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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th February 1841, Edition 2 of 3, Page 3

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    • . i&XtXfr
    • fLtUrarg ^xtrattg
    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1841.
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      Untitled Article

      LOOK AT THE CLOCK

      r , v . t the Clock ! " quoth Winifred Pryoe , " i * te open -a Hie door to her husband * knock , mTt r » B 3 'd to giro him a piece of advice , ^ r £ !! art 7 Wsmb * . look ¦* *• clock ! Is flus the -way yon ¦ R- reich , every day yon - ^* bo who TO-sr'd to love and obey you ? - *** Oat all night ! 3 ie in a fright ; « . « reriss home as it ' s just getting fight ! brnie i job iiaeaaioje iwuc * -

      SHrVsrined . . * ° Vat 15 e Clock . ' -Do ! -Lo 9 k at the Clock r _ . . L-a p ^ yee **« tidT And dfi&n ' If ^ wm tt »* » fiower'd one , her petticoat green , Siks '"ere bright as her milkin * cans , j v ^ That -was a heaver , and made like a maof ; rSe red eyes irere deep set in their socket-holes , Ea ^ rn toil ** 8 tnm ' d U P > and tuck'd through the ^ SeW ** * - »_« . * j ^ Am like a ferret jjetoken'd her spirit : To cattle , Mrs . Pryce was not over young , i ^ j Tgrr short legs , and a very long tongue .

      yotr David Pryce Hid one darling rice ; KassikaUj Partial to anything nice . XaSt that was good to Mhi came amiss , ytSierto eat , or to drink , or to kisj . ' Especially ale—If it was not too stale—Trail ? believe he'd h * Te emptied a pail : ^^ ' ^ >' ot that in Wales They talk of their ales ; Io pronounce the word they make use of might trouble VOU , Bex ^ spelt viih a C , tiro Bs , and a W . Xnit particular day ,

      i . s I ' ve card people * ay , Vt P » fid Pryee had been soaking his clay , Tad ismsing himself -with his pipe and cheroots , The Thole afternoon at the Goat-In-Boot * , With a oonple more soakers , lioK > ugbbred smoien , Bifth , like hiaiself , prime singers and jokers ; iadjra * after day had dravn to a close , And the reei of the -world -was wrapp'd in repose , Ihej irere roaring out Sbenkin . '" and "Ar hyddy nos ;" TTtfle D » fJi 3 Hn > setf > to * Sassenach tune , § mg , " Welt drank doira the Son , boys ! let ' s drink torn the Moon !" yiist have -we with day to do ?

      Hb Winifred Pryce , 'twas made for y » u I 15 Jagtbj Tiien they coaldn't well drink any more , Oii " e « t-in-Boota " shoWd them the door ; And then came that knock , And the sensible shock jltrid fe& when his wife cried ?• Look at the dock ! par tie hand * stood as crooked a * crooked might be , Cb iocf at the TwelTe , and the short at the Three ! - { Tkt Isgoldsby Legends in BenUey ' s Miscellany .

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      Discotxht or the Telescop * . —Galileo placed $ the end of a leaden tube two spectacle-glasses , iesi of which were plain on one side , while one of gaa had its other side convex , and the other its jjcond side- concave , and baring applied his eje to & concave glass , be saw objects pretty large and ptKj near him . This little instrument , which ngciadd only three times , he carried in triumph to Toiee , where it excited the most intense interest . Ctoirit oi the principal citizens Hocked to his house to see the magical toy ; and after nearly a month had iss spent in gratifying this epidemical curiosity , SiiHao wa 3 led to understand from Leonardo Deodaiijtae Doge of Yeniee , thai the Senate would ieiighlj gratified by obtaining possession of so exburdiBarj an instrument . Galileo iustxatlj comjfied with the wishes of his patrons , who aeknow-Jsdged the present by a mandate conferring upon iaibr life his FrofessorsMp ai Padua , and geneloaslj raising Ms salary from 520 to 1 , 000 fbrins . — Dr . Ereviter ' t Martyrs Science .

      A CuscHZB 05 Aeuocx . —Philip de Comines fie recorded , tnat at the Fonrnoune , nnder CharJes tbe Eighn , a number of Italian knights , who were « rennrown and unable to rise on account of the iragat of iheir armour , could not be killed until &ey were broken ep like huge Ivbsters , with woodetraers' axes , by tee serraats aud foliowers of ^ ie jbtot ; which fuiij josufied the observation of James the First , who , sDeaking in praise of armour , said , Thai it noi oniy piwected the wearer , but pre-Tented him from doing any injury to others . " In fact , we find in seTeral battles about the time referred to , that no : a single knight was slain . An anecdote in point is also related of George the Fourth . After

      site battle of W& ; erioo , it was proposed to make some change in the dress of the Life Guards : the Eng ordered oie ol the soldiers to be sent for , who ittd greatly distrnpiished hhnseif , and was said to lare slain six or seven French Cuirassiers in single « mba . He was asked a variety of questions , to ach of waich he assented ; until the King , perceirffig ihxi his opinion was biassed by the presence of » Talty and his own oficers , said to him . Well , if pa irere going to hare such another day ' s work as pa had at Waierloo , how -would you like to be tresedr ^ Piease your Majesty , " he replied , in iai case I iiad rather be in my shirt-sleeves . "T&iium ' s Engines of War .

      Ax i £ ox Age . —Iron naa been applied to numettas nsefd purpo 3 e 3 by eTery cmliisd nation , for ibcaadsof years ; but never has it been so extesiTely employed as at the present period . We are iron roads and iron carnages ; the " wooden nla ofold _ England" will probably be made of ina m mother century ; numerous steam-boats are lK » dycoiatrn ; ted of that material ; the cushions of » c thalri are stnSzd with iron in place of horsete ; and so ; only oar bedstead * , bat even our featha-beds (» o use an HibernicisiL ) are made of ecu . The Rich jot > Poob in Asia , - " Nowhere is the nfersnee between European and Mohamedan so

      fiety more Etrocglv marked than in the lower «^ s of lift . The broad line that icpsTiles the maad poor in civiUied society is as yet but faintly Qsira in central Asia . Here unreserTed iaterconr » e jna their SBperlors has polished the manners of aalower classes ; and instead of this familiarity taedffigeoniesipt , is begets self-respect in the de-Pffiaen ^ A kasid , or messesger , for example , will ttae into a public department , deliver ids letters n m ] durbar , and demean himself throughout the B } l « rTKw with so much composure and self-poeses-¦ M , that an European can hardly believe that his £ "e m society is so low . After he has delivered

      to letters he takes a seat among the crowd , and towers calmly and without hesitation , all the queswns wnich may be addressed to him , or comma-P *** «* e ferbal instructions with which he has ** a entrusted by his employer , and which are « J « b of more importanee tbaa the letters them-• ers . Inaeed all the inferior classes possess an aaate seif-respect , and a natural gravity of deport-« nt , winch ciffcrs as far from the suppleness of a Ottcustan j as from the awkward msiicity of an ** mh dovrn . "—Lieutenant Woofs Narrative of a J ™ rhey to the River Oxus .

      Ii ? ^ " ^ BEHI ? D "n 32 ScEifss . —Another of tiZ ^' J ^ B aaecdo ^ s illust rates an amusiDg ^^ character ; the same in Afghanistan a ? Hi i e else ' from the beginuicg of the world ** ine , preient hour : — One evening , when at ^ per m Khnlm , a Mohamedan saint introduced ™ sdi ' and was told to be seated . Wine stood f i » a the able , of which he -was requested to par-»^ n * v j . Jooted ^ ^ J" offended , and said little ifc ^ ^ Jn 5 er was amoved and the servants re-~^> ihe rir s countenance then brightened up at «!» > and bs exclaimed , Now , hand hither the W ^ 2 Do - think that l > w - ° haTe disciples ^ Twcere , from Ba : kh to Herat , know so little of b T 17 ^ * ° tiirow * waY mv bread , by indulging « » M « i ( vnae ) in the presence of Musselmen ? No , ^ . oe , ween ourselves , sueh restricrions are unnafcTi *^? * ° icrd ; bat you voufd not have lhase vcfo J * * 9 them let the people know that they think to . "—

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      ALLOTMENT OF LA \ D TO THE POOR .

      10 THE EDITOS OP THE TIMES . hot Edii 0 £ >— Having been constantly a resident we coMtry nearly so years , and all my life been a Ba ^ L adToat * fcl improving the condition of B * « i **** poor > * bollt 25 y 6 * " " « adopted V ** , and am Uw originator of giving a aoieate 2 ™ 2 L d t 0 each famUy requiring parochial - « atoce iMkad rf pariah pay . The q ^ j ^^ j j 1 »» S . P 1 * 11 to was in the receipt of 18 * or 12 s . ^ T « k . with a large family , -who being tapported 2 S . g the parub were idle and very indoleni . 1 2 « tteiaanif he -would as > traihw have an acre of 2 ^™ f ee dependent on the pooi-book ? He ia-££ SF acceded to the idea , » nd agreed aa leng aa ke "KS ^ * *** te P " ^ WPort . The % ur 7 r TP'Ka the land immediiielv . and fwwn tht P ^ ioes were never been

      fe ^^ fit to dig he has a J »* l «* £ ? £ ? to Ule P " * - A-t tie end of the first * d tt ^ Ttv tf ** did not in » h to give np the land taiad ^ l ^ " ^* , He Kplied " No : ~ » *» 4 n « S ^ a ™" thit time ^^ family became m *« t i « S ^«^ d ^ -beluiTed- Each year other large fce «^ I ^ L ^» ted in the same way , and when i ^ *™™* fifteea on that plan , the aquiie of the fc * Dte . « 4 »; . a l Test 3 7 « obserred to one of the fcwg ht th ^ K * ** " effect of ^ - ' » Pto , he ^ aad tK P 001 -1 ^ »<» uld be nearly d « na away *** ' 0 * . wf m knoir ' ^ u ^ er . the land wffl-be " ttat bein . ^ " ^ mor 8 - " "An , " said the farmer , fraa ttauuml ^ " * ' ril 1 haTe no more of ^ J" ud " »» tia rthii fimUy hag been treated in that

      Untitled Article

      way . Each farmer of fifty acres was to supply an acre , and to receive from the poor book £ 4 per acre for rent , tithes , and parochial taxes ; consequently , he was not a loser , and as the labourer was in the veeeipt f £ 32 per annum , there was a clear saving of £ 700 per cent The family were at this trifling cost made happy , contented , and independent The Bishop of Bath and Wells has , I believe , 500 on this plan . Some who have small families are allowed to rent , which has always been regularly paid , nor has any one of them been convicted of a misdemeanour . Every one who has it in hii power should do likewise , by reserving in lease the opportunity of thus benefitting the poor . - Should this plan be generally adopted in the country , the bastiles , &c , would soon be to be let CLEBICCS .

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      GREAT AGRICULTURAL MEETING IN DUBLIN . CAbridged from the Dublin Monitor , of Thursday , ihe \ % ih instant . ) On this day , one of the mos > influential and important meetings that , within our recollection , has been held in Dublin , took place at the Royal Exchange , for the purpose of promoting the agricultural prosperity of the country . On no previous occasion has there ever assembled in Ireland such an assemblage of gentlemen representing so many different and adverse ' political

      opinfoEs and religious sentiments , and on no previous occasion has so practical and useful a result followed their proceedings . From the moat remote parta of Ireland , country gentlemen attended to give their personal absent and approbation to the object contemplated by the requisition ; and an amount of property and influence was represented which was as unanticipated by the most sanguine friends of the movement , as it must have been heart- stirring and graUfjing to its originator . At a few moments past two o ' clock ,

      The Date of Lkinsteb . thw called to the chair , and Mr . PsrES Purcell was appointed Honorary

