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rfforn'gn ant» i&omsattc.
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Ctjartigt itttelZmtwe
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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1841.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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BPAZK * . —Serious differences are expected to a » 8 e between the Spanish Regency and the Conrt of Spain , oa the subject of the dissolution of the Rota Conrt . The sErtLBKEKT of the Donre question , by the fcfouxable rote of the Portuguese Upper Chamber » d the sanction of the Qfleen , had given very great satisfaction in Madrid , -where it had not ftnly restored all fears of war , bat had added much to the popularity of Espartero and Ute Regency . wuimegt . Aim . —a sniSeient number of
cantons in Switzerland have united in the demand of an extraordinary Diet t « consider the question « the wppresaon of the Argovian convents . Tfce Tote of Neafcfeatel , a Pretestant state , baa dee »* ed this . VB . VSSEL& , Fa . 4 . —We leaxa that the Minister of Public Worts is engaged on tfee means « f introducing into Belgium one of the greatest improvements that bate been made is oar time , satnely , a uniform me * f postage to letters . TBZ 7 OLES . —fte Post A mi G ^ sette says that Hut Russian govers » emt is about to transport a great nwnber of that-titass of Poles who held a rank between the nobles a& 4 the peasants int « the fcOuthwestera governments * f Russia ) to ookatae racant lands .
XXDXA . —By sa . express received from Marseilles , intelligence feas arrived from CaWtta to the 16 th December , orareying the news Aat , India is . generally pacific , aad no event had occured , since the last dates , of much political importasce . Afghanistan remained tranquil . The news from Khiva and Central Asia was of a satisfactory character . An action had occurred in Seinde , on the 1 st of December , at Keiriab , between 4 , 06 d Beloocnes , posted among the hills , and commanded by Nusseer
Shan , 900 Sepoys , 60 . irregular horse , and two ¦ fold-pieces , commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel y » . T » WlT . The Sepoya attacked the position ; and a desperate defence was made by the Belooehes till ¦ four of their chiefs and 3 * 0 men were slain . Six -other chiefs and 132 followers were taken prisoners . Jfosseer Khan < eseaped on foot ; but all the baggage , * c were captured by the British ; who only lost one officer and ten privates ; thiity more were wounded .
THE XJSJTSD STATES . —New . York papers to the 9 th January , brought by the Cambridge , hare been at length delivered . Tney contain intelligence ef which no trace had been found in the papers of the 8 th , which only the passengers pre-Tiously landed had brought ashore with them . A warm and somewhat threatening discussion had arisen between Mr . Fox , the British Minister at Washington , and the Foreign Minister of the United States , in-consequence of the arrest and approaching trial , under the authority of the State Government of New York , of a British subject , Alexander M'Leod , on the charge of piracy and murder , as one of the party who destroyed the Caroline , an Ameriean steamer , within the jurisdiction of the United States , during the Canadian revolt .
XTALT . —A letter from Naples of the 25 th nit ., states that , on the night of the 22 nd , a considerable slip took place on the mountain above Gragaano , near Castellamare , and that sixty houses were crushed by the falling matter . It is supposed that 100 persons perished by this sudden calamity . MAiBLkGB iw High Life . —On Tuesday morning , the Honourable Miss Spring Rice , eldest daughter of Lord Monteagle , and grand-daughter of the Earl ofLncKRiCK ( lately one of the maids of honour to her M . sj « sty ) , was married to J . G . Marshall , Esq .,
of Leeds . Tne ceremony was performed , by special license , at All Souk' Church , Langham-place . Th « Dukb op Wellington . —Although the" noble And gallant Duke has quite recovered from his late illaess , the inquiries , on Tuesday , at Apsley-house , were very numerous . Tne answer given by the porter was , " The Duke is recovered . " Dochy op LurtASTEa , Febbcart 5 . —The Queen has keen this day pleased to appoint Thomas Bernard Birch , of the Hazles , Bart ., to be Sheriff of the County Palatine of Lancaster , for the year ensuing .
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innswoRTK . —On Tuesday evening Mr . C . Doyle , of Manchester , delivered a lecture in the Meihodist Chapel , tins worth , to a numerous audience , which gave great satisfaction . tONI > ON . —Westhisstbr . —At a meeting held at the M&rlborougn Coffee House , Great Marlboroogb-atreet , Golden Square , on Sunday evening last , it was resolved— That Mr . Southcomb represent this body at the Council , in assisting them to draw up petitions to both Houses of Parliament , for the liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and all political offenders . " Mr . Wall lectured here , according to promise , to the gre « gratification of a numerous and respectable audience , among whom were a great many of the fair sex , by whom he was rapturously applauded ; after which , Mr . Parker addressed the meeting . Six new members were enrolled . It was then resolved that the thanks of the meeting should be given to Messrs . Wall and Parker .
Bloomsbust . —The National Charter Association held their weekly meeting , at No . 9 , White Lionstreet , Long Acre , which was numerously attended , and passed the following resolutions : —** That two petitions be sent from this Association to the House 3 of Lords and Commons , for the release ef Frost , Williams , and Jones ; and two for the release of all political prisoners . " " That a vote of thanks be given to Messrs . Markham and Seal , for their noble eonduct at Leicester , in refusing to meet Dan and Co ., on a late occasion ; also , that a-report of the above be inserted in the Northern Star . " \
Wajlwobth asd Cambeewell . —A letter was read to the Association from ilr . Ransley , convening a meeting to be held at Mr . Castling ' s Coffeehouse , Borough Road , on Sunday evening next , for the purpose of forming a eounty Council . Three brothers were appointed to attend . Two were sppointed to attend a meeting to be held at Lunt'a Coffee-house , Bethnal Green , oa Tuesday evening , at seven o ' clock , to appoint a delegate to attend the delegate meeting to be held at Manchester , it was also agreed that the meeting should support a public meetiug , to be callfed on account of the refusal of
Lord Normanby to see the deputation , ( Messrs . Neesom , Spurr , and Boggis , ) appointed at the public meeting , aela at the White Conduit House , on the 4 th of January , to present a memorial to Lord Normanby , for an alteration of tbe treatment of Mr . Fear ^ ua O'Connor , and to adopt the best means to carry it out . It was resolved , that on the death of a brother , the members of the Association be informed of the same through the class leaders , and be requested to attend the funeral , as many as can make it convenient . Four new members were enrolled , and the meeting separated .
WILTSHIRE . —According to previous announcement in the Star , the first meeting of the -County Council was held on Sunday moruing las :, at the house of Mr . Tudgey , Monkton Deveril , at eleven o ' clock , when delegates were present from the following plaoes : —Trowbridge , Bradford , Hull , West : -bory , Warxoinster , Kinsw > a Deveril , ilonktoa De-TerU , and ilere . After the Secretary had read the nutates of last week , the Chairman called upon each of the delegates present to give a report of the state of Chartism in the districts they represented ; when a most cheering statement as to the progress of the cause generally was given . Several resolutions were unanimously adopted to the following effect : —I . * ' That the expences of tbe tracts the
delegates had given away on their journies be paid from the funds . " 2 . ( Alter the aadress from the County Council had been read ) ** Tfeat the County Council recommend to the inhabitants , in their diffsreat localities , to support the Chartist preE 3 , so far ae it lies in iheir power . " 3 . " That the Secretary be empowered to write to Mr . Yincent , to know when he thinks to be in Wiltshire , and to report the same to the local councils . " 4 . " That % vote of thanki be given by this Council to the friends of Mere , in offering to provide a gnitable place to bold a public meeting in , when Mr . Philp should come . " The following sums of money were
paid in , towards having the address printed : — Trowbridge , 5 s . ; Holt , 2 i 6 d . ; Westbury , 5 s . ; Warminster , 2 s . € d . ; Bradford , 2 * . 6 d . ; Mere , 2 b . 6 < L ; Xiaswn DesenL , 2 s . 6 d . ; Monkton Deveral , 2 s . 6 & In the course of the sitting , one of the delegates said , that tbe Tzwbridge and Westbury delegates had given away a number of Chartist tracts , to the amount of 200 , and that he had never been so well pleased in all his life as when he had seen maaj agrieKltural labourer * reading ** What it Chartism ? ' as they went to church . Thanks were voted to the Chairman and Secretary , and the meeting broke up .
SUZSFaiSS . —Oa Tuesday , the 2 nd instant , our patriotic friend , Dr . M'DoiaH , arrived in this town . The Trades' Hall , before the hour of meetlag , was filled to overflowing , aad a thousand went away unable to get admission . Oa entering , the Donor was greeted in the most enthusiastic manner . He delivered a lecture , at once eloquent , practicaJ , Jtad spirit-stirring , but which we cannot report at length . Suffice it to say , that thereby many were converted to the glorious principles of the Charter . The Doctor entered into an able and masterly
exponre of the cruelties and barbarities of tbe factor ; system ; in the coarse of which he denounced O'Coonell for having betrayed the poor factory children for a bribe he received from Sir Thomas Potter . The Doctor was here contradicted by a-son ef £ ria , who , at the conclusion of the lecture , made eraral remark * , and was fully replied to by the Doctor and Chairman . A vote of thanks were gxm to th « Doctor ; three cheers for the Charter , ad bo Sarrender f and three groans for the he-Snjtg of the working millions of Ireland .
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CASTWI DOCGtAS . —On Friday , the Doctor visited Cast' ie Douglas , and as the magistrates would not allow b ja the use of the Town Hall , another place was provided , in which , just before the © actor entere i , the erowd in tbe galleries was ,-so great that they broke down , whereby Bevertl were seriously injured . Having-done all he oould do as- » doctor , oar worf Ay friend acquitted himself as < $ , patriot , aad as' ire have learned , succeeded ia arousing hundreds t < > a eense of theirrwronzB : and a determination
to havrj their rights . At the coaetasienrf bis lectare , -a friead of justice and liberty proposed a rote of thanks to the Doctor , whereupon we agent in C&stle Douglas of that silly thing caKed the Dumfriet Ttmet , rose and moved as an aaendment " That while they appreciate the Doctor for k » talents , they deem the principles of the Charier inexpedient . ' Oq » shew of hands being taken , the champion of the Billy Times and his seconder , were left alone in their glory , and the vote of thanks in unqualified terms was given to the Doctor .
DUNDEE . Chaktist Debating Societies . — There has been * Society of this kind ia Dundee for some time past , in eonneetion with the Chartist Association , and it is getting on well . It is attended by young men particularly ; and there are a good miny of them who are learning to speak and argue without any sort of fear . The subject that has come under their Dotice , for the last three nights , is " the best-formed Government . " BATH . —Sunday Lectures . —On Sunday , Jan . 24 th . a lecture was delivered in the Chartist-rooms
by Mr . R » K . Philp , on ** the present condition of the people , and the best means to effect a beneficial chanee . " On tho following Sunday , the 31 st , Mr . T . Bolwell lectured npon " the necessity of extending moral and political information amongst the people . " On Sunday , February 7 , W . P . Roberto , Esq ., lectured npon " the contents of , and events connected with , the Tower of London . " These Sunday evening assemblies have been extremely interesting , and attended by a large portion of the intelligent people , both of the middle and working classes .
Household versus Umveesal Suppraqe . —On Monday , Feb . 1 . the comparative merits of Universal and Household Suffrage were entered into by the various speakers , at the Chartist Room . The attendance was numerous , and the proceedings highly interesting . Bills had been issued , inviting persons favourable to Household Suffrage to discuss the important question , but no one appeared . Universal Suffrage was adopted by the meeting . A meeting , to consider " which will most benefit the middle
and working classes , Household or Universal Suffrage , " was held on Monday , Feb . 8 th . Bills had been plentifully issued , announcing the meeting , and , from the rumours afloat in the course of the week , opposition was anticipated , as it had been earnestly invited . The weather proved very inclement , and prevented great numbers from attending . The assembly was numerous , but no one ventured to oppose the advocates of Universal Suffrage . Mr . Clarke presided , aad repeatedly urged opposition , and pledged himself that all parties , on either side , should be impartially heard . Mr . T . Bolwell first addressed the meeting in an argumentative speech ,
and was followed by Mr . R . K . Philip , and Mr . C . Bolwell . Mr . Alderman Crisp came forward amidst loud cheers , to advocate the right of Universal Suffrage , and to argue that nothing short of this could benefit either the middle or working classes . Mr . C . entered at some length upon the subject , and deeply interested the meeting . At the conclusion , it was announced th&t on the following Monday the consideration of the same subject would be repeated .
KEWPORT . The bark of Chartism rides proudly on here . The labours of Mr . Biack have been attended with very beneficial results ; we had a glorious meeting on Monday night at Llanarth Inn , Llanarth-street . Mr . John Morris occupied the chair , and the meeting was ably addressed by Messrs . Jones , Black , and Cronin .
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Ehb-ita . —In our leader of last week , opon Colonel Thompson's letter , for " humbug , " in the first line of supposed extract from CoL Thompson ' s History of the Wars , read "numbers ; " and in Mr . O'Co . hmob ' s Letter , for "ride them in wrinkles ? read " ride them in winkers . "
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LORD MORPETH'S IRISH REFORM BILL . Wb have now enough of the leading features of the rival Irish Suffrage qaestions before us wherefrom to judge of the animus , if not of the ability , of the antagonist Lords , whoee offspring they are . We almost shudder at attempting even an outline of these opponent measures ; hovtever , aB the question is now fairly afloat , and no longer a subject of mere speculation , we apprehend that little apology will be required for ( although a lengthy , yet ) . brief a comment as the importance of the subject demands .
We do not pledge ourselves , in the outset , to discuss the two measures separately , inasmuch as it may , and probably will , happen that the consideration of the one will force upon us some reference to the other . At present , our object at starting is to consider the proposition of Lord Mohpsth per se , by pointing out its manly and gigantic stride , which we can best effect by contrasting it with the crippled step of the ranchise conceded to Ireland by the Reform Bill .
In our comment upon this question , we shall best explain to our readers the beneficial result of that advice so often given in our columns , to the effect , that while we , with the people , struggle for the grand aud unequivocal measure of Universal Suffrage , we are , nevertheless , ready to accept and say thank you , " for any lesser measure of relief , which may be forced upon us without a cotnpro .
nuse . We declare then , unhesitatingly , that the Bill of Lord Morpeth , for regulating the Irish Parliamentary franchise , is the most Radical measure ever seriously proposed to Parliament , and when we say seriously , we fear wo shall be obliged , in justice , to limit the solemnity as well a 3 the justice of the measure , to tho Noble Lord personally . We have in the course of oar many articles upon the question of the Irish Suffrage , been compelled to
use the term £ 10 beneficial interest , the requisite qualification for an Irish county voter , without much explanation to our readers^—sixty-four , out of one hundred and five Irish members , being returned upon voUs based upon a ten pound beneficialinterest ; we shall now , as it forms the present county franchise , describe what it means , and then see how it would carve up into a bonafide five pound rateable possession , and how far , by the touchstone of justice , those who sit for boroughs can refuse to county electors the privilege which they themselves enjoy .
Every one who knows anything of the history of Ireland , will readily concede the factthat , a beneficial interest , of any amount , is a thing of very rare and uncommon occurrence ; writers and travellers of all ranks , countries , and politics , ascribing much of the distr «« s , and no small portion of the subserviency , of the Irish tenants , to the system of letting lands upon " rack rent " . We have heard the recent declaration of the two
Protestant tyrant landlords , Sir Abthce Brooke and Sir John Maxwell , that they are willing to sacrifice as much as thirty per cent , of their rentals , rather than allow Papist voters to vete out of a beneficial interest held under them . This amounts to a total refusal to let to Catholics ; in fact , to an adoption of the clearance system ; and Sir Arthur Brooke and Sir John Maxwell are samples from which the sack of Irish Protestant landlords may be fairly estimated .
Let as now see the immense gro 38 tenure required in order that what is called " a beneficial interest " may be carried out of it . If a farmer hold twenty acres at an average rent , ( and we will take a high one , that being more against us , and in favour of our opponents , ) Bay twenty acres , then , at £ 1 per acre ; here , what has the tenaut seeking to establish a vote , to swear , aad in presence of the landlord , to whom he may owe arrears , aad to whom he has
» een declaring that the spot is teo dear , in order either to get an abatement , or time for payment of arrears ? He has to swear that ki « twenty acres are well worth 30 s . per acre , over aoda&ove all rates , tithe , and taxes ; and that , on his oati , he could , if inclined to underlet , procure that tmt from a good and solvent tenant . No natter if hiaself and six sons , all able to work , And to earn more than £ 10 a-year each , can make the farm more prouctive by the expenditure of their united laboor ;
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such is not an item to be taken into account , and , in case the landlord , or two respectable Protestant neighbours , will take upon themselves to swear that the farm is not worth the one pound ten , the Applicant , in such ease , is told to go home for & perjurer , aad , although having come twenty or thirty Bailed to register , and having remained in attendance three or four days , that be has his remedy in an appeal to the Judge of Assize , when he may walk forty , fifty , or sixty miles , and go home , if the best comes to the best , with his very dear whistle .
Suppose » tenant holding thirty acres , he must , m like manner , swear that he has a beneficial interest of six and eightpence an acre over and above the rent . If he hold forty acres , he must swear a beneficial interest of five shillings an acre , aud if he hold fifty acres at a pound an acre , he must swear before his landlord that the land is worth one pound four per acre . Now , we imagine that these stumbling-blocks in the way of registration , fully account for the great discrepancy between English and Irish county constituencies , and also that the fifty-pound tenant-atwill clause , in the English Reform Aot , is a much
larger measure of franchise than a ten pound beneficial interest of the Irish Reform Bill , as interpreted by a majority of Irish Judges . A ten pound beneficial interest , then , must amount to an average holding of , at least , sixty acres of land , at one pound per acre , and fourteen years the original term . Now , a fifty pound holding , for fourteen years , would be a more extensive franchise than a ten pound beneficial interest ; while a fifty pound tenancy-at-will , which we learn is now becoming a very fashionable term in Ireland , would be , by at least cent , per cent ., a more extensive measure .
Starting , then , at sixty acres , held at a pound an acre , sworn to be worth one pound three and fourpence over and above all rates , tithes , and taxes , as the lowest amount out of which a beneficial interest , according to the narrow constructions of the Irish Reform Bill , can be carried , let us see , according to Lord Morpeth ' s plan , how this joint would cut up . He proposes that all tenements for an unexpired term of fourteen years , and which shall be assessed at £ 5 to the poors' rates , shall confer a vote upon the tenant .
From the above statement it appears that the tenregistering a ten pound beneficial interest in twenty acres , at one pound an acre , must have had granted to him an interest of fifty per cent ., instead of being required , according to the Brooke and Maxwell proposition , to walk out at a loss of thirty per cent , to the landlord . If he register out ef thirty acres , he must swear to an interest of thirty-three per cent . ; if forty , to an interest of twenty-five per cent . ; if fifty , to an interest of twenty per cent . ; and if , as we have established it , at sixty , an interest of more thau sixteen per cent . So much for amount , and now a word upon the term .
Here , then , is a natural presumption against the existence of any benefieial interest during the first half of the term , and a natural barrier to a proof , or even assertion of it , during the latter half . For in the former period , lands cannot so fluctuate in value as to give the advantage of a chance rise in favour of the beneficial interest , while , during the latter period , the poor tenant who has spent his seven years of labour , and made a kind of location , is thinking how he can best persuade the landlord , at the expiration of his lease , that the spot is too dear ; and surely no mode could be more Irish than by swearing to a beneficial interest of from sixteen to fifty per cent .
In passing , let us observe that Lord Morpeth showed from some , we admit very slender , authority , that ia very many instances ( where information had been furnished upon the question of rent and valuation with a view to rates ) , it appeared that ten pound tenements were , in many cases , rated at a less amount , and even ia some so low as five . This document , which should not have been imperfectly or unseasonably U 6 ed , furnished Lord Stanley with his best leg , and procured for him , as it was sure to do , a loud cheer fiom his party . The Noble Lord has yet to learn , however , that , in few instances , dc
tables for the assessment of rates furnish , nor are they intended to furnish , an unerring test of value , and provided the rule is observed , property , to the amount of millions , may be as equitably assessed by a table of pence , as by a- table of pounds . He must further bear in mind , that tho same critical value was not likely to be put upon tenements , with th single view of rating them for payment of poor rates ^ as would be likely to be laid on if designed with the further object of establishing an elective franchise . Of this branch , more anon ; wheu we shall prove that a cheer in the House of Commons may have neither rhyme nor reason in it .
Judging , therefore , from the received opinion of Irish landlords , a 3 well as from the presumption that the valuation did go pretty near to the wind , let us establish some understanding about the rate as we have about the rent . Let us , then , in Irish phrase , " split the difference , " and suppose that the rate valuation would , iaatead of presuming a beneficial interest , rate a tenement , held at £ 7 10 s . rent , at £ 5 to the poor laws ; thus if the £ 60 rent was carved in the most judicious way , it would cut up into eight votes . Allowing for the large farm mania , let us halve it again , and it would render four votes , besides enfranchising the many small holdings which are now below par .
These observations must be received as if we were now arguing a desire upon the part of Irish landlords to enfranchise their tenants to the fullest esteut which Lord Morpeth ' s Bill would admit ; they must not be received as if we imagined that the measure would have such a tendency , as we prove that its tendency would be quite the reverse . So much for Lord Morpeth ' s standard of value , and let us now , ia as far as we can , guess at his mode of satisfying Stanley with regard to an appeal agaiust the vote once acquired , and against which we protest in themost unqualified terms .
Stanley ' s proposition is , to allow the parties objecting to the voter , an appeal to the Judge of Assize , for the purpose of producing better testimony , or of meeting with one of the beneficial Judges and a mixed Jury . In fact , a last resource , and he has the uncommon justice , doubtless , to allow , in cases of frivolous and vexatious appeals , costB and recompence . Silly , silly Lord ! Morpeth , ako , proposes an appeal , but here he leaves us in the dark . We und « rstand Stanley . His is a new trial at common law of the country , but Morpeth ' s is before , we presume , a Court of Equity , presided over by three Barristers sitting in Dublin . If this is to bo a Court of Equity , which ,
ia fact , it must be , as he never could dream of bringing parties from all parts of Ireland , to the metropolis , for the mere purpose of re-registering a vote , he should have told us something about the machinery of his Court ; but having failed so to do , we shall presume that the pleadings are to be confined to the simple exhibit of the rating-books ; but if interrogatories are to be put to the valuator * , and if the appellant is to substantiate his case viva voce , where is the thing to end 1 and if the exhibit of the valuation-book is all that is to be required , why not make it conclusive evidence at the time of registration , and submit it then to any test which it is to undergo ?
We must observe , that upon the details of this question of appeal , the Noble Lord not only clouds the matter with doubt , but actually talks legal uonsense—a jargon which can only be tolerated in those who are paid for perverting plain terms into le *; al ambiguities . He says that he would " allow annual revision upon ALL new matter ; a right of appeal , both ways , upon all points of law , and the fixing of the franchise upon the Poor Law valuation . "
Upon the question of appeal , then , dark as Sxasley is , he is sunshise to Morpeth . In fact , if w& * re to judge from the whole context , we must
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presume Mobtbih ' s appeal to be iatended a 8 a mere exhibit of the valuator's books ; while , judging from the bit of explanation which he unfortunately offers ,. we have no other alternative but to look upon his Appeal Court as a tribunal having even the power of directing an issue to be tried at the bar . Doubtless , all the bursting young patriotic legal members of the Royal Loyal Regulation Association , will support the measure , if it had bat this one paramount advantage over all others which could be devised . This part looks very like a job .
We have bow pointed , out some of the abuses which Morpeth ' s Bill would remedy if it could be carried in the House of Commons , and pnt into practice in spite of the Irish landlords . Let us now direct attention , for a moment , to the fallacy of a system which makes one man ' s caprice the basis of another man ' s vote . In the debate upon Morpeth ' s motion , as well as upon every other occasion where it can he insultingly dragged in , wo are told that the intention of the Reform Bill was to represent wealth ; we know
it , but what a pity that scope so free was not given to reform tongue before the measure was carried . But even allowing that property was the one and only thing to be represented , was it also intended that a capricious use should bo made of that property , and that the vote which it conferred was to be a part of the tenure I The value of the barren surface of the soil is as nothing compared to the value of capital and labourexpended upon it by the tenant , and yet is all ruled by the caprice of the landlord , so that even his own land is not repre " sented . Let us adduce an instance of this .
Lord Morpeth , in his table of calculation , stated that the property of Lord Downshibb and others was , in some cases , valued to the poorVratts higher than the rent , and we are willing to admit that English-absentee noblemen appear to be better and more encouraging Irish landlords , than either absentee or resident Irish landlords . We even admit that Lord Stanley is beloved by his Catholio tenantry of the county of Tipperary ; but what of that f a negro may love the man who holds his life in his keeping , and by whose will alone he exists . Such love proves the characteristic gratitude of a people *
but is no bulwark against a tyrant's power . We give how an instance ; the case of the Duke of Devonshire , one of the largest lauded proprietors in Ireland . In 1823 , when lands got a serious fall in Ireland , the Duke of Devonshire , as we learn from registration reports in Irish newspapers , reduced twenty-five per cent upon nearly all farms held by occupying tenants ; and mark the consequence This noble act of the Duke , had the effect of disfranchising everyone of his tenants , whose rents were thus reduced . The reduction was made , it appears , from memorials setting forth that the lauds
were too dear , and when a tenant of the Duke of Devonshire came to claim his franchise , arising out of his interest , suppose in a hundred acres of land , he then learned that the Reform Bill had disfranchised him . We give the form of application for , and necessary proofs of title , to acquire the franchise . We will best illustrate it by a conversation between the opposing attorney and applicant : — Attorney—What ' s your name ? Applicant—John Styles . Of where ? Sacks , in the parish of Bags , and barony of Bruff . How do you claim ! As a ten pound leaseholder .
Who is your landlord ? His Grace the Duke of Devonshire . How many acras do you hold ! A hundred . And the rent ! Seventy-five pounds . And do do you swear , Sir , that any solvent tenant would give you eighty-five , if you were going to leave the farm to-morrow f I do , indeed , and more . Is the right stamp on your lease ! I suppose so . Let me see it . O , ohl why , I find your rent is a hundred a year . I thought you said seventy-five 1 I say so still .
Why , Sir , here , in your own lease , it is stated to be a hundred 1 Well , but that ' s nothing , I' pays' seventy-five , and' gets' a receipt for the hundred . Now , Sir , answer me one question upon your oath ; would a good and solvent tenant give you a hundred aud ten pounds for that farm 1 Ho , indeed , he would not .
Reject this man , your worship . Go home , Sir , we ' re registering " beneficial interest" over and above the rent reserved in leases , and not his Grace of Devonshire ' s word . How is that ? Turn him out , police , and call the next case on . This , we think , will serve as another satisfactory mode of accounting for the discrepancy between the rural constituencies of the two countries .
We have now shewn that , if enfranchisement was the object of Lord Moiu'Eth ' s Bill , that the minimum from whenoe a £ 10 beneficial interest can now be acquired , namely , sixty acreB , would carve into eight enfranchising lots ; but as subdivision is not the desire of Irish landlords , we are merely to consider the number of small holdings now not conferring a vote , which the Noble Lord ' s Bill would enfranchise . Taking it , then , per se , as a means of producing a very extensive franchise , we have no hesitation in declaring it to be the most sweeping measure ever submitted to the House of Commons . So far our readers have looked on that picture , now we invite their attention to this .
The result of Lord Morpeth's Bill , with or without the Ballot , would be to produce another electoral rout , similar to that of the forty-shilling freeholders , by knocking all small farms into large ones ; and , if that process was considered rather hazardous , just behold how , under a vicious system , we blow down his Lordship's baseless vision with a single breath . An original term of fourteen years by lease , constitutes the title of the voter ; and how easy would it be , either to give no term , but a mere possession-at-will , or a term short of that required by the Act .
Moreover , let it be understood , that leases are not given of small farms in Ireland : they are merely held upon accepted proposal , which ie no plea againat an action of ejectment at common law , nor yet such a document as can be registered ; not being on a stamp . It is an equitable title , but not a legal one , and becomes a good instrument in the Court of Chancery , if the tenant of straw has an inclination to try titles with his landlord of steel , in that expensive department . Just take the fact of nearly all the wealthy landlords of Ireland backing Stanley ' s Bill , and then let the reader ask himself if such persons are likely to allow their land to be carved up for a purpose the very reverse of that proposed by Stanley .
Nothing can be more short-si ghted than the hope which the ignorant attach to this proposed measure ; while the Ministers have brought it forward with a two-fold aim—Firstly , as a good back door for an escape from the Repeal agitation , by a concentration of all Ireland'aenergies tothisonegreat andsurpriiing point . Indeed , Howick , who puts bi « foot in every thing , had the folly to confess as much . Wo may therefore fully expect to see a royal loyal Morpeth Registration Association established forthwith in Dublin , and the repeal pat comfortably to rest , after having furnished the current year ' s needfuL Thia new windfall is worth all that has yet presented itself , and if accomplished to-morrow , its only fruit would be to make the cruelties practised in annulling it another source of profitable abuse to
demagogues . Another object which this Bill has in view is to get a good dissolution hobby , and a cry of " Down with the Lords , " should it pass the first toll-bar and come to the check-gate .
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We do not say that Mobpkth would lend himself knowingly to the hoax , but this wo assert , that if there was any , the slightest chance , of the thing passing into a law , her Majesty ' s Ministers would oppose it to a man , if they had not that reliance for obstruction in the Irish landlords , which never fails tyrants at a pinch . A thirty pounds' tenancy / that is , an undertaking to pay thirty pounds rent , would be , ten , times over , a more extensive franchise , and would more than quadruple the present constituency ot Ireland ; because landlords would be loath to make small
disfranchising farms in the first instance , and they could not altogether exterminate the Catholic tenantry , while they can evade any Act which makes the franchise depend upon a lease , or any other term , than mere occupation . ' Here then we find the truth of our assertion worked into practice ; That so long as one man's property constitutes another man ' s title to vote , sojong will the property man either confer the title upon a slave , or evade all those technicalities so cumbrously and ingeniously woven around the magic machinery necessary for conferring it .
Stanley ' s triumphant cheer over Morpeth was as ridiculous and ignorant as it was premature , and for this reason ; the fact of houses in an Irish borough , constituting a ten pound franchise , being rated at five , or three , or two pounds , proves neither perjury nor corruption upon the part of the voter ; but we tell Lord Stanley what it does proveoppression , cruelty , and tyranny , upon the part of the landlord ; for surely those gaping fools , who swallow felly and vomit admiration , must be aware that the mere occupancy of a ten pound house constitutes a borough qualification ; so now where ia the laugh ! , '
As this question of Irish reform is now becoming of importance , it is necessary that our readers should understand the different descriptions of property which constitute a « ounty and borough franohise in Ireland . For counties there are three separate qualifications . A £ 50 freehold , a £ 29 annual profit , arising from leasehold , which need not be in the possession of the voter , and a £ 10 beneficial interest in lands occupied by a tenant for an original term of fourteen years . The qualification for city or borough , is a £ 16 tenancy—that is , a simple undertaking to pay £ 10 a-year : Freemen , living within seven miles of the borough ; and forty shilling freeholders in existence
antecedently to the Reform Bill . Now , can anything be more ridiculouB than to confer the right of voting upon the occupant of a ten pound tumble-down old house , who may not do a day ' s work from one end of the year to the other , and to refuse a vote to a man who holds fifty acres of land , upon which himself , and perhaps four or five hearty sons , expend their every day's labouraye , though he occupies 1 , 000 acres for a term less
than fourteen years ! Why not , then , at once gay , instead of a rateable sum , occupancy at such an amount of rent , which would do away with all the complication of registration and appeals ? The answer is easy . Beoause its simplicity would do away with the Whig job , while its extension may lead to the correction of manyj profitable abuses , so that in suck case , the Whigs and the demagogues would each lose a rang of the ladder .
Tbe thread of our Constitution has become too weak and attenuated to admit of the Mo&peth knot : it is too strong a weld for the rotten material . But shame , eternal shame , upon a British Ministry , who could have recourse to so base a subterfuge as a last resource to prop a falling house . They neither hope , desire , or expect to carry this measure ; but , alas ! it furnishes another sad proof that we have arrived at that period of onr country's history , when the existence of a weak , an imbecile , and profligate Government , and not the character of the House of Commons , nor the efficiency of its
measures , establishes the rule of cabinet action . What ! then , exclaims the reader , will this show , of liberality end in smoke , aud produce no profit Nay , in faith . He , for whose sole benefit it waa produced , told the House , in clear , distinct , and emphatic terms , that , for such a measure , the Irish were ready and willing to cut German throats , or French throats , or any throats . And this measure will snap the last cord by which Irish society was bound : it will be a fuze which , set to the combustible materials of centuries' gathering , will ignite a flame which will not end in smoke !
This measure , intended as an extinguisher for Repeal , will , eventually , lead to a separation . War , between the tyrant landlords , as well Catholio as Protestant , ( for there is not a pin to choose between them , ) and the long oppressed Catholic tenantry , must be the result ; and that the latter may conquer , and teach justice to such monsters as their Brookes and Maxwells , is our sincere and devout wish .
In this struggle , the glorious effect of a standing army of over 8 , # 00 rifle police , will be felt in Ireland ; and now we shall be enabled to judge of the measures intended for the protection of Irish liberty . These 8 , 010 police , mostly Catholics , will have as little compunction in cutting their Catholic countrymen ' s throats , for pay , in opposing the measure , as the rural population , it appears , would have in cutting French Catholio throats for the
measure . The Irish landlords , Churchmen , and patronage trustees , know well that , in the event of suc h a measure passing , and not opposed by depopulation , or restriction of a fourteen year ' s tenure , they would lose all borough , as well as county , parliamentary influence ; for , although it may appear , by Lord Morpeth ' b tables , that the effect of the measure would be to disfranchise some of the lower-priced , and therefore , more liberal houses , yet , inasmuch as borough and parlia . mentary townB in Ireland are , even now , and would be much more under Morpeth ' s Bill , subject to county influence , the change , as regards borough election franchise , would not counterbalance the increased rural influence which the measure would
give . In every oounty in Ireland , it is the non-electors who return the Members called Liberal . The labourers and small farmers influence the voters ; and th * voters , with the non-electors , can carry exclusive dealing in their borough town to a sufficient extent to influence a sufficient number of Liberal voