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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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n-COXyOK . I >* COXTDHJATION , TPON THE orESTlOXS OF EXPEDIENCY—JRANSFER—^^ PROMISE-POLITICAL TRAFFIC , AND COJIPEN'SATIOK . V 7 Feie > "DS , — I come fresh to the consideration of ^ ffee last terms . To compromise means , literally , IT , djTat * compact upon msfitai eonMBMons , to , —ord , to agree ; and compact means a contract , or agreement
In considering thi * term , ¦ fiauj ' , as a verb , to com-^^ let us see how we have been dealt -with by our Viators , who wae appointed la 1832 , to adjust oar -nse , according to compact . Here , then , I must use ** je -word in that sense in -which it conveys a charge j treachery * foal play , and deceit If you wish to rite tie fullest possible notion of the deceit or betrayal . , person , or parties , in whom you hare reposed eonfidfl * £ *> * B <* * ° w ^ om y ° u QiT 6 submitted your case , jj jfbitntors , yon say they haTe compromised you , Qj * is , * $ & deceived , betrayed you . If a member
-g * s up Bid speaks against his party , yon say he has ^ promiod his party . If an attorney sells his client , fl or deceives him , the client says , his attorney ^ promised him- If ow , then , such is precisely our ^ g , We entered into a compact with the Whigi in liSS ; ¦*¦« returned our arbitrators to adjust our contract vita them ; and , instead of acting openly , fairly , and konounbly , the ? frightened the nation out of its propriety , and even out of its wits , by commencing with tfce Irish Coercion Bill , instead of defining our compact ; and -when they had thus , by a grand stroke of policy , diverted public attention from a consideration of the Befonn BiU , they ewrproinised us , by entering into % fresh contract with our inveterate enemies , ^ do all the dirty work , which the Tories dare net
tStenjpt , but would Eke to see done . They said , " we'll gsrre tie P « * ^ ° '> "" ' ' 11 coerce Ireland for you ; tte'H eiop repeal for you ; -we'll give you rural police jaree , and all other force you want ; we'll jive yonr jpecds compeEsation to double the amount of every pjjad we taie fiom them under the mask of reform ,-re'U iUo * all yoar friends to remain in office ; in short , ve are satisfied to role upon ultra Tory principles , and txss . to go farther , for , besides preserving the balance of po » a abroad , we will save you from your poor at k erns . " Well , they have been as good as taeii -word : they bive established precedents in eight years , which , 2 Bscppased , would justify the Teriest despotism jjuathsy haTe , instead of compromising according to - jonpMt , compromised us according to their definition d ope&ericj .
Jio * see what latitude individuals claim for the exer cise ef that Tery power , the right of which they deny to others . They say that Sir James Graham comprojcised his party ; that Lord Stanley compromised his putj ; and , more recently , they teJl you that Lord Hwci and Charles Wood compromised their party ; bat yon neTer hear of the whole bunch of Whigs baricg compromised the whole cause of the people . 0 ! no ; that ' s not for them to tell ; that's left for me to teUst the eipence of seventy-eight weeks solitary aoiijinfcinent .
y « w , suppose the Convention had compromised the people ; suppose I had compromised thesa , upon any of jej three trials , for my personal safety ; what word would you have used to convey the strongest political aenscre and moral turpitude ? Would you not say that re bad compromised you ? Well , suppose I -was to efcange places now , and tell the people that they have eampraaised every poor fellow who is spending his weary hours in WakeSeld and other hells , for having relied upon the ten thousand and one resolutions which were ptssad , of standing hy the leaders—suppose that I was to tell you that—what would you say ?
ScppotH I was to point to the miserable subscriptions , coming in for the support of wives and famiii ** , dear to them cs yours are to you , when a hundred fold tbeamesnt should pen in—Wb&t would yon say to that ? Why , I don't know what yon would say , for here now , Parliament is within twelve days of meeting ; in a short time most of . he poor fellows will have been entombed for twelve months , and many of them more , and 1 dont find that all those hands which were so freely held up at public meetings , have been as freely pa ; to petitions for their release , while I tell you that one day devoted by the working classes , nay , one hour , to the signature of petitions , would procure , all over
the country , over two millions , which must make such a noise as no Ministry esnii resist Bat for petitions ot this nature , there is no use in them if merely signed by a /•}>« Trm » n opon behalf of the meeting ; they should be signed by each person . Addresses to tUe Throae , may be signed by chairmen of the meetings , as the object is to lay ice thoughts of the people before the Monarch , bst petitions should be signed individually , as nothing but numbers has any effect upon the Boose of Coaunons . Indeed , they should drop in gTtry night ; tha whole time allowed fer presenting petitions , ihould be taken np with those on behalf of the political prisoners—the Charter—and against the Poor Laws .
So such foi compromise , and now for political ta £ c The Rdorai BQ 1 professed to destroy all political tnfic , but Ministers fndin ; it impossible to uphold * o rKtej and corrupt a system , without an equally corrupt system of representation , very soon found that retail Sa £ j must be supplied bj wholesale purchase . Well , now , observe and follo-w me calmly , while 1 drvw from the shades of my unfortunate , but yet beloTcd , tlavc-land , a picture so plain that any man sort Ear -ti 3 true , and
"Pit 7 ^ s , tis trne . " I ^ taa 35 S 3 to 2 535 we knocked up the Greyadministetioa , the Melbourne administration , and the Peel i&Eiaistettion . in i § s 5 the Wc 5 gs began to got tired of ihos ; uncertain qaarttr-days , and they began to tack about OCcnnell had given them" a taste of -what i « could do with his supporters . Lord Xirmanby was appointed to the government ef Ireland , and Lord I > meaimoi ! was Home Secretary . Mr . O'Connell a 4-tessed a series of letters to Lord X > uncannon , in which be aid , in words as plain as hvnesiy would admit of , " fi are for sale , but our conditions are plaees and Ptomage . " " Well , what was the result ? Why , we forad Irish barristers returned for Irish boroughs , who bid never done one day ' s service , and , like hacks in tt * ride , just trotted out to qualify for situations .
Siaee 1835 , there have been made from Irish Liberal Hanbers—Sir Michael O'Loughlin , Master of the Rolls ; Mr . Woulfe , Chief Baron of the Exchequer ; Mr . Perrin , Puisne Judge ; Mr . Ball , ditto ; Mr . Fitoimon , on-b-law to Mr . O'Connell , M . P . for the county of Dublin , appointed to a patent place ; Mr . Morgan OXoaneU , ditto ; Mr . Finn , brother-in-law to Mr . O'Conaell , M . P . for the eounty of Kilkenny , I know art what , or if to any place , but a better man could wtbe appointed ; Mr . ODwyer , and several others .
P «* e have left , while in the House we find Mr . *«* . Mr . More O'Perrall , Mr . Wyse , and Mr . Lynch ; ^ o add to these Parliamentary pensioners an immense ^ ria ? of assistant barristers , police-cfflcers , magistrate ! , "waisoonen , and God knows what . However , in i * than four years , that is pretty good picking . And ^* I may be asked if I object to the men appointed ? * J answer is , deddadly not ; but I do object to the jTSiem of polities ! traffic , in virtue of which they have * appointed .
1 do object to see men , who -were returned in 1832 * 5 « a the most Radical and extreme principles , now T ° aag for £ TCT 7 ^ ^ i tQt Byfa 7 ^ oppTesslony ** 1 every money job ; -while we hear not a breath of ~* freat and necessary measures which they pledged "pelves to rapport , and which they pledged them-« J « to stand by , even to the death . I do s » y that in « nd ha » paid too dear for her whistle , by being •"" P-onused smd made s mere substitute for retail T *« ption , fcy her representatives' wholesale support «« 7 adHdniBtration ; and , in this one bet , the country " / f P ^ aenUy begin to find the simple truth of our l ^^ at itgnaed and Impoveriahed condition . I-ord what Pitt
^^ Melbourne hope to do could idth ^^ * mtteh leM ° PPreMiTe debt ? Pitt ttat all the money in the trearary -would be too ~*» » r the Irish patriot * in the House of Commons , « a they - » ere made saleable by getting power in *• * M therefore it was necemry to mix up the Sher ^ T 55 S mOre ' lrh 0 Would " runp them ' ker owT ^ lWd * " ° Dce 80 ld by the comjptioD at ^ jn parliam ent ; and now Eng land and Ire land Batr , ™ ^ ^ ^ 7 ** leaTen of ^ "fonned rnmp of «» « " rotten and corrupted body . had the
* , - j ^ J ^ e three patriots in House since tha j ^ -g or the Reform BiU- Sharman Crawford , CoL * M Mr . Finn . Crawford and Finn have been
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g » t rid of , and Col . Butler is complained of , and will be got rid of , beo&use he asked for & bit of the hash when it * m going , —and " small blame to him , " as we say in Ireland There are many honourable , honest , conscientious , Irish members in the House , hut they were not forward enough for public opinion in 1 ES 3 ; no-w they are almost too Radical . They are—Mr . Evans , M . P . forconnty of I > ubUn , CoL Butlet , M . P . for county Kilkenny , Sir Montagu Chapman , M . P . for county ofWestmeath ; SirD . O'Korreys , M . P . for Mallow ; Lord Clements , M . P . for the County of Lei trim ; JAx . Walker , M . P . for Wexford ; Mr . Wyie , M . P . ' for Watezford ; Mr . Stuart , M . P . for County of Waterford ;
Mr . Callaghan , M . P . for Cork ; and I fear the ta ! eis told ; but let it be observed , that instead » f those gentlemen who support Mr . O'Connell having been won over to his principles , he his left the Radical principle and gone over to them . In fact , his history is this : he found that the electors would not have his humbugging nonsense any longer , and , instead of making a party , he actually put himself at the head of a party already formed , and , by degrees , compromised the ultra principle wherever he could , in order to persuade the people that he had no support now to carry those extreme measures—the fact being ,- that he kicked all independent support from under himself , lest it should expose him .
Is it not farcical to hear the English people daily abused , and their manly resolution not to join in political traffic made a jest for a set of place-hunting scamps , wha meet at the Orn Exchange , to share the remnant of poor , poor Ireland's liberty among them ? A common observer must be at a loss to know what Mr . O'Connell means by eternally telling the Irish people that the English people are their bitterest enemies . The legitimate inference must be that he wishes to spirit Ireland up to a vast amount of seilreliance , for self-action , but the real meaniDg is this : — He finds that he cannot much longer withhold the fact from the Irish people , that those
on the spot , and who have "well -watched him , have denounced him , and despise him , and be wishes to p&lm the effect for the cause upon the poor Irish who never see a newspaper , and are in the habit of taking his -word for everything' . But , presently the note "mil be changed thus : — "O ! yes they hate me , and -why do they hate me ? They hate because I Jove Ireland . They hate my religion—they hat * my country . " While the fact is , the English people love Ireland just as well , and much better , than the liberal Irish members love her : and as to his religion , the English people ¦ woald ' nt care three straws if he was & conscientious Musselnian , provided he was an honest
man . Again , as regards reciprocity , what is the real fact 7 Why that O'Connell and his tail have , upon every occasion , voted against the interests of the English people . But thanks to that great Omnipotent and all-wise Being , who makes the poor and unprotected the especial objects of his grace , He has raised up a host of strength upon the side of the widow , the orphan , the desolate , the destitute and oppressed , which neither the devil , nor bold bad man can intimidate or subdue . Tea , thanks be to
God , in sincerity and not in mockery , he has raised unto us a host of knowledge , as a rampart round the rights of the poor , at which cannon in vain may be fired , and which neither sward dot sharp instrument can pierce . When the rich robbed the poor of God's bequest , acd when they transferred their guardianship to the protection of the cruel and the heartless , then did he in his wisdom , increase man ' s power of redemption , by flooding the land with an verwhelming stream of knowledge , before which the banks of ignorance must fall a * leaves before the storm .
What , then , will be the end of the Irish juggle ? my readers may ast Why , npon our part we » eek for the Charter tj end it , and all other joggles at once ; bat upon the part of the spirited of all daises of English , Scotch , and Irish , the attempt which they will make , will be to get rid of this insatiabl * maw ; this all-devouxing crow of gormandizing patriot * , by associating themselves together for that purpose . Ton will mark my words , that whether it comes before or after dissolution , a union will come which will stop these marauding politicians . You will see Whigs and Tories laying aside all their differences .
major and minor , to get riii of the pestilence ; and who can blame them ? Is it not too preposterous and ridiculous to see a fine country made mere debateable ground as to who shall be judge , and wh # skill be xfnnt .-i . nt barristers T— who shall be thief-catcher and who shall be thief-magistrate ? who shall be this , who shall be that , and who shall be the other thing ? while nearly all these things are new snuggeries made out of the taxes to uphold the system of wholesale political traffic ; and
yet we find it sufficiently efficacious to keep an administration in office , who are in a glorious minority in the Lords—playing sway-pole in the Commons—detested by the whole people , and despised by their former adherents , while they keep never minding so long as they are there on the quarter-day . Their tune ia—Here we are , " no , " ' no , " " to ;" Here we are , " aye , " " aye , " " aye ;" And here we go backwards and forwards , And into John Bull ' s treasury .
I think I have now shown you that wholesale profligacy has been substituted for retail political traffic , and , no doubt , you have often marvelled at 31 r . O'Coduell's patriotism , and his greit anxiety to keep the Irish members united , honest , and up to the scratch ; bat yon mast bear in mind , that ho works the pooi derils to death , for his own especial benefit , and then , if one of-them asks for a share of the mess , he is denounced as a traitor . Again , I ask any man to show me one liberal act for which O'Connell and the Irish liberal members have voted ; or show me a jub in -which t ' ue whole party have not been mustered upon the treasury side .
These are fact ' s , stubborn things , and fcicts which the absurd balderdash of " O , glory be to God ! I carried emancipation without bloodshed , " and " Ireland is my client , " and '' I dream of her broad land and her rippling streams , her cloud capped hills and fertile valleys , and my heart bounds as I see the wave that conies unbroken from the coast of Labrador , till it breaks at the foot of my native mountains , " cannot conceal . All this ia humbug ; and the greater , because with all these blessings , and with such a force as from forty to fifty Irish members called liberal , her inhabitants are the veriest slaves , the most oppressed people , and the greatest serfs , npon the face of the earth .
If I had twenty Members in the House of Commons at my back , I would snap administration after administration , till justice were done , not only to my native land but to all society , over which Parliament had controul . 11 Hnrrab for the Queen , three cheers for Lord Waterford as a goed sportsman , and God blees Professor Butt , " may do for a bit , but not much longer . I do not think that it would require much logic , or many
words to prove , to any child of twelve years of age and sound mind , that every Chartist prisoner is a victim to this wholesale political traffic , and for this reason—the object was to crush and destroy every agitation , save that which gave strength to the ruling faction , and had for it * object , " Keep the Tories out . " But thanks , eternal thanks , to the well-marshalied ChartisU ; they have kept the Whigs at bay , and have put an extinguisher upon all humbug agitation . Oar day will soon cone , and it « h * n not be marked by blood or vengeance .
Bo much for political traffic ; and now I come to the question of compensation . [ Here we must break Mi . O'Connor ' s letter in two , as the whole would be more than our space would legitimately admit of- — £ & 0
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . Madam , —The last function which devolves npon a Government , which exist * sot for the perwnal advantage or aggrandisement of iti members , bat for the real interests of society , ' is that of providing for the important work of individual and national reformation . This , perhaps the most deeply important of all the functions of those invested with authority , in the body social and politic , naturally divides itself into two branches , namely , those eflbrts which should be directed . to individual , and those which should extend to national , reforms . It is to the former of these branches that I shall confine my present attention .
We have seen that two prolific sources of crime are constitutional defects and imperfect education ; and we lrill consider the part of our subject now immediately
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,,, ¦ _ — , . ' M - , / ¦ ¦ before as , in reference \ o 'these two subjects . The duty of the Government in clearly two-fold ; to reform , as far as possible , the already criminal population , and to prevent the accession of new victims to its ranks . ' For the first of these ends , two things are requireda vigilant system of police , to ensure the detection and conviction of offender *—and which , with all our pretended improvements ,-1 submit we haTe not—and such a system of criminal jurisprudence , as sbatt inflict merited punishment , duly and etrictly appropriated to every crime , and at the same time so
framed , and administered as to convince the poor deluded wanderer from the paths of rectitude , that he u still regarded as a man ; and that « very privation , to which he is subjected , as the consequence of his offence , is designed , if he will but co-operate with that design , to en&ble him to regain his forfeited place and character in society . Te this end , the whole system of prison discipline , and the laws on which that discipline is founded , must be changed , and a classification of crime , very different from any which we possess at present , most be introduced .
"The law must . be satisfied ; " "the vengeanoe of the injured law ; " " the vigorous demands of offended justice ; " * & , he , maybe very fine expressions ; they may aerre to tickle the ear , and to gtre an elegant sound to a well-turned period , but they breathe , little of the spirit of our holy religion , and are bat ill calculated to lead to proper feelings towards those who , be they what they may , are still the children of Him who respects not persons , and who is " long-suffering , " even to the most rebellious . It will be my principal duty to demonstrate that our present system of prison discipline is not possessed of one single ingredient calculated to reform and restore the criminal ; that , on the contrary , it ia of a character only to deaden the lee ' / iags , -and io brntalise the soul . We have . Madam ,
;* nd I grieve to say it , tinder the rule of a female Sovereign , is the nineteenth century , ^ a system of penal discipline more in accordance with the spirit of a Draco or a Nero , than that of the benevolent faith to which , in irord , we pretend so much attachment . We find men with their reason perverted , and we send them from our prison-houses with the moral sense entirely destroyed ; in fact , it seems as if we had a mind to make our prisons as much like the infernal regions as possible , and their unfortunate inmates like demons , that they may come forth to blast and destroy , with their pestilential influence , all that is in itself peaceable , praiseworthy , and excellent ; and spread a moral death and desolation throughout the length and breadth of the land .