      Secretary . A number of letters were Te&d from gentlemen who had been invited to attend , but who from various causes declined doing so . The Ho'OEa&t SECfiETART explained at length the objects of the meeting , and in the course of his observations said , when they considered the extent of soil remaining unprodactive in Ireland , and the number of hands unemployed , it was cot too much to say that the population was not too great for the agricultural resources of the country . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not despair of seeing the Societies of Ireland placed upon a footing with the Agricultural Societies of England ,

      nor did he despair » f seeing Ireland a garden . ( Cheers ) Having stated that the first object was to form a nucleus round which other Societies might rally , the speaker said it was also intended to have provincial meetings , upon a similar plan to that adopted by the Agricultural Societies of England and Scotland . Meetings should be held in , for instance , Cork , Belfast , and Dublin ; and they should have four piaees for their exhibition * . ( Hear , hear . ) Another of their objects was to diffuse agricultural knowledge through a cheap portion of the press . ( Hear , hear . ) The English and Scotch Societies had established quarterly journals , which wrre eminently calculated to improve the condition of their people . ( Hear , hear . )

      The Marquis of Kilimbe proposed the next resolution : — " That it is to be lamented that notwithstanding the facilities and natural advantages which the soil , climate , and population of Ireland afford for agricultural productions , the cultivation of the land should be grossly neglected , and the system of husbandry in general u » e far behind the improvements which science and experience have brought to bear upon agriculture , and diffused so beneficially throughout England and Scotland . "

      Mr . >* apeb said it gave him the greatest pleasure and satisfaction to have the honour of seconding the resolution conferred upon him . Towards the conclusion of this eentiercen " s remarks , in alluding to the state of the country , he remarked that the houses of vhe poor people throughout the country , were literally worth nothing—they were not fit for habitation . In traversing the bogs as a sportsman , many a time he had seen the game fall " at the dear of the poor man , those ¦ wretched hovels were not fit for the dogs over which he had shot . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Kaper again congratulated the meeting upon the co-operation of the noblemen whom he saw around him , and who , he was assured , were prepared with himself to do their duty to wards the country , i Loud cheers . ) Lord CiBEW then presented himxelf to the meeting , and was received with cheers . His Lordship moved the second resolution : —

      " That from the defective system ef husbandry in Ireland , and the want of judiciously developing the resources of the country , the amount of agricultural produce is far below the capabilities of the land , or what the labour of the inhabitants ( combined -with the Bkill and science of modem times ) can easily derive from the soiL It is manifest , therefore , that any improvement in agriculture must not only increase « ur national wealth , but conduce considerably to the comfort and prosperity of the inhabitants . " Sir Michael Dillon Bellew , Bart , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Baron De Boebeck moved , and Sir Geo . Hodso . n seconded the following : —

      " That it is desirable , for the improvement of husbandry in all its branches , that a head or parent society shonld be formed in Dublin , to be called ' The Irish Agricultural Society , ' founded upon the same principles , and calculated , as we should hope , to realise the same benefits to Ireland , which have been already produced by the chartered Agricultural Societies in England and Scotland . " The resolution was then put , and carried unanimously . The Peovost next came forward , and was greeted with enthusiastic applaoae . He rose , he ssid , u propose a resolution which was placed in his hands ; Bnd he felt much pleasure in taking any part , no matter

      however humble , in the important proceedings « f that day ( Cheers . ) He , for one , looked on it as one of the most auspicious which had occurred for a great period indeed ; because all that Ireland wanted to be rendered happy and peaceable , was to have her population adTanta ^ eously em ployed . ( Loud cheers . ) There were ample opportunities for doing so gooi a work ; they had a great quantity of land , whieh was most fit far agricultural produce , and a vast number of labourers , who were totally unemployed- ( Cheers . Why should that land be allowed to remain idle , or ratherthose labourers unemployed ? Because they wanted the assistance of some humane a . id generous spirits , to set those advantages at work . { Htar , hear , hear . ) He concluded by movine the next resolution : —

      " That the primary object of this society should be to enter into communication with , and to encaurige the formation of local societies in every quarter of the country ; so as to extend its benefits into the most remote districts , where aid and assistance are most required ; and for this purpose , that every description of practical and useful information be collected and diffused as generally as passible , and a constant intercourse established with those who are desirous to co-operate . " Captain Dusse seconded the resolution , and said-He resided in a district where there was , unfortunately ,

      a large quantity of waste land , which could , with little difficulty , be reclaimed and made productive if the peoonly knew how to go about it . ( Hear , hear . ) That they would at once set about it he had no doubt , if the means were gmn them ; for certainly the charge of a want of industry conld not with truth be imputed to them . ( Hear , hear . ) The be * t means of supplying them both with the necessary means and information was , he conceived , to be found in the establishment of farming societies . The resolution , was carried unanimously .

      William Shabxjln Cbawjohd , Esq ., came forward to move the succeeding resolution , and was received with loud and continued cheers . He said—My Lord Duke and . gentlemen , I have great satisfaction in being enabled to join the noblemen and gentlemen assembled heie-to-day in the laudable and useful object in which they are engaged . I rejoiced greatly to htar the sentiment put forth by a preceding speaker , to the effect that one of th « leading objects of the association io ¦ procew oi formation is the promotion « f the interests f the small fanners . ( Cheers . ) I am glad that it will go forth from this influential meeting that the small farmers of . the country are not to be dispossessed . ( Cheers . ') I believe there is no better way of advancing their interests than the establishment of the present

      association . I have some experience of the practical utility of farming societies , for several have been established in that part of the country where I reside ; and I can bear testimony to the powerful aid whieh they have given , wherever adopted , in tbs improvement « f the cultivation of the country , and the habits and condition of the people . ( Cheers . ) It is melancholy to reflect that , although considerable advances have been made in agricultural operations ( bear , hear ) of late years , the condition of the working classes has not been ameliorated in the same proportion . I trust , however , that the time is coming when the progress of agricultural improvement will do something for them . ( Hear . ) Let it be borne in mind that the highest - « rages on an average which a labourer can at present obtain is only eightpence a-day , and even that not for a constancy .

      Supposing , however , that he obtains it tor a constancy , it amounts oniy to £ l 0 a-year ; and iowis it possible for a poor man to support existence oi such a miserable pittance ( Hear , hear . ) It ii nt wander , indeed , that he is compelled to live in the miserable hovel so feelingly described by a gentieman who preceded me ; for the only thing that can surprise any one is , how they can continue to live like human beings at all on the allowance . The income of the labourer who has constant work is , then , £ 10 a year , out of which he has to pay , at least £ 2 a-year for house rent , and the clothing necessary fer himself and family cannot certainly be procured " nndei £ 3 -a-ytar . Here are £ 5 gone in necessaries with whieh he cannot dispense . ( Hear , hear . ) If he has to buy fuel—and there are great Bmmbers who cannot obtain it unless they buy iV—it -will cost him fully £ 2 a year , and there then xunaiat just £ 3

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      for himself and family to live on . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho is placed In such a situation that he must either want food , or the other necessaries of life which I have adverted to : and the consequence is , that be does want them . ( Hear , bear . ) He is , therefore , compelled to occupy a house not fit for the residence of human beings j and Instead of clething , to cover himself with whatever rags chacoe throws in his way . ( Hear , hear . ) With respect to feel—if he has straw , he will gladly burn it , but if not , he muot use some material even inferior . ( Hear . ) One of the principal objects of this association will be , I trust , to see in what way the income of the working man can be increased , so as to give him the means of living . There is this difficulty in the -way , that If his wages are raised , the farmer may not have it in his power to

      employ hira , and I shall therefoM proceed to point out a way in wkich his comforts and means of living can be increased , even though his wages are not nUed . In order to effect this , I would propose to let the labourer have an allotment of land . ( Cheers . ) Let him have a portion of land to labour at , which will not take up much of his time except during his leisure hours , and with the help of his family it will supply the necessaries of existence , thus leaving his wages to procure him the comforts . ( Cheers ) I will suppose then that the labourer has an English acre of fair land , half of which he puts under potatoes . This will produce about 156 bushels , or three bushels a week , which will be sufficient tor his maintenance . ( Hear , hear . ) On the other half he can have corn ,

      which will give him mtal enough for the suppert of his family ; and on the refuse of the potatoes he can feed twe small pigs . ( Hear , hear , hear , and cheers . ) By using the straw for bedding under the pigs , he will obtain a sufficient supply of manure for his potatoes in the ensuing year . ( Hear , hear . ) By treating his land in this manner he will be independent in some degree of low wages , and of occasional absence of employment . ( Cheers . ) No society of this kind can be of utility unless its main object is the bettering the condition of the irerking classes generally ; and I conceive that the best WAT of advancing the manufacturers of the country is to put it in the power of the agricultural portion of the people to use them . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Manufactures and agriculture are

      intimately combined and related , and I believe that the happiest state of society will be found in a nation where the manufacturer has a portion of land allotted to him , so as to enable him to be independent of the wages of his labour . In my opinion , a people to be happy should have the means of obtaining the necessaries of life from land belonging to themselves . ( Hear , b * ar , and cheers . ) There is another view , my Lord D-Jke , which I take of the subject , and which I deem an essential matter for the improvement of Ireland ; if either the large farmer or small fanner be expected to Improve their holdings , they must be secured in the amount they have expended on them , and they must be reasonably secured in the value of the labour that they have expended in these farms . ( Hear . ) In other parts of the empire it is the habit of the landlords to make permanent improvements for the tenants at their own costs , but it has not . or is not the

      habit in this country—und , therefore , when a man expends his capital in improvements , and makes im > prarements in his holding * by the sweat of bis brow , for this is his capital , it is only fair and just that some legal means should be afforded him to establish a right to value of these improvements , in case he is dispossessed—( cheers )—and I trust , that it may be an object for the consideration of the society , to think of some equitable mode by which the tenant will have a proper security tot what lie has so laid out , in rach terms as will be satisfactory and just to both landlord and tenant ( Cheers . ) My Lord Duke , as I before stated , I shall be most happy to give every aid in my power to this association . I trust it witl progress , and that from the commencement we have made , it will tell at a future day , in the increasing and lasting prosperity of the country . ( Cheers ) If y Lord , I have to wove the following resolution : —

      " That for the purpose of establishing a fund for the fermation of the society , a subscription list be now opened for donations and subscriptions , and that the landed proprietors of the country bo principally called upon to contribute , from the vast benefit which their estates and interests must derive from the operations of the society ; but in order to include all classes generally , tnst payment of one pound annually shall constitute a member . " Geoege M'CaRTNEY , Esq ., of the County of Antrim , supported the next resolution at some length ,

      and , amoBget many other judicious observations , said" Improve the agricultural resources of the country , and you increase employment among the labouring classes , and decrease the poor rates . ( Hear , hear . ) It in the interest of the proprietors , therefore , to forward these objects ; for there is no use blinking the question —&nj person that looks at the operation of the poor laws most see that eventually the proprietor must pay the rate , t Hear , hear , and cheers . ) Therefore , let the proprietors employ the people , and they will not have poor rates to pay . " iCkeers . ) He concluded by seconding the resolution .

      Mr . J . Bebkixciuh , of Csramane , also spoke at length , and remarked that it had b&en stated that the average rate of wages did net exceed 8 d . a day ; but he could tell the meeting that in tue west of Ireland the average amount did not exceed 6 d . a day . ( Hear , hear . ) In payments for con-acre rents , a higher rate might iomelimoi be given ; but when payments were ma / le in hard cash , 6 d . was above the average price paid for labour . Was it in human nature to continue to bear up against such a system as that . ' Why , or how could it be supposed , that men living on such a pittance , could make good subjects , or happy and honest citizens . ( Hear , hear . )

      James Watt , Esq ., then addressed the meeting , and at the conclusion took occasion to make the following very interesting and gratifying statements : —I am acquainted with a certain district not far fr « m Thurles , where , for the last five years , there was not a single criminal because of ihe . introduction of industrious and agricultural habits—but , where previously there was not a sint / le year but there tcts a public execution . ( Hear , hear . ) On my first visit there , 1 was an utter stranger , and as such , looked rery narrowly into the circumstances of the people , and truly their state was wretched . I recommended an amelioration in their rents , whieh was acquiesced in . ( Cheers . ) I recommended the people themselves to commence the improvement of their land , and to assist them I had sent there a very competent person to carry out Mr . Blacker's system ; and when they perceived that I had no sinister motiTe , such was their anxiety to improve their own condition , that the progress they have made is inconceivable . ( Loud cheers . )

      Mr Umacke moved that ft committee be appointed to carry out the objects of the meeting , and Christopher Fitzsimon seconded it He alluded to the allotment system in the following terms : —Mr . Sharman Crawford had shown , with his usual power and energy , the necessity of having some reciprocity of feeling between landlord and tenant ; for it was partly owing to this desideratum that the country was in such a miserable condition . ( Hear , hear . ) He had shown them that they required that reciprocity , while pi England it existed with all its advantages . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) He ( Mr . Fitssimonj was not blaming individuals , but he did condemn the system ; the permanent improvements that were effected in England were wanting in Ireland ; and it was to achieve this moat desirable object they had that day assembled . ( Applause . ) Other suggestions had been thrown out that were equally worthy of consideration—the allotment system—for having small portions of land , for

      instance . ( Hear , hear . ) It was scarcely neceEBiry to say what advantage it would be if a poor man , after ten or twelve hours' hard labour , on a summer ' s evening , could ge into his little garden to spend his leisure hours in the improvement of his crop , and to employ his family in joint Industry with him , who were otherwise unemployed . Instead of sending their population to other countries—instead of encouraging emigration to the foreign regions of Canada , or the more salubrious perhaps , but he feared less crtain climate , South Australia—instead ot permitting their countrymen from the north , sonth , east , and west of Ireland to roam abroad in search of employment , they should afford them the inducement to remain at home , by providing labour for them in reclaiming the millions of acres that were still uncultivated in Ireland . It might be asked why it was that vast tracts were in this uncultivated condition ? His reply was , that such was the case , because of the situation in which property was placed in this country .

      The Hon . E . Lawless then proposed a list of gentlemen to constitute the committee , which was secended by Sir Terrt Nuges 7 , Bart , who made a pithy and eloquent addrets , and remarked therein that the suggestion contalatd at the foot ol the resolution—that the committee should have the power to add to their number—was a highly important one , because by that means there could be working men amongst them . ( Hear . ) He differed with

      Mr . Fit « 3 imon in one point dwelt on by that gentleman —namely , that the wheel should go before the plough . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) In his opinion the plough should go before the wheel ( hear , hear , hear ) and that until they could bring the state of the agricultural country to the best possible description of improvement , they would not succeed in any ether measure to benefit the condition of the lower classes . ( Hear , bear , hear , and lond cheers . ) He had only to say that every exertion he was capable of should be given to forward this most excellent undertaking . ( Cheeis . )

      Mr . O'CoxiiOR , of the eounty Cork , proposed the next resolution : — Resolved—That all monies received on account of donations and subscriptions for tha Agricultural Society , be publicly acknowledged and lodged in the bank of Messrs . La Touche and Co ., to the credit of the following nobiemen and gentlemen as trustees : —Tke Duke of Leinster , Lord Clonbrock , Robert La Toucbe , Esq ., George A . Hamilton , Esq . Mr . J . R . Barry seconded the resolution . Several large sums from individual doaera were announced to the meeting . AmongBt tlie number , the Duke of Leinster , £ 2 « 0 ; Mr . "Naid , £ 100 -, Mr . Purcell , £ 100 ; Lord Cloncnrry , £ iu 0 ; and his Son , £ 50 ; and other sums , making tha wm total £ 1 , 500 , before the meeting broke up . Thanks were voted to , the Chairman and Honorary Secretary , and the business coadaded .

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      A REPUBLIC .

      M what ' s in a namk !" It is not because the Kkanb job , the Cabdioan abomination , the Lord Waldegbavb and Captain Duff disgraceful andinBolent violatioBBefalllaw , justice and decenoy are novelties , or touch out of the common custom , that we head this article A Republic . " It is not because -we wish for , or dealre the establishment of " a Republic , " according io the common acceptation of the word , that wo use ifc just now .

      It is not placed at the head of this article as a beacon , or new rallying point for freemen ; it is put there as a warning to those who have too long tampered and played with a yet forbearing , but enraged lion , —public opinion ; maddened by odious distinctions , and roused to a sense of its own strength , and its enemies ' weakness . Those who build upon making BDcoessful experiments upon the people ' s endurancenow , have reckoned without their host . In olden times , when the unwilling idler had a resting place in his native parish granted to him as an unredeemable mortgage , in which , from birth , ho had a life interest , those who

      ruled were allowed to make experiments to a large extent : in fact , in days of presperity , acts of despotism may be perpetrated without further opposition than that which arises from a Bense of pride and lore of liberty in a few breasts ; but now , the slightest abuse smells rank as carrion on the wind , and tender-nosed poverty , keen of scent , once set upon the game , cannot be easily whipped off . The people cannot now afford those experiments which were wont to be practised without a murmur . They have truly bees thrown upon their own resources ; and to those , and those alone , they look for a correction of all evils .

      In discussing the question , therefore , of a Monarchy , we take a Republic to be no more nor lees than a Monarchy . Whether the head be an elected president , or hereditary chief magistrate , he is yet the monarch — the one chief , the monos-archon , tho single head . We regard O ' Cosmor ' s definition of Monarchy as good : —he Bays , " firstly , let the laws be yielding to mercy and stern against oppression , with an executive exacting an implicit obsdience to their mild authority . Let your legislative breathe the mild spirit of the lamb , and your executive possess the bold heart of a lion . Give me power behind tho

      throne greater than the throne itself , and I care not what you call , or how you elect , him who sits upon the throne ; and , were I to decide , I should then choose an hereditary one , with a power behind to remove upon juat cause . " I prefer this title to the elective , for two reasons . Firstly , because the controlling power would render any abuse easy of correction , upon mero remonstrance ; and , secondly , because the certainty and fixedness would stifle jealousy and lewd ambition , which might otherwise destroy even the harmony of a Republic . But , in this I but claim the right of individual opinion . "

      We have before expressed our entire concurrence in the principle laid down in the above passage ; and , without venturing a canvass , too minute , of matter which should be left to the united voice of the people , instead of the most influential , to decide upon , let us for » moment consider some of the maxims which at present adorn our Constitution , and see whether or not those which may bo considered fundamental ones , are not , each and every one , in favour of a Monarchical Re ublic . By which we would bo understood to mean , always , a Monarchy with Republican institutions .

      First , we take that which is throvra round the Monarch , as a shield against an aissault for dereliction of duty . or any malfeasance , — " The King can do no wrong . " This , like many Other beautiful maxims , has become a joke ; while , in fact , it is our strongest guarantee , if acted upon , against monarchical oppression or aristocratic encroachment ; inasmuch , as it simply means that the King is but the servant of the laws , which spring from the people , the source of all legitimate power ; and that , therefore , iu

      putting those laws in force , be they never so tyrannical , the Monarch is not chargeable with wrong ; in fact , the King , under the law , has no power to do wrong . It is only when the Monarch and his Ministers act against the law , or in violation of law , that we have been in the habit of considering this wise maxim ; and , therefore , have the people lost sight of the beauties of that Constitution , which their ignorant and barbarous ancestors left as a defence against monarchical aggression and aristocratic tyranny , and as a monument of British

      liberty . The Monarch , then , upon his part , acquiesces , by entering upon the functions of his office , in those terms which the Constitution prescribes for the administration of law , and for his own protection against a oharge of doing wrong . The maxim upon which he is bound to act runs thus—Nulli vendemus , nulli negabimusy out differemus justitiam vel rectum —we sell nothing , we deny nothing , neither do we impede or delay justice or right . Now , we ask , does any " bloody-minded Chartist " who reads this require more ? while we ask , on the other hand , whether wrong , aud great wrong , has not been done , in selling everything to the rich

      —in denying everything to the poor , and in impeding , delaying , and withholding justice and right from them 1 Herein , then , lies the difference ; and that difference has been most gallingly exemplified in those instances to which we have referred . We find a soldier , —we will admit an honourable man , —not only rewarded with a pension for life , for his own military services bestowed upon a rich company of monopolists , —the East India Company , and to be paid out of the hard earnings of the poor ;

      but we further find that it is entailed upon heirs yet to come—to be paid by generations yet to follow , if they are fools enough to submit to it , while , perhaps , the services of him to whom it is granted , even supposing them to be brilliant , patriotic , and praiseworthy , may be put to shame by the delinquency of a degenerate successor . We ask , thon , if it is right or just that a gambler , a drunkard , or a tyrant , should plead the service of his grandfather , for a draft of £ 2 , 000 per annum upon a virtuous and

      overtaxed people ? Again , in the case of Lord Cardigak , which we have elsewhere more nicely sorutinised , can any man , not a Peer , lay his hand upon his heart , and say " Not Guilty , " as the law stands for the poor , " UPON MY HONOUR I" and yet did thia mock ceremony—this pageant , cost five times as much as could-be raised by the whole nation for the defence of those who were not tried by their peerB , but , without trial , were declared guilty by their masters .

      Again , in the case ot Waldeq&iyb and X > vi > r , where a Chief Justice allows time for a compromise , and the Attorney-General becomes the intercessor for the noble accused , for most brutal and outrageous treatment of the police , whom the people are told they are especially to respect , and not to oppose even in self-defence , though wrong in the execution of their duty ; and this , all this , while Mitchell and Dayies , two poor Chartists , after having suffered eighteen months' imprisonment , were still lingering in Chester « aol , ( although their time had expired , ) for want of £ 2 , 000 bail } for working men , who could not earn that amount in the longest life ; and this is neither delaying nor impeding justice ! I

      These are the things whica rub the son , and fester the wound ; these are the things , and not violent speeches , which place the barrio ? between the people and those who affliot thenu These are the things which make all within the rale arrogant , secure , and presumptuous ; and all vsfeaout , doubtful , suspicious , and uncoufiding . Perhaps the greatest difficulty -with which we shall have to contend in twtia * oC ft Republic ,

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      will be that of keeping our readers alive to the difference between the President and the Republicthe Monarch and the Monarchy . It is not of the monarch we complain 5 it is upon the monarch ' s account , as well as upon account of the people , we complain . It is of the substitution of an oligarchy for the nation that we complain . The monarch is to monarchy no more than the shapeless block of marble ia to the all but breathing statue . The monarch is to monarchy , in point of expence , but as

      a simple and inexpensive miniature , superbly set in costly diamonds . It ia of the fail of the comet that we complain . We complain that we have now a monarch and an oligarchy reciprocating false and unconstitutional « upport and protection . We complain , and with Borrow , that the nation ia not ruled by any single one of the principles of the Constitution , while , such as they are , the laws have two points—the sharp for the poor , and the blunt for the rich .

      The expence of the monarch is made a subject of bitter and frequent complaint ; while it is but as a drop of water to the ocean , compared to the expence of the oligarchy . Muoh better would it be to give to a monarch , who was thereby rendered independent of his tail , a million—nay , five millions—a year , if expence made any portion of justice , than limit that monarch to an income critically measured by the amount of monies , which , in return , he could allow to be filched from the commonwealth , and expended upon the oligarchy . It is of this evil that we complain .

      The Keane job—the Cabdiqan business—the Lord Waldegravb job , and all other aristocratic abominations , are the expensive " settings" by by which royalty is adorned . The Ration , then , has dwindled into an oligarchy , and Gop grant that the monarch may not dwindle into a common-place miniature , rendered more conspicuously ridiculous by contrast with the expensive beauties by which she is surrounded ! We have asked "what ' s in a name ; " and we shall now proceed to answer the question .

      We have more than once read Bpeeches of Mr . O'Connor , in which he has used these words , " Believe me there is much in a name . The Whigs , ashamed of their name , ha 70 exchanged it for Reformer ; the Tories have changed theirs to Conservative ; while the Radicals of to-day , being nothing ashamed of their name , are the same as the Radicals of last century ; therefore , I would recommend you , by all means , to keep your name , and look for the Charter ; for the very moment you step out , boiiio other party will personate you and step into your shoes . " We

      find this prediction true to the letter . The Household Suffragists are now assuming the name of Radical . But for the value of a name , Tory , Whig , Jacobin , Jacobite , and Radical , have , in their infancy and weakness , one and all been submitted to that nominal ordeal which an unexplained designation of a political sect has to pass through . Nay , even Christianity itself , has not been less assailed by the name which different sects have chosen for distinction from the parent root . The name of a new sect , whether theologically or politically applied , has to bear all tho odium to which the weakness of an infant

      creed is subject . Radicalism , which our would-be-leaders would now throw over the faded garment of Whiggery , wag ia its infancy coupled with every thought , sentiment , and expression which coald render its professors contemptible in the opinion of their fellowmen . How many have been prematurely consigned to the cold grave , for the crime which the nominal distinction attached to its votaries ! "Radical , " oven in 1019 , was a bye-word of reproach , and rendered a man ' s life insecure , as "Jacobin" did in the days of Frenoh revolution buggabooism .

      Radicalism , at length , passed through the nominal ordeal ; its persecutions , prosecutions , trials , imprisonments , fines , and hangings , had led to reflection , discussion , approval , and almost to universal adoption , when bad luck , or some envious demon , jealous of the good it promised , threw the new-fangled cloak of Chartism over the Radical coat of mail . This , as a matter of course , subjected the professors of nothing more than the old creed to a repetition of all that abuse which Radicalism had passed through and survived . Hence , wo find Chartism associated with " destruction of life and

      property , usurpation of other ' s lands , " " spoliation , " " Wood-thirstiness , " " violence , " " cruelty , " "despotism , " "torch and dagger , " " infidelity , " " idleness , " " lewdness , " " debauchery , " and , in short , crime of every shade and colour . These new changes , merely nominal , subjected the old principle , in its new dress , to precisely the same pains , penalties , and prosecutions to which Radicalism was , in its infancy , subjected ; the ouly difference being this , that Chartism was strong enough to make a very noble and powerful stand in

      the outset , otherwise we should have had a repetition of hanging and cruelties , much worse even than we have had . Thus this very new name has been the source of much sorrow to individuals ; while , as matters have now terminated , we are ready to confess that the cause has derived benefit from the novelty , which , however , rather proves the strength and resolution of the Radical ranks , than any disinclination on the part ot the oppressors to take all advantage which the experiment presented .

      Now , as regards a Republic . No man ean attempt to rummage the old catalogue of Billingsgate for a nick-name , or disparaging title , for that form of government ; inasmuch as the Court of St . James ' s but awaits the fitting time , which is the moment of independence , to declare its approval by an exchange of ambassadors , and the recognition of its government . In 1762 , and even to the gloriously intended , but

      unfortunately terminated , French Revolution , of 1792 , from that period till the growth of American power oast ridioule upon the ridiculers , the very name of Republican was worse , ten thousand times , than that of thief . In England a man might bear , deserve , and yet prosper under the latter designation ; while , if allowed to live and bear the former , his life would be the life of a martyr . No man can now use the word Republican as a term of reproach , without making himself an object of pity or contempt .

      So far we have shown tho vast importance of a namo ; and we now come to the consideration of the principle , as applicable to the times we live in and the different materials of which society is composed . We do not take the narrow and isolated view which the Mabshalls and Staksfelds take of the large question , which they lug in aa a clap-trap ,

      while they are actually destroying the very one thing contemplated by that form of government , namely , the dignity of man ; that process by which the meanest and poorest becomes an admitted unit of the great whole ; thereby always having promotion within his reach , which can only be retarded by natural causes or self neglect . These men , iu their wanderings remind ub of breaking a fly upon the wheel .

      We do not wish to see another York and Lancaster—red and white rose—Plantagauet and Tudor—Sxcabx and Beuns wick—CuMBERLANi > andTiCTOiUA —Protestant and Catholie , civil war , contention , and strife ; and therefore w throw overboard all analogy to the working of Republican Governments in minor continent *! Bt » tea "without any one of the features of society which Eugland presents . We take England as England is , not as England would be were oblivion east over the past , and were man with hia increased knowledge called upon to legislate for a new , a uniform , aud equal BUte of society ; in fact , to cast it anew from nature's mould .

      We might a » well justify-, tba prudence of making NAFiBft and Wellington change plaoes upon the eve of a great naval and military engagement , as bring to oar aid , in discussing the question of a RepoWioaa form of Government , Ua working in . statea wholly different in

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      manners , enstoma , interests , r «» Tu " ce 8 > f ociaI and political arrangement ?) and economy } tnJJ * , * Admiral would find himself at sea in the fiei *^' while the Noble Duke would find himself strandedf on the main . Inasmuch , then , as we have headed this article " Republic , " as a warning to those who feel inclined to bend the already overstrained bow still further , rather than as declaratory of our approval of an eleotive Monarchy in the present state of English

      society , we tell our rulers thai the word Republic i » for ever purged from all danger of nominal contempt and disrepute ; while those dangers which the most virtuous may dread , and try all virtnods means of evading , will be lost eight of in maddening eon- ' templation upon present misery , and to avoid which , many good men , in their frenzy , would be drives from all consideration of consequences to a sudden resolve that the change , whatever it may be , and however violent , can only disturb that portion of society which now lives upon existing abuse .

      England is now in that unsettled state that the most trifling occurrence may lead , not only to the declaration of a Republic , but to a sanguinary revolution . The death of our Queen and the Princess Royal ; the death of Louis Philippe ; or even the execution of Mr . M'Leod , may lead to a revolution ; while a declaration of war by America and France against this conn try , would inevitably lead to the establishment of a Republic , if not previously stopped by the coucesBioa of tho Charter . America , in the true spirit of the word , 13 not a

      Republicbecause its Government sanctions a trade in human flesh of its own subjects . France never approximated towards Republicanism , because it held Btat . es , as colonia l possessions , which should be free . No Republic , iu the true meaning and governing acceptation of the word , can hold dominion over countries separated from the Republic by natural barriers or acknowledged artificial boundaries , which operate to the prevention of ita laws and institutions from being suitable for the prosperity of the dependant state .

      This country should not withhold any measure based on justice : and , for this reason ; it fetters her hands , and her domestic inquietude makes her an easy prey to other nations . She is in a completely artificial state . If ever England should become a Republic , the artificial boundaries by which powerful tyrants ' possessions are now Btarked , would fall as leaves before the wind . That balance of power , for which the poor and industrious of this country have so long paid , would no longer maintain the Russian despot ' hold of blood-stained Poland . The Confederation of the Rhine would be but a fairy tale , or as a dewweb opposed to marching liberty . The Canadian yet uubora , or now in arms , would 6 mile when told in manhood , that his country was once

      governed by an English titled tradesman , a 3 the Viceroy of an English Monarch . The Belgian * whom Caosar described as the bravest of the three divisions of Gaul , would find that he had but got a fashionable gambler , instead of a commercial old usurer , for a monarch . The Gipsey King would once more rear his brawny arm against the Sublime Porte . Port Arthur would cease to be a blackhole for English gentlemen who loved their country . Van Diemen ' s Land would prove that altered circumstances make altered men , by presenting English thieves as obedient subjects to just laws ; and Congress , and the Holy . Alliance , would be no more than the dolorous meeting of politioal old maids , assembled to talk and weep over their faded loveliness , withered charms , and departed power .

      Let it be borne in mind that the same causes which lead to an increasing demand for redresa of grievances , and administrative improvements , may also lead to a , demand for an increase of power . East Retford , Gatton , and Old Sarum , were defended till the whole citadel of corruption fell before the force , which could not storm these single fortresses of abuse . The remission of negro slavery grew out of the refusal of our rulers to modify its abuses . A demand for the total abolition of tiihes arose out ot the obstinate refus&l ot churchmen to make any , even the slightest , concession ; . nay , in their

      boldness , they even denied the right of Parliament to interfere . Before America struck a blow for her independence , she petitioned year after year for the preservation of British connection , testified her love for , and loyalty to , the most doating . old fool of a monarch that ever sat' upon throne or stool , while she complained solely of the acts of administration , and the corruption of Parliament . From 1793 till the revolution of 1793 , Irel and pursued a precisely similar course , filling petitions with the mo 9 t loyal protestations , but denouncing the acts of administration ; in fact , approving the monarch , bos reprobating the oligarchy . The Chartists have done precisely likewise : they say , we want but our

      rights , and arc ready to guarantee the rights , the fullest rights , which the constitution awards to the monarch , but we object to the acts of administration , and the corruption which the monarch is forced to sanction , for the immediate possession of unjust power . In fine , then , we have no objection to the highest colouring of the royal portrait , provided we do not pay too dear for the brilliants by which royalty is surrounded . We are ready to admit the youth , beauty , virtue , and loveliness of our Queen , while we cherish the gallant idea that beauty when unadorned is most adorned . It is , therefore , to the expensive setting , and nob to the simple picture , that we object .

      We have Bhown the slight circumstances which may lead to a revolution , or the declaration of a Republic : let us now give a still more ludicrous , but not less true instance of the fact . The following short Act of Parliament would lead to a revolution , a Republic , or the Charter , in osa month : — " Be it enacted , that from and after the first of April next , bo newspaper shall publish any advertisement , under a penalty of £ 20 for every such offence . ' * Now , these twenty-five words from the word " that , " to the word offence , " being in number one less than the alphabet , would gallop us into a headlong revoution .

      What would be the consequence of such an Act 1 Why , that the Times , with , its powerful and beadt staff , would fa ll to 'id . on the following morning , and instead of a circulation af 16 , 009 a day , and between £ 150 to £ 200 worth of advertisements , would supply the loss of the latter by quick sale and light profit—would circulate 100 , 010 daily , denounce the Star as a mere maudlin Chartist paper advocating the rights of the Monarch , the necessity of which the Times would deny in Mo . Such an Act ,

      short as it is , woald leave all moderate Opinions in the state unrepresented ; and instead of the poor Chartists having bui one proscribed organ , as at present , they would have Republican principle ! forced upon them , thus— " Here you are , a Republic for 4 d . "— ° Here you are , Revolution tot 3 d . ""Here you are , Qatch who catch can for 2 jd . — and all for the go » d of the cause .

      We shall return to this subject , and in the meantime b « g to be understood that we do not advocate an Elective Monarchy . While we look upon the Charter as tn * ' means of preventing all abuses in any Executive which may be called upon , however appointed , to administer its J * w « , we look » pon the Charter form of Government as * Monarchical Republic . ; ... . ... . , ' We do not now havi » g passed the teal stag * ,

      , wiHh acain to ehange the name of our party from SSSS thTftSS * trndertakims was Tooli * ud hSardons , and was not done by any oae conneeted wSthe Charter , but was one of those , circnm-Saneea which eteW frequentlye * use , wthoutthe consent of the partiesj m faet , like th » dhnstening of an infant , in which he , has no Toicf . We have the name now snd having dearly bought it , weare willing to wear it ; but let the past be a warning for the

      Tbe oWecUf this article ia to point © at to ow rulers the folly of resisting a nation ' s will , * nd also to convince them that aneh aristocratical outrages as the OabmgaHj Kbane , Wau > eobaybj Duff , and other jobs , will force the people , in Bpite of ub , to fall back upon a defined principle , already acknowledged at Court , and relieved of one of Us weakest points of attack—a . b * i > * AWh

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      The Northern Star. Saturday, February 27, 1841.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 27 , 1841 .

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      THE NORTHERN STAR . 3

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 27, 1841, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct368/page/3/