

      well marshalled , and their numbers well organised , they were invincible and irresistible ; —able to carry any measure of a wholesome and sanatory tendency , without violating any of those forms and appearances of law ni ' . h which the harpies have fenced round the carcase of corruption , in the hope of feasting undisiurbedly thereon . There is no power in any state successfully to resist the righteous demands of a people , united in purpose and opinion , and so organised as to enable them to express their opinion and to prosecute their purpose as one man . Of this the factions are most perfectly aware ; and

      hence their highest dread has ever been the organisation of the people , and their greatest care to provide against its existence . It is only by a well digested plan of organisation , generally understood and acted on , that the power of the people ea . n be efficiently made manifest . The isolated struggles of individuals , or knots of individuals , or separate societies or localities , even though all directed to the same end , are but like water thrown bj bucketfulls ont of a mighty river against the walls cf & citadel , which expends its fcrce in impotence , prodncing a splash a . nd nothing more ; while a national

      organisation , enabling the whole people to more at the same time , and in the same direction , bending their energies against the same point , is like the nighij rashing of the whole torrent , against whichne obstacle can stand . The vast importance of this subject ha ? been always seen , both by the people ' s friends and by their enemies ; and hence , from the time when the House o : Commons was fir 3 t sought to he emancipatt xl from the direct controul of the crown , and plai ' -ed in its due position as an independent branch of t te legislature , to the present moment a period of aboi it 250 years , an inceBsant struggle ha 3 been going o Q j between those who wished to organise , and those who wished to destroy , the

      expression of the peop ; fc ' -s will for right . This struggle has been canied on 'With more or less of spin t , as the parties anxieus ft v right , and understanding it , have been more or lei « numerous , t al ented , or influential . It would be easy to ran . over the entire history ; bni it wonld tsojuport neither with onr ? pac « nor purpose to do so . « Sufice it that the lynxeyed jealousy of faction , v > "atched every movement ; and , having in their hands ti ^ e power © f lawmakiDg , met every organised movement with new and more close restrictions ; iill it J 7 & 3 thought that effectual provision had bet * o made against any possibility of any national ori , "anisation existing , other than such as might accord with the designs and purposes of the dominant clasE . The laws , now in force , in referaiee to political societies and national organisation , are comprised in

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      two most sweeping and comprehensive statutes , the 39 Gko . Ill , chap . 7 $ , passed in Jiriy 1793 , and the 57 Geo . III . c . 19 , passed in March 1817 , and bo well are the meshes of these two insidious and infamous statutes spread out , that it waa doubtless deemed to bo impossible for any " national " organisation to escape them . And so it would be , in tbe absence of a national organ of communication . When the sconndrelB batched this

      infernal piece ox villany , they did not calculate upon a Northern Star rising in tbe political and social hemisphere , and shedding its fays over the entire Bnrfaoe of the Empire . That advantage the people will now feel , as , by means of it , they may be enabled to make the plan of organisation now offered them , as thoroughly efficient as it is perfectly legal ; and thus bafflo all the arts of all the enemies of freedom .

      In calling attention to the plan of organisation propounded by the national meeting of delegates , and to tbe mode of working it , wo begin with placing before our readers bo much of the provisions ofthe law upon the subject , as were capable of being brought to bear upon tha former plan . Freemasons , Quakers , and all societies of a purely religious or charitable character , and in whioh no other subject shall , under any circumstances , be discussed , are specially exempted from the operation ofthe acts above named ; and with such exception only , by the u nited force of these acts , every society the members of which , or any member whereof shall ' either verbally , or in writiDg , subscribe , or assent to , any test or declaration , not required by law , is an unlawful combination and confederation . See

      the cai 3 fulnes 9 with which Yillany has drawn the net strings ! Not content with prohibiting such oaths , tests , or declarations as might be against the law , the words not required by law extend the prohibition to all voluntary declarations of whatever character ; even a declared determination , by the members of any society , to uphold tbe law , might by this clause be construed as illegal . Thismado the very cmt 36 t of the former system of organisation illegal . The 5 th paragraph , oa " The conditions of membership , " being as follows : —

      " 5 . All persons will become members of this Association on condition of siyniny a declaration , signifying their agreement with its objects , principles , and constitution , when they shall be presented with cards of membership , which shall be renewed quarterly , and for which they shall each pay the sum of twopence . " Now this signing a declaration was quite unnecessary : every man desirous of being a member of the Association , of course , agrees with its objects , principles , and constitution . The " signing " is no

      protection against spies or traitors , whom the good sense and vigilance of tne members will as easily detect without the " signing " as with it . In the new plan of organisation , it is , therefore , omitted . Every Chartist is supposed , necessarily , in virtue of hia . being a Chartist , to desire the objects , to hold the principles , aud to approve the constitution of the Association . This is the first great improvement of the amended plan j by which the fangs of the legal harpies are removed from one limb of their prey .