The second point to be attended to by a good and patriotic government , is the prevention of accession to the ranks of the criminal population . And the great and only efficient means for accomplishing this , ( in conjunction with such an arrangement of the state of society as shall bring all its institutions into an accordance with the genuine spirit of Christianity , of which we shall speak by and by , ) fs the assiduous and careful training of the young , in such habits and principles as shall lead them duly to appreciate , and constantly to practice , the golden rule , " Whatever you would thst men should do to you , do you even so to them . " I do not mean that the young
should be instructed in points of faith , and maxims of discipline ; this would not , in my opinion , be worth the name of a Christian education . No , Madam , what I mean is , that the whole population , from the Princess Royal down to the little one born , the other day , at the door of a parish workhouse , ( into which the inhuman wretch , miscalled a relieving officer , refused the mother admittance , in that hour of Dature ' s keenest anguish , ) should be taught their reciprocal rights and duties ; based upon the only sure foundation , universal equality and mutual dependance . I know this may be Btrange doctrint to a royal ear ; but the question is
not about it * being strange , but about its being true . I do not mean by universal equalfty , the reducing ef all persons to one level , in reference to property , wealth , rank , # r station ; in the present state of society , that is neither possible , nor desirable , A . time will come when even this will be the case ; yes , when the pur * and benevolent religion of the Lord Jesus shall be found enshrined in every heart , and actuating every life : then the world " will be what the primitive Church was—& community of loving and human beings , the highest ambition among whom will be , who can do the most service—who can produce the greatest amount of happiness , to be diffused among the whole .
In such a state of society property would be acqnired , lor industry must create property ; but it would not be private , but common . There might be stores of wealth , but they would be at the disposal of all : there would be subordination of station , but each would be tor the general advantage ; and degrees of rank would exist osly to point at superior worth , which , in such a state , would be an infallible badge of superior use and service . We have not got to this point yet , however , though like Moses , from the top of the mount , we may gain a glimpse of the promised land ; and ages will , I fear , roll on before this happy " consummation , so devoutly to be wished , " will arrive .
I do say , notwithstanding this , that the rising generation ought to be , and must be taught , even now , the doctrine of univetsal equality ; that is , that all men are equal before God , and that all ought to be bo before the law ; they should be taught that it is a moral crime to take property which is not their own , whtlher by an act which the law call * felony , or in the salaries , pensions , or sicecures , taken fi-om the general purse , by those who have received no legal
authority from the people so to dispose of their hardearned property . They should be instructed , that an act which would be considered disreputable ¦ when transacted towards a friend , does not become respectable because done in carapliance with the usages of trade ; and that to take away the life of man is criminal , not only when done by an iudiWdu . il , but when done by the orders of a judge , on the scaffold , or in a ¦ wholesale way upon the battle-field , by the ordera of a Kinr , or by an Act of Parliament .
These are some of the lessons respecting equality , which ought to be generally inculcated . I will only mention one or two more which appear to be of vaat importance . Our rising race should be most carefully taught that the child of a pauper ia as dear to its parents as the child of a prince ; that no man , be his rank or station what it may , has a right to the service of another , without giving him an ample recompense for his labour ; and that nothing can be considered an ample recompense which fails to procure him the necessaries , the comforts , and the conveniences of life ; and that it is unjust and unchristian to make a workhouse a prison , or to punish poverty as a crime . These things must be understood and acted upon by all , or we shall never be a virtuous and a happy people .
We must also have our mutual dependence upon each other . That we are mutually dependent upon each other , and tbat without this mutual dependence , socitty could not exist , are truths so plain , that he who runs may read them . I am , Madam , Tour Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and servant , London , February * th , 18 * 1 . HUM A .
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BRONTERRE ON THE UMON WITH THE MIDDLE CLASSES . TO THE EDITOB OP THE NORTHERN STAR . Edinburgh , 8 tb Feb . 1841 . Sib ., —As it is necessary tbat the Radical body should be made acquainted with the sentiments of their real friends in bondage , when so many pretended ones are at large , I deem it my duty ( albeit it may be in disobedience t * '' the powers that be" )—to . send you for publication , Mr . O'Brien ' s opinion on the proposed " union with the middle classes" for " further reform . " I say " in disobedience to the powers that be , " because , as you are aware , Mr . O'Brien is expressly prohibited from communicating with any ChartUt paper wkatever , and though the letter is question was examined by the Governor , it was allowed to pass solely from being sent to a private friend . The public importance of the subject , and the necessity for preventing any of the " lambs" from being led astray either by the " wolves " or other " lambs , " induces me to send it to the press .
Would you permit me , at the same time , to make a single remark , npon aa " address to the middle classes" issued by Messrs . Collins and O'Nell . In alluding to the split between the working and middle classes , they term it" a deep chasm produced by mutual pride , prejudice , and ignorance . " " Mutual" yon will please observe—i . e :, * ' pride , prejudice , and ignorance" on both sides' In whatever light Mr . 0 'Neil may view this subject , surely if Collins bad not , for the moment , forgotten the comforts of Warwick Gaol , notto speak ef every other gaol in England , teeming as they are with the victims of middle class legislation and a middle-class governmerit ; if he hid not , I say , forgotten all this , with .
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« .. , ' > V ; : r : many other things Which he well knew , whea in Scotland , he would never have characterised the dislike entertained by the ; working classes to tbe profit-mongers , a * the result of " prid * , prejudice , and ignorance . " „ I am , Sir , ¦ Tour very obedient servant ,: ¦ A . M .