      The next haa relation to the abolition of the classes , ward divisions , and local officers and councils . By the Acts before named , every Society composed of different branches or divisions ^ acting IN ANY man . neb separately or distinctly from each other , or of which any part shall have any distinct President , Secretary , Treasurer , delegate , or other officer , oil any pkusox acting as such , elected or appointed by or for such part , or to act IN ANY OFFICE for such part , shall be deemed and bolden to be an unlawful combination and confederacy . This , of course , brought all the classes , ail tko Town Councils , ull tho ward divisions , officers , aud Councils , all the local Treasurers and Secretaries , and all the Riding

      and County Councili , within tfie meshes of the law . Because in all these cases the several parts of the Association acted separately and distinctly from each other , having reference to their owa local arrangements only , and without any reference to , or any overt cognizance thereof by the whole Society . The Council for Bradford , for instance , was a distinct Couucil for that locality . It was elected by the members resident in Bradford only , and its functions were clearly referable to apart of the Association , separate and distinct from tho other parts . In like manner , the Treasurer and Secretary for Bradford were officers only for that part of the Association , and not i ' ur the whole ; and so on of all the other local officers .

      Having declared the cases in which political socieiiea shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies , these 1 Acts provide : —That any tnewiber of any such society , and every person who shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or intercourse with any &uch society , or with any division , branch , committee , or other se ( ect body , president , treasurer , secretary , delegate , or other officer or member thereof , as Euch ; or who ihall by contribution of money or otherwise , aid , abet , or support Buch society , or any member thereof , as such , shall incur certain penalties . The penalties are of two kinds . " 1 . By summary process on information before ONE Justice of the Peace , on conviction , a fine of twenty pounds , or three month ' s imprisonment in the common gaol . 2 . BY INDICTMENT , ON

      CONVICTION , TRANSPORTATION FOR SEVEN YEARS . " Thus was it doubtless hoped to render anything like a national organization for political purposes utterly impossible , without subjecting all the parties therein concerned , to tho full penalties of this master-piece of class-legislative villany and cowardiee . Indeed , our own opinion was , after having carefully and often looked through the acts , that there was no possible mode of escaping thoir provisions , otherwise than by taking advantage of some one er other of the forms and names

      incidental to some one or other of the special exemptions therein provided . And , as we most conscientiously believe the Christian religion to inculcate all the doctrines of truth and righteousness , personal , social , and political ; as in fact we hold politics to be part aad parcel of Christianity , and inseparable therefrom , being mixed up with , springing out of , aud sustaining all its principles and doctrines , wo were desirous to haTe seen , for the first time since the age of the Apostles , a true Citholic and Christian church , acknowledgiug , in all the fulness of their comprehensive import ,

      the precepts of that religion which being hitherto talked of , but neither understood nor practised , has been , and is now being made , the most fearfully effective tool that ever tyranny employed for the destruction of man ' s liberty , and of all clear recognition of the principles of moral right . We hold the principles of Chartism to be religious principles , aud every Chartist society to be consequently a iehgious society , and we were deBirouB to see them so declare themselves , and leave to the vib herd of de = pots tbe option of openly and manifestly trampling under foot their own laws , or of crushing

      along wiih Chartism , Methodism in all its varieties of aspect , the association of the Baptist churches , the Society of Friends or Quakers , the confederated unions of Unitarians , the newly-organised and admitted association of " Rational Religionists , " every other religious society whose creed , forms , discipline , or worship , Bhould involve declarations of principle notrequired by law , or th e several societies of which should correspond with each other , or appoint deputies to meet each other , or in any other way transgress the almost

      all-comprehensive provisions of these two acts . This was our opinion : it has been our opinion long—in fact , throughout the whole movement : we were sorry to be unsupported in it by O'Connoe , for whom , and for whose opinions every truo Chartist must have respect , amounting almost to veneration ; but we permit not even the respect duo to him to shackle us in the enUrtainment and the expression of our own honest sentiment ? . We ask , iowever , for no deference : we are quite contested to have our opinions estimated by the people , and to accept for them just

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      so much-influence as they are thought . worthy of . The National Delegates refused to shrink from the dir&ot avowal of thair political objeots and purposes ; olaiming therightto consider theirprinciples to be those of religion , they would aot take advantage of that right to place themselvesin any other position than the bold and manly one of meeting tbo enemy in front . Their voice said , almost unanimously , " Lot ua go right on—legally , if it may be—illegally , if the law bo such as that we cannot comply with it—but lex US AT AM . EVENTS GO BIGHT ON . " In the Spirit of this determination they sat down , -with the l » w before them , but without any assistance froni its

      paid mystifiers , to exercise the shrewd judgment of plain working men , the clear heads of teetotal Chartists , and the earnest anxiety for the " following of peace with all men" of Christian Chartists , in tho ooucoction of a plan of national organisation which , while it conduoted the people ' s operations on a straightforward and avowed basis , should , at the same time , render strict submission to all , even the most tyrannous , requirements of the concentrated essence of tyranny , which lay before them in the two Acts of Parliament so oft reverted to above They have succeeded , we believe , to the vory letter ; and right glad are we to congratulate them and the people upon that success .

      The entrapment of the local Councils has been wisely provided against , by the amalgation . of all those into one body , as a General Council of the whole Association * provided for ia No . 7 , of the new plan . The entrapment of the local officers has been in like manner provided againBt . by making them not local , but general officers , acting respectively , not for a part , but for the whole , of the Association . While their election , not merely by the members resident in their own locality , but by all the members of the Association , guards effectually against the wily trap of a part of the society aoting separately and distinctly from the other parts .

      The Bradford Councillors are to be now considered , aud indeed are , not local Councillors for Bradford only , but members of the General Council , by whom the whole Government of the whole Association is conducted , and whose residences happen to be at Bradford ; the Bradford Treasurers and Secretaries are , iu like manner , not Treasurers and Secretaries for that locality alone , but Sub-Treasurers ] and Sub-Sacretaries , acting under

      the direction of the General Treasurer , and General Seoretary , and performing such duties as may be necessary to assist them in con ducting the affitirs of tho whole Association . Thus , every officer acts as an officer , uot for any part separately or distinctly , but for the whole . Thus , every mesh of this most elaborately aud cautiously constructed legal net , has been avoided by the wisdom of the delegates . .

      Of course , and of necessity , the plan , to be legal , is exceedingly general , and it may be somewhat undefined , in its details . We observe some of its provisions whioh are liable to abuse , and which may , uuless precluded by the prudence of the people , give rise to 6 omo inconvenience in its working ; but on comparing these most carefully with the tortuouB enactments of which its concoctors had to Bteer clear , we are fully satisfied that no

      other way , or , at least , no other way so good , could havj been adopted for securing the double object of the delegates , the active operation of tho people , and the eviting of all collision with the law ; aud we kuow too much of the people not to feel satisfied , that when these points are fairly laid before them and explained , their watchfulness and prudence will come in to the assistance of their leaders , and take care that that shall not be crippled in operation which has been devised so well and wisely .

      We havo studied the plan most carefully ; we think wo understand it ; aud we have no doubt of being able to shew the people that , though , its form is apparently more general , and its details less bracing , than tho original , but illegal , plan of organisation , it may be made in working to superadd to the immense advantage of being perfectly consonant with the law , every practical advantage possessed or provided for by the old plan . For this purpose , as wo kave been requested by the delegates to call to it tho attention of the people in a series of articles , we shall return to it , probably more than once . We shall take up its several

      clauses , and shew the people how we understand them—how we think they should be applied in operation—what means we adviso for tho avoidance of any inconvenience which might otherwise arise , from any necessary laxity of expression forced on its authority by tho tyrannous mandate of the law ; wo shall show thtm how , so far as we understand thia document , they may , by a careful and universal adherence to its provisions , go on , certainly , safely , legally , successfully , and triumphantly , in the prosecution of those great principles , to which the benevolent and just of all classes are pledged and bound by their adhesion to the rules and principles of moral right .

      Thus shall we put our enemies completely in the wrong , by fencing ourselves round with the provisions , not merely of moral , social , and religious but of legal right ; taking all these upon their own showing . The National Charter Association of Great Britain , may then bid defiance to the Government . It shall stand ; it shall prosper ; it shall flourish ; in despite of all thoir power , and in despite of all their sophistry , or they shall do one of two things—they Bhall make a special law

      for its extinction , as waa done with tho London Corresponding Society—( tho very law now in amended operation , by which it was hoped to extinguish all political societies for ever )—or they shall at once throw off tho mask , which , we h a ve no doubt they will do as 6 oon as they may deem it expedient , and , trampling under foot all semblance of respect for the laws of their own making , try the temper of tho people by a further experiment of undisguised brute force .

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      LORD MORPETH'S IRISH FORTIFICATION , OR " KEEP-OUT-THE-FRENCH" BILL . We said , last week , that a denial of administrative improvement may lead to an increased demand for organic change ; but little did we think that individual folly could 6 o speedily lead to party absurdity as has been proved by the debate , during four mortal nights , upon Lord MoRPETH's"keep-outthe-French" Bill .

      We did not wait for the result , or even for tho commencement of the grand fight , to approve what we thought just , and reprobate what we thought unjust in the measure . We did not take our cue upon the subject from the collective wisdom , but , as we Bhall presently show , we urged every singlo point which has been made matter of controversy , pro and con , before the battle commenced . Let us again repeat the object of the Bill .

      It is , then , no other than to lure Ireland into passive slavery , while tho Whigs fill themselves and feed the Irish patriots , so long as a balance-ofpower-party of the latter can confer the means upon the former . This compact was entered into long since , but the great difficulty in its observance , upon the part of the patriots , arose out of the general disgust to Whigs aud Whiggery . However , rogues are seldom at a loss for tools when a principle is agreed upon , and as it was impossible to appear satisfied with positive and substantial tyranny , the aid of an unsubstantial and ghostly enemy gave to the substantial tyrants that negative support to which their own aots imposed a positive barrier .

      The magician , in exhibiting bis phantasmagoria , very prudently shows the pigmies first , and , as imagination heightens and demand for novelty increases , ho mends his hand , until , at length , he introduces hie giauts and monsters . So with the Irish patriots . The M keep out" cry commenced with the buggabooism of Old Cumberland , and dread of him , added to Eome idle stories relative to the conformation of the Queen , gave rise to the cry of " Keep CuMBEBiAM ) out . " JBy degrees ,

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      however , the constant apparition of old blue beard on the wall , magnified familiarity into contempt , and the magician , for that figure , substituted another , and with another change of note , " keep out the Tories , " Familiarity having deprived this apparition of its terrors also , and the experimental tours to the North of England and the North of Ireland having failed in giving freshness or increased hideousness to the monster on the wall , it is at length , replaced by % panoramic view of France , and the note is changed to - keep out the French . " Thus making eaeh sew apparition dance to anew and appropriate tune .

      Now , all we require to perfect the panorama is a good sea view , with Daniel in the foreground , w i th a loan of Neptune ' s trident , surrounded by his dupes ' and singing to the tune of" Faddy Burns was a man deemed of mighty great knowledge , Sir ; Behind a great furze ditch , in the bog , be Kept hi * college , Sir , " the following words : — Daniel by the water side , and Russell on his knee , A roaring out together , " KEEP OUT IHE SEA . " We have ventured this paraphrase upon the two lineain tho original , which rnn thus : — " Master by the Ore-aide , and Shaneen on his knee , A roariug out together great A B C . "

      Having said bo much upon the magical performance of the jugglers , let us now turn to some consideration of the realities which were seen on the wall through the awkward guise of Whiggery , and also how , and by whom , and for , what purpose , and with what hope of success , the Mobpeth measure was really introduced . We find this Bill brought into the House of Commons , —mind , the people ' s House , not the House of

      Peers , —b y the s on of the E a rl o f Carlisle , Lord Mobp £ XH : we find the leader ofthe Opposition and first speaker , to be the Bon of the Earl of Derby Lord Stanley and we find the debate closed by the sou of a Duke , and the brother of a Duke—Bedford , Lord John Russell . This remark will have no effect upon the House of Commons , nor y e t upon t h e "Establishment , " but it will have its due weight with those for whom we write .

      We are led to believe that the purpose of this Bill isto extend the franchise ; and the statistical accounts read in proof of the progressive decline of Irish constituencies would strengthen this belief ; while the hope of its success was said to depend upon the decision upon the second reading . To discuss the real purpose and probability of success , is now our intention . The ostensible

      purpose of the Bill is to do away with perjury , by allowing disinterested officers to attach the value to property which shall confer a vote , instead of leaving m value to the oath of the holder ; thereby removing all questions of doubt as to sufficiency . Tiu ' s is tha principle of tho Bill , while the Irish and the English people foolishly suppose that the enfranchising of every holding , rated at £ 5 to the poor rates , is tho principle .

      Hear Lord Mohpeth upon the subject , who is the first speaker of any importance upon the government Bide ; he Bays , "The question of amount belonged , more properly , to the committee than to the second reading . " Now this at once takes the popular principle of a £ 5 franchise out of the bill , and makes it a bill for defining the Irish franchise which has yet to be settled in committee , and which has been forestalled in the debate .

      Tho principal speakers upon the ministerial side were Lord Moepeth , Lord Howick , Mr . Macaulay Mr . Chas . Buller , and Lord John Russell , the ' rest were all froth . Sheil fought a shake in the main with Sir James Graham , whom ho generally selects as an antagonist , perhaps to insure a safe butt for a little personal ribaldry ; and Daniel spoko his Repeal speech , his Corporation , speech , his anti-Tithe speech , and his Appropriation speech over again . Upon the Tory side the speakers were Lord Stanlev , Sir W . Follett , Sir . J . Graham , and Sir R . Peel ; the rest of the Tory pack merely filled up the cry *

      We have stated Lord Mohpeth ' s opinion as to the £ 5 rating , which he admits may amount to an £ 8 rent ; now , it will be borne in mind , that we established it , before the debate , at £ 7 16 a . Lord Howick said " the question was not whether the House would adopt tho amount of £ 5 , or any other particular detail , but whether it would adopt the assessment to the poor rates as a test of franchise ; and , probably , the whole object might be attained by requiring that the voter should be rated for a certain amount beyond that for which he might be rated in the shape of rent ; that is , for a bona fide surplus belonging to himself . " Hence , then , it

      appears that instead of the stumbling block of a fourteen years' tenure , which is already in the way , the Committee may introduce the double title of a bit of fee simple , which alone can belong to a man's self , and a certain amount paid aa rent to a landlord . Now we imagine that twopence fee , and sixpence , or any amount , of rent , would be tantamount to the general disfranchisement of Ireland , as no farmer has a fee simple property to any amount . But the Noble Lord went lurther , and said , " that the importance of settling the question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our fore ' gn affairs . "

      Lord Howick once before said that it would be time enough to listen to complaint when fires took place . He might just as well have said " go it Chartists , " but the Chartists were too wise . However , as we shall presently shew , the invitation has now become tpo general and pressing to be longer declined . Mr . Pigott , the Attorney-General for Ireland , argued that the amount of rating , which should carry the franchise with it , was matter for consideration in the Committee .

      Mr . Macaulay , who , we undisguisedly admit , is far in advance of every member in the House if he had back , gaid that he could not consider the question about the amount of £ 5 as anything but a question o £ detail . He certainly made a most slashing speech , in which he mangled the whole of tho present system of representation , without mercy ; His , and Mr . C . Buller ' s , were the gems ofthe debate upon the Whig side . Buller concluded his speeoh thus : — " He did not apprehend actual rebellion during the life of Mr . O'Conneli , who had taught the great lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which never broke out , but was always to be apprehended" Go it again , Chartists ! growl away good dogs !

      The next , and last speaker , upon the Whig side , was Finality Jack ; and he admits that the amount is no part ofthe principle ofthe Bill , but mere matter of detail for the Committee . But what further does he sayt Why , hear this ; he says "it was not fair to twit the Whigs with , surrendering to threat of outbreak , when the Tories yielded emancipation to a like apprehension . He was not a believer in the theory that the Irish would , under exasperation , transfer their allegiance ; but it made much difference in the strength of our negociations with foreign powers , whether we were supposed by them to be a united or a distracted people . " So that all that is required to make RUSSELL surrender to fear is to make him a believer ! Surely we can do that for him !!

      What say you to all that , brother Chartists ! Are your eyes now opened to the motive ofthe " Establishment , " in making you appear a weak , a disunited , a cowardly , aud a contemptible party in the opinion of foreign nations % Mr . Slaney , who also spoke , an d voted for t he second reading , hinted that he thought the £ 50 Btandard , as in England , would be a very fair amount of principle to introduce in committee .

      So much then for the juggle of a £ 5 franchise , wh / ch , in committee , will be augmented to a £ 59 or £ 60 holding for a term of fourteen years , and a few restrictions in addition to those already in existence , and then the real object of the Bill will have been achieved , by an additional hurrah for a thing that

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      never was intended— " the-Whig £ & franchise , and bo mistake at all at all . " Lot us now turn for a moment to the Tory op * , sttiou , which was vigorously led b y Lord Stanikt who spat fire for three whole hours , covering ij , ' land and evertiung Irish , with bis lava . He cer tainly made a powerful speech , one which a \^ j l cotemporary designates as " a heavy shock to ^ enemy without being of service to his own party , ' * This , tons , appears rather paradoxical ; howeti apart from the Irish venom of the poisonous Mul we find the following bit of English prmci pla ^ contained in the Reform Bill , and which , no ubt the noble spit-fire would gladly apply to Ireland to * insure her people ' s independence ; he Bays : —

      " In England , he was happy to say , a contrary t ^ of things existed . There , it wm very generally a ^ j !? stood , the tenant , in his political acts , waa guided v » his landlord— ( Ministerial cheers )—there no uffwiffij ? ness existed on the part of the landlord to give sJa leases as should carry with them the elective franchiM In England , such was the good understanding on m , subject , that it was always easy to calculate the t&M of a county election as Boon as it was known how tte great landholders intended to vote . ( Cheering from tt » Liberals . ) ^

      -Everyone waa aware of this before ; but there w something very shocking in the open and unblushing avowal of guilt ; and so all those who were perfec tly cognizant of the fact , and many who actually off 6 ( j to it a liberty to be there , set up a most wHtaring shout of virtuous indignation ; just ae a dock full of criminals at the Old Bailey would , if anj ata sheuld have the presumption to call them roguea , Here we beg , once more , to introduce our oft toM tale : " So long as one man ' s property constitute another man ' s neglect to vote , so long will vote and ¦ property belong to one and the same person . "

      It -will be borne in mind , that i n i ntro d uc i n g tib subject to our readers some weeks ago , we stated that Mobpeth ' s Bill was not a voluntary act ^ grace towards Ireland , that "it was merely intended a 3 a match for Starlet ' s , lest the n ^ Lor d ' s nag should have a walk over . " Tbst wa were right , in this opinion , a ? well as upon tba amount of boua fide value , wh i ch a £ 5 ratin g would be required to represent , is proved by the NobW Lord ( Morpeth ' s ) own admission . In apologising for the imperfect documents which he submitted to the House in support of his Bill , he said that , * ]» ' had been hurried in his preliminary arrangements in order to have the start of the Noble Lord , Sta * ley , in the race . "

      In fact , the most unblushing and barefaced admissions have been made on both sidss , and tr « suppose the parties , in the outset , agreed like those school boys who rely upon tfteir expertness , » ad in , order to prevent disputes , agreo before they commence a game at marbles , that " cheating ia fair . " The Noble Lord Stanley so pummelled the question for three whole hours , that from Monday night

      till Thursday he left not a word of new spleen for a single soul who followed him ; indeed , so maca w * that the Right Hon . Ex-Leader , who , upon ttis occasion , was the very bell of the Fox ' s tail , condescended , contrary te his custom , to deal largely ijj personalities , partly , no doubt , owing to hi * change of situation . In fact , take the speeches of Stanley , Macaulay , and Buller out of the debate , and it was

      " One weak , washy , everlasting flood . " Having so far disposed of the Whig and Tory parts , we now come to our own triumph ; and here again let it be understood ,-tbat mask the qaestioa of the franchise as you will , after argument , tin mind must come back to the only just principle , Universal Suffrage ; and the justice oi which we now undertake to prove was not only admitted , bat w » declared only to wait upon force to establish j ) , Hear our proof .

      There have been three great obstacles to Universal Suffrage pleaded by the enemy , namely , want of pr > perty , want of knowledge , and want of independ . ence , adaed to which we may throw in the finality of the Reform Bill , upon the only principle contained in the Bill , and contended for by Lord Johh Russell . To say that fiuality could be applied to any other part of the measure than the franchise is to talk nonsense , else would it be tantamount to a snpercedeas against all organic change , or legislation of any sort , differing materially from the old manufacture .

      The fiuality , then , must be applied to the principle , otherwise it meant nothiug ; aud add to toil , RusSell ' s declaration , that the object of theK » form Bill was to represent property , and , with tbese two , couple his vote and speech , and what becomes of finality and representation of property ? We now take Gkokgs Henhy Wakd , M . P . for Sheffield , as the writing advocate for kuowledge , his declaration being , that the people of England are not sufficiently informed to make the possession

      of the Suffrage a safe trust ia their keeping . Nott , for the hundredth time we ask the Hon . Gentleman to point out the branch in which they are deficient ; and , for the first time , we ask in what the operatives of Manchester , and the artisans of Sheffield , are inferior in political or other knowledge to the Irish classes , who would be apt to be rated to £ 5 on the poof rates 1 Will he answer this ? or can he answer this , and show that they are inferior 1 W » dare him ; we challenge him : we defy him .

      And now comes the old offender—tha stickler for all these ingredients a 3 requisites for an English votor ' g qualification—independence as to property , and as to action , and the possession of knowledge to direct the voter in its use—such persons only , have the Editors of tho Leeds Mercury declared , may be " reasonably deemed" fit for the franchise . Now we admit that it would be folly to . call our neighbour to account for consistency of six months ' duration ; the houest hauntings of the tender conscience of one uf the two Editors may be pleaded in justification of change , as in the case of the b allot .

      But we have yet unfiled before ua , within the bills of mortality , yet uuburit d , —and no declaration of change , no confession of error , no E ditorial qualms , or retractation , —we say we hare now twenty columns of unnled mortal matter , all written long within the half year , to Mabshall , Stansfeld , & Co ., and we ask our friends now to reconcile tie then objections to enfranchising the Irish " boo-TaoTiEfis" ( that was the term ) with the shy , sly , and laudatory little articles upon Moslem ' s Bill , and the old Fox ' s vote thereon . Will he . too , tell as

      that he only voted for the grand principle of defining the franchise , and will bo rote with the Tories in committee against the £ & standard ! Will he , who thought the Reform BUI final upon the question of franchise alone , tell us that he has baen consistent 1 Will he , who said that he would only extend the franchise in England to such £ 10 agricultural voters as , upon enquiry , ^* be found of sufficient independence to make an honest use of it , now tell us that those rated to one haif the -amount in Ireland are better qualified ,

      without more information than Lord Mobpeth gave , aHd confessed to be very imperfect , and with which our member was more than satisfied 1 Will any one tell us , or dare to tell us , that the wan in Ireland ^ whom the £ 5 franchise , or a 5 a . franchiso , would let into the sanctuary of the constitution , would be made a worse man by it , or that the constitution would be the worse for having hi 3 aid instead of hw hatred and opposition 1 And will any man dare to tell us that an Englishman is not equally entitled to his right with an Irishman I

      The waders of newspapers in England are as one to seventeen of the whole population , or one to three of tha adult male population , the one reading it for the other two . They take innumerable trac ^ and exchange papers , and read all sides of eve * y question ; they have their debating clubs and their various association club ? , which lead to knowledge of practical business . They are all politicians ; they can all manage their own affairs .

      In Ireland the reader * Of newspapers are scarce ? one in twohundrtd ofthe whole population . No 1 one in five hundred , who would be enfranchised by W new Bill ,- ever Bees a newspaper ; such of the W > r -

      The Jnx(Mtheh]Nt Star. Saturday, March 6, 1041.

      THE JNx ( mTHEH ] NT STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 6 , 1041 .

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      4 THE NQjRTEfERN STAR > _ ^ .,, . .,, r . '¦ . ¦ : ^^ .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct369/page/4/