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THE COMFORTS OF THE POOR . TO THK EDITOR OF , THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —I beg to direct your attention to the following article in that dirty Whig toady , ycleped the Hampshire Telegraph ;—" A travelling vagrant died in the station-house of our Portsmouth police , early on Monday morning last ; he was 73 years of age , and had passed the previous night in the same room , on accaant , it subsequently appeared , of his being no filthy tbat , oo lodging-house weuld take him in ; he bad money in b'S pocket , but
was quite tipsy ; he had abundance of atraw to lie on , and waa beard to sing out at two and four o ' clock in the morning ; but , at daylight , whea the door was opened for htm to go away , he was found dead , ami quite naked ; he had taken all his clothes off , eiiqved the straw np into a corner , and laid en the bare stones . The cold mast , from the position in which his head was thrown baofc , have produced a fit Every enquiry ha 8 been made , and clearly no blame can be attributable to the police . A coroner ' s jury returned a verdict of ' Death from natural causes . '
This is another specimen of the boasted wisdom ot our middle classes and their fltneaa as jurors—another instance of the damnable working of the Whig Poor Law and Police A « ts . The poor old man with the frost of 73 winters on his brow , would , no doubt , rather trust to chance charity than , after years of uureqnited toll , linger out his few rarnaining days In a Whig Poor Law Bastile on pork water soup and brown " Tommy . " The poor old man sought shelter from the inclemency » f . the weather at the station-bouse' ; he teas not dr 000 cd thert for being drunk and disorderly ; he had money i » his pocket , saya the report . How
mutih thi&k you , Sir f Ouq shining and fourpence was all . I have beard bat fourpence , but we will give them credit for the larger amount The poor , feeble old man would naturally keep that if he could for his next day ' * support , bat that cauld not be thought of by the " intellectuals ; " so , of course , the story of hia having filthy habits was believed ; and for having filthy habits he was placed in a cell with abundance of straw ( abundance in the Whig meaning of the term ) , and left unseen , unpitied , to perish . Had he been a drunken , filthy aristocrat , a bullying soldier officer , which we , the inhabitants of this place too often witness , be
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would haye been placed before the fire of the stationhouse and bis every want attended to ; but the old man , after being'thtuat Into the cell , was left alone ; and , although be was heard to sing put at two and four o ' clock , no one ^ ent to his assistance -, yet a policeman is always supposed to be in attendance in the adjoining room . When the " blue devil" was questioned oa this point , be said he . thought the old man was singing . The old man , being tipsy , / might have taken off his clothes , thinking he was going to bed ; and afterwards , in his uony or fit , have shoved hit abundance of tiraui
into the corner , and ; thus was fouDd at daylight with his bead thrown back , naked ! and dead ! . ' Good God ? are we In a Christian oonntry ? or is reason and humanity fled to brutish beasts , that thus , after the oft-repeated charge of ignorance amongst the working classes , unfitting them for the elective franchise , we find a middle class jury , composed from the intelligent arid intellectual electors of what Frank Baring calls " the independent borough of Portsmouth , " return a verdict , in a case like this , ot "Death from natural causa . " Yours , with much respsct , A Working Maw .
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' THB QUEEN IN AN INXBRBSTING SITUATION . " "It is stated in ciroles likely to be acquainted with the fact , that her Majesty is again ia an ' interesting situation , ' at once exciting the hopes and sympathies of her loyal Bul » jects . " ¦ ¦ -..,- " i Thus saitb the Globe ; and as the Globe is , par excel lence , the Ministerial paper , we suppose it has such infonnatroasfl to what passes in the " circles likely to be acquainted with , the fact , " as te be able to speak ouits positively upon this subject ; so that we may take it for granted that another piece of Royalty is now In a state of incipient creation .
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r We believe Queen Victoria was married to his Royal Highness of ' Saxe Coburg in the month of February , 184 « . This is February ; 1841 , ' antf abceady has she bestowed upon the happy nation one little pledge of their Royal affections , and already does she Royally promise to bestow upon us another . Of course * as tl » new morsel of Royalty i » already asnounced to be " on the road , " it is to be expected in the course of six or seven months ;' so that he or she will probably corn * upon us about the latter end of August or the . beginning of September . - ..- ¦ •'¦ ' ¦ -. ~
If this matter comes off all right , it will be just two Princesses—or a ^ Prince and a Princess , which is muob the same—in nlneteenmonths . Queen Victoria is now something mdre than two-and-twenty . When the new * scion of this noble house shall be born she will bo about threoand-twenty . She will then have at ieaak seventeen good years left to give birth to young Prince * and Princesses . Now , seventeen years contain 20 * months , and reckoning the births at a little under ten months each , they will amount to jnst twenty-one . Add the two already bora , or oh the stocks , and ire have » total of twenty-three , twenty-three young Princee * nd Princesses J—all to be in existence by the year 1858 , and alt to be kept in great state—large housas , fine carriages , and long retinues of servants—out of th « taxes of this gasping country f
This is a happy prospect « f domestic felicity and of public prosperity . If we could only sell our Princes and Princesses at the price they are valued at in th « parish of St . James ' s , what a happy future we should have to look forward to , and what a rich country England would teeorae ! Unfortunately , however , " this is « ofc the case . We know of nobody tbat would buy them , even at the price we estimate them at , for w » know of no one that would ' take them off our' hands ) gratis . What ,, then , shall we d « with our Princes and Princesses T If we have twenty-three in twenty years , there is no reason why wa should not have the square of twenty-three- in forty years more , and tbat , as the rules of multiplication and addition tell us , Would make in the aggregate five hundred and fifty-two Prlncea and Princesses—a specimen 61 Royal fecundity that wonld be very entertaining to Europe , but which is not at all impossible to be exhibited if all the offspring of her Gracious Majesty are born with the attributes of their august parent . —Satirist .
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RIVAL TRADES' UNIONS . —IMPORTANT CASE . GUILDHALL POLICE COURT , LONDON , Fed 20 . ( From our own Correspondent . ) This day , William Hawley , George Woldridge , John Hawley , William Landriff , and William Hickliug , stonemasons , employed in repairing the Temple Church , off Fleet-street , ( who had been Bummoued on a former day , when tbe matter was adjourned to give the respective parties an opportunity of arranging the afflur . ) reappeared to answer the charge ef Joseph Btichan and others , in " having forced them to depart from their hiriDg to one Barney Barrett '' The Court was densely crowded with members of the Builders' Union , a deputation fr « m whom civilly waited on our correspondent to apprise him of the re-bearing of the case , the terms with the complainants not having ; been adjusted .
Mr . CUHKSON , who attended for the prosecution , in a long and bitter address invoked the vengeance of the law on tbe defendants , for having violated what the Learned Counsel denominated the " rights of civilised society , in compelling the complainants to abandon their hiring , and refusing te permit them to earn their bread on terms satisfactory to themselves . " The very well-being of society ( he saW ) depended upon the enforcing of the law in this instance , which tbe accused parties had deliberately broken . The complainants were members of a club , but not of that to which the defendants belonged . On the ICth of January , they applied to Mr . Barrett , who is foreman to Mr . Burnell , an extensive builder , to be employed on the repairs at the Temple ; be took down their names on His list . ¦
and told them to * come to work ou Monday -morning , but when they went , the defendants , and the Tiat of the men who belonged to the Birmingham Union , withdrew into a corner , consulted , blew out their candles , and told the clerk ef the works ( the foreman not having then arrived ) that if the complainants were set to wort , they ( defendants ) would leave . As the master could not complete hia contract if fifty of his men left him in this way , be tras obliged to abandon the hiring of the complainants , as he had frankly told them he must do if the Birmingham . Union men refused to work with them . The master was unable to retain the complainants on account of the conduct pursued by tha defendants , and for that they must now answer : Trades' Unionswrethe abomination of . all ' good men , and were as much the bane of the workmen , as of the
masters . Joseph Buchan was then called , and examined by Mr . Clarkson ; he detailed the circumstances of his "hiring" by Barney Barrett , at a public-bouse in Chaucery-lane , and the'conduct of the defendants and the other men when they wsnt to Work . Hawley , the elder , who is also a foreman , said they must have a b y good cheek to come there- to work ; " and another said he never saw men with such ' cheeks" in bin life . In a cross-examination by Mr . Charles Phillips , ( who appeared for the defendants , ) the witness stated , that the Bociety to which he belonged consisted of about 300 ; he did not offer Mr . Batrett 100 or 150 raca
if the defendants objected to woik with them ; and Mr . Barrett did not say he would hire them provided they could arrange uith the men already in his employ . The name of the complainant ' s club waa the " Operative Masons'Trade of London . " [ The witness hesUattd afc this and several other questions put to him , repeating the words of Mr . Phillips , and drawing upon himself some sharp rebukes from the Learned Counsel . ] The entrance money to this society was only Ss ., and they did refuse to work with men who were not members ot it ; their objoct was to protect themselves from the coercion of the other society ; he did not know the amount of the funds , and declined to say what use waa to be mode of it .
Mr . Clarkson . —You could not take a better way of getting rid of it than in going to law with each other . Mr . C . Phillips—( loaking round the Court )—Hear that , now . Tbe Learned Counsel says , you cannot adopt a better mode of spending your funds than in going to law . I say , that you cannot possibly take a
worsei ; Mr . CLARKSON . explained that he meant - " a more effectual" instead of a beiier way—he agreed with hia learned friend , that moraUy they could not take a u-orss coutbo than going-to law . This evidence having closed tbe case on the part of the prosecution , Mr . Phillips said he should show that the complainants had not been hired , and that would put an end to the charge that they had been driven from their hiring . A great many men had been employed for two months past in repairing the Temple Church , and they would like to know why a deputation from the other society had applied there for work , except for the purpose of making a disturbance , and annoying them , by completing the job sooner , and
shortening the time of their employment ; while plenty of work might be got elsewhere in tho lwjiiopolis . What Mr . Barrett bad said to them was , that he bad no objection to hire the complainants if they could arrange with tbe men already employed at the job ; he could not have any dispute with his tneu ; upon which the complainants offered to supply Mr . Barrett with 100 or 150 men if be wanted them . Why had not tha complainants put Mr . Barrett in the witnoss-box to prove tbe fact of their having been hired , if they really believed they hod been ? As , however , they had not done bo , he would do that service for them ; he , a » cordingly , called Mr . Barrett , who , on getting into the box , and being sworn , upon being asked bia name , replied that it was Barnabas Barrett .
Mr . Phillip * objected , that as the summons wn » the only document upon which tlie defendants wet © tried , and was like- an indictment , it ought to be accurate , and not describe an individual whose Christian or baptismal name was " Barnabas" by the nickname of Barney . Mr . Clarkson contended that , though it mjght be a nickname , it was one by which the witness was well and commonly known , and Mr . Phillips , therefore , had sufficient notice of the party ; besides , the magistrates bad the power of amending tbe summons . Mr . Phillips—What 1 amend a penal documentamend an indictment 1
Mr . Clarkson contended that the power lay witi the Aldermen to decide on all the points brought before them . He designated the objection taken by Mr . Phillips as a miserable objection ; and hoped that two Aldermen of the % eity of London would not so far discredit the Corporation as to follow the recent example of the first assembly of the realm ; assisted by th » fifteen Judges—an . assembly , however , for whom all bad , bscause all ought to have , the highest veneration . Mr . Phillips said , be was not in the habit of applying the term " miserable" to anything emanating from bis Learned Friend ; as that term only showed the taste of those who used it ; but he mustj »| " «»* he was always deeply indebted to his Learned Friend for his assistance , particularly when WM ** ¦ ¦ % *** him ; and in this case be was happily saved tbe trouble of coinbatUnf toe Learned Gentieman ' s . argument , because he bad so effectually over-argue ^ Mms ^ f . » required " some check , " though , as the witness described it . to call this objection ' " miseraWe . ; , one .
A graphic scene h « e ensued ; the Aldermep were engaged in deep consultation , when Mr . CJarksoa began to exhort them , at the top of bis -rolee . * o convict the defendants / and allow ; them a * £ ** £ »** . Mr . Phillips , in an equally bigb key , urged tb «» dis > B > i « al of the casei and , for » few niinntef , t ^ M *™* AWermen might be seen consulting , with , tbe Ijearned . Counsel on eitbet side , jabbering away , both , iqpdhtr , like a couple of washerwomen -whose ?• monkeja" bad been put up , or still more like a brace of Pe ^ lcoatlane Israelites , endeavouring - respectively , to secure * greenhorn " cushtomer . " The patter-elatter , of tbe Learned" Gentlemen was finally terminated by the Aldermen dismissing ; the case ; when Mr . PftUlips , la the " turning of a handspike , " clapped on bis til * , and saying , ? ' Of course—good morning , " made bi » exit through the Aldermen ' s ante-chamber ; while Mx * Clarkson , with evident chagrin , pulled ont bis pane , and paid for fresh summoosea against tbe jama defeo * danta , on a similar ,. tmt not Otnrm charge .
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¦ ¦ - ? PAWNBROKERS' EXACTIONS . TO THE EDITOR OF THB NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Yon are considered to be the " poor man ' s friend" and advocate , and your deservedly valued Star has discovered and brought to light many bidden things of darkness . While you thus puisne yonrgrtmA design , by exposing bad laws , and grinding taxation , under which the people suffer wrong , and fearlessly assert tbe rights of man , permit me , through the medium of your paper , to expose the- illegal exactUns of the pawnbrokers of this town .
I choose this the rather to the enlightenment of tbe poor victims of their rapacity , and as a caution to the pawnbrokers themselves , than all at ence to embroil them in tbe informations , and penalties , which the law directs . That twenty per cent , profit ( in most instance * eighty per cent profit ) is realised ' , and this , too , according £ law , ohould not be considered by the most grinding of inhuman beings , a sufficient equivalent for lending a half-starved family a few shillings , on good security , is a more impudent assertion than the devil himself could offer . But bo it is ; and that among persons making pretensions to piety . Take an
example . The prwnbrskers' act Btatea the rate of interest thus : viz . that fur every pledge not exceediag 2 b . ed ., tbe pawnbroker shall be entitled to charge one halfpenny for every calender month ; for 5 s . one penny , and one halfpenny for the duplicate ; for 78 . 6 U . three halfpence per month , and one halfpenny for the duplicate ; for 10 b . twopence per month , and one penny for the duplicate ; for one pound , fourpence per month , and twopence for the duplicate ; and so on in proportion for any sum , not exceeding forty-1 wo shillings ; above forty-tw « shillings to £ 10 , threepence per month for every pound advanced .
Thus , a parson borrowing fifty shillings would be legally changeable -with twopence for the duplicate , and sevenpence halfpenny for one month ' s interest ; and so in proportion . If tbe sum lent was £ & , or upwards , the duplicate is fourpence . The pawnbroker U also entitled . to charge half-a-inontb , if seven days of the current month have expired ; if fourteen days have expired , then he is entitled to charge as for a whole month . As , for instance , a person borrows 23 . 6 d . from a pawnbroker , on the 10 th day of February , and redeems the pledge on or before the 17 th day of March ( the" following month ) , tbe pawnbroker could legally charge one halfpenny , and no more , if , after tbe 17 th of March , and prior to the 24 th , the pawnbroker might legally charge three-farthings , and no mote ; and pawnbrokers are required to give farthings in change , Hence we see that the weekly customers pay eighty per cent ,
or two shillings and twopence yearly , for the loan of 2 a . 6 d . ; and this shameful interest the pawnbroker is justified in . charging , according to act of Parliament , I shudder at the covetousness of these Jews ; they are like the grave , never satisfied . But they have lately been trying ( and are now practising ) to steal a , day ' s march on their very liberal usury act , by accommodating the customers ( obliged by poverty to call at their offices ) by lending them 2 s . Sd ., providing ouly 2 & 6 d . is wanted , and charging them one penny , instead of one halfpenny per week , or 4 s . 4 d . pet year , for the use « f 2 a . 9 d . This is liberal , indeed ! and these sapient pawnbrokers , unaccustomed to thinking , no doubt suppose that their Act of Parliament will protect them In this grinding oppression . This is not the case . An application to the magistrates will put the matter right .
Let the Overseers of the Poor lay the informations , and , byway of making them disgorge some of their ill-gotten pelf , cause the pawnbrokers to pay the next rate for tbe relief of the poor , as would be easily done ; the Informer being entitled to one half of the penalties , and the poor of the pariah to the other . This could not be considered unfair ; or else , let every poor person thus abused inform in his own case , and make the law respected . The penalty in each case is £ 10 ; and , be it remembered , that by Act of Parliament pawnbrokers are required to mark the interest they received oa the duplicate , and to file them , that they may be forthcoming on the order ef a magistrate , to bear testimony against them when they act illegally . I am . Sir , Yours , respectfully , Scrutator . Macclesfleld , Feb 20 th , 1841 .
Gpivit Of Tf≫* 3jsr**£.
gpivit of tf >* 3 JSr ** £ .
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* Lancaster Castle , Feb . 4 th , 1811 . * * ' . ' . .. '" ?' . •• ' . Aa to the Leeds affair , and the projected union between the middle and working classes , It is all moonshine ; or rather the offspring of an old agreement between certain false " Chartists" and their secret friends , the profitmongers , to which " respectable" class the false fellows : either belong themselves , or aspire to belong . So far as the honest workies are concerned , it will be a union of hawks and sparrows , or of wolves and lambs—the understood terms of which " union " will be , tbat the hawks and wolves shall spare a few particular sparrows and lambs , on condition that the said favoured individuals shall aid and assist the
aforesaid hawks and wolves in getting more easy access to , and a more' complete mastery over , all the other sparrows and lambs , tbat is to say , tbe whole of their respective " orders , " save and except the few favoured conspirators . Even these will 2 nd themselves outwitted , and immolated in the long run ; for the moment the hawks and wolves find they can dispense with tbeir services , they will pay them Polyphemus ' s , compliment—that Is , ' » eat them last of all ! " The only conspirators who will escape are the few who may nave , meanwhile , emerged from their " order , " and got snugly incorporated among the " respectable "
" orders" of . cats and wolves . This , my dear M— , is the history of all pretended " unions" between the middle and . working classes , and I entertain little respect for the understanding of any man Who expects any other result from the present " union . " There were such unions established between the middle and working classes during th © first French ' Revolution , but they all ended in the like result—via . the utter destruction of the people ' s honest leaders—tbe making their fortunes for a few traitors—the complete
subjagation of the workies , who were foola enough to trust in them , and an accession of fierce power and exemption from responsibility to the middle-class murderers of French society . The same will be the result bere , if the " union" goes on . The false leaders of the Chartists will be made use of to destroy the honest ones ^ the people will get more devoted than ever—then will follow disappointment and disgust—then , apathy and despair , and then comes the finale—increased power for the oppressor—Increased misery ( if that be possible ) for tbe oppressed 1
" A union between the middle and working classes , " indeed ! What an impudent cheat ! How are the five or six hundred poor fellows who have been consigned to felon ' a cells for asking a real union—the union of equal rights and equal laws with their oppressorshow are these to unite with the villains who have so treate&tbeni , and nearly starved their poor families to death ? How are the thousands of honeat Chartists who have been persecuted out of hoasa and home , or who are sow walking the streets in rags , and without
a morsel of bread to put into their mouths , —how are they to " unite" with the conspiring murderers who have turned or kept them out of employment , for simply asking their rights f 'Tis all stuff and nonsense to talk of a union with these villains , until Universal Suffrage has been carried—till both parties are ou an equal footing . Then , but not till then , ought the words " union with the middle classes" to be pronounced , by Chartists ; for then , and then only , could such a union be founded in reciprocal respect and confidence to be guided by mutuality of Interests .
"A union between the middle and working classes , " jndeed ! Pshaw ! It is rank , disgusting humbug ! How is it that those patriots , Afanhall , Stansfeld , and Company , have been so silent for the last nine years ? Where wero they in the days of tbe Coercion Bill ? of the New Poor Law BUI ? of the twenty million-West-Indian-Negro-Slavery-job ? of the New Police Act ? Where were they when poor Courtenay or Tliom and hia followers were so cruelly and barbarously murdered near Canterbury Where were they at the time of the Trades Unions , when the Dorchester Labourers and the Glasgow Cotton Spinners
were transported ! Where were they wbe the late agitation commenced , or during its progress . ' Why did they not come out even with tbe Birmingham people ! What were they doing all the time ? What were they doing when the London Police were breaking the heads of the lieges in Birmingham , paying domiciliary visits , robbing men « f their arms and even of their private letters , and filling the gaoJs with better and more legal men than themselves ? What were they doing all this time ?• Did they petit / on , remonstrate with , or rebuke their government for any of these acts ? Have they presented a single
petition on behalf ot the expatriated or the dungeoned Chartists , since the beginning of the perscutions ? Oo they appear likely to do so now ? or if they did , would it not be a mere " tub to the whale , " and accompanied with a silent prayer that the petitions might have no effect ? If they were honest men they would have shown themselves such long ago . If their present purposes were honest ones , their conduct and language would be thus : —they would say to their Parliament , " It 1 b not in our power to do justice to working men under the existing state of commerce . It is not in human nature that they can have comfort or justice
under existing institutions , which ore made exclusively by those who have an interest in oppressing them . These institutions will never be amended by law makers , chosen only by these parties , to which , we grieve to say , we unavoidably belong . Wo wish to do justice to tbe poor men , without sacrificing eurselves or our own just rights , but we cannot do so under existing institutions ; and as these institutions will never be altered until those who suffer by them are placed ou a level with ourselves aud with you ( tbe Parliament )
in respect ef political rights , we demand of you , as on act of justice towardb them , and of consideration towards us , ( who in part have elected you , ) tbat you suspend all future legislation , B&ve what Ib required by the Immediate business on hand , till you have passed an act similar in substance and effect to the People's Charter . * ' There is no " union " required for all this . Will they do it ? But why waste words on Buch a crew ? for does not their every act and speech , as well as what they have not done , bear palpable evidence in the face of it that they are intriguers and impostors !
( Signed ) James B . O'Brien . * Echo answers , " ' Keeping out the Tories , * and looking after the main chance . " —Printer's Devil .
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A SAMPLE OF THE HONESTY OF THE " HIGHER ORDERS . " In commenting upon the fate trial of Lord Cardigan , the Spetlator observes : — " And now as to the Court itself . Notwithstanding the care of the prosecution to withhold evidence , and of tbe defence to divert attention from what could not be withheld , the following f ^ cts were established . Mrs . Dann saw two gentlemen kneel and load pistols , then xise , stand back to back , walk asunder some , paces each , place other two at the points thus fixed , put pistols in their hands , stand aside till they fired at each other , give them fresh pistols , and stand aside till they fired again . Mr . Dann saw the combatants stationed ; saw them fire both times ; never lost eight of them till be
reached the gvouud ; when he saw one gentleman wounded , aud took tbe pistol from the band of another , that other being one of those wha fired , and also Lurd Cardigan , the prisoner at the - bar . Sebastian Dmn , saw the kneeling of the seconds , the firing of the principals , and the wounded gentleman with a great deal ef blood oa the ground . There cannot exist a doubt that Lord Cardigan discharged two pistols at some individual , and wounded him the second time ; it having been also proved that he said to the Inspector of Police— ' leave been fighting a duel , aud have hit my man . ' Then as to the identity of tbe wounded antagonist of Lord Cardigan . Dann allowed him to go home with his surgeon , upon giving his address ; that address was , ' Captain Harvey Tucfcett , 13 ,
Hamiltonplace , New-road . ' Dana culled three times ; and each time , on asking for Captain Tuckett , was ushered in to the wounded gentleman who gave him the address ; and on one occasion that gentleman seat a note by Dann to the magistrates , which he signed with the name Tuckett . ' Mr . Walthen gave evidence to the effect tbat a gentleman of the name of Harvey Tuckett had rented business chambers front him for upwards of a year , who gave his card of reference 'Captain Harvey Tuckett , 13 , Hamilton Place ; ' and tbat he had sent a hamper to the gentleman by that address . It was proved that the Earl of Cardigan deliberately discharged two pistols . at a person of the name of Cuptain Harvey Tuckett , and wounded him . Tnis was the charge against the Earl—a charge which , as Btated by the prosecution , admitted by the Court , and not questioned by the defence , if proved , rendered him liable to punishment The counsel for the accused
objected to the production of the card ; it was proved , without the card , that the wounded man gave the name aiid place of residence above mentioned , that he waa repeatedly seen there during his convalescence , and that a person of that name and title resided there . If there were any thing extenuating in the circumstances out of which the duel arose , that was a portion of the defence . The criminal act was proved , and brought borne to tbe Earl of Cardigan . And yet' tbe members ot the House of Peers , the conservators of the piety , morality , and law of the empire , after commencing their proceeding with a solemn appeal to tbe Deity , rose up one by one when called upon , and each in succession , placing his right hand upon his breast , said , Not gnilty , upon my honour . ' Alas for tbe honour of the British nobility ! it is much upon a par with tbe veracity of the fiery knigbts , who , in the First Part of Shakspere ' s Richard the Second thrust the lie down each other ' s
throats . " Upon the same subject the Examiner adds : — " A duellist ' s chances of impunity are now these ; be must be a Peer of Parliament , and he must fight a man with a long string of Christian names . In the old duels with swords , tbe length of the sword used to be sent with tbe challenge , to ensure equal terms . In duels , henceforth the length ; of the names should be sent , or the parties cannot be on even terms as to « m-• equeaoes , even if they are not Peers . A Harvey Tuckett might not bate been shot at with impunity , bat evidence breaks down under a Harvey Garnett Pbipps Tuckett . The case was too much for the grasp of jus : ice exactly by the Garnett Pbipps . Had he been murdered , bis godfathers and godmothers would have bad to answer for the impunity or bis assassin . This most important consideration should have occurred to Mr . Shandy , in hia appreciation of tha teportance ot Christian names . "
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^ THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct368/page/7/
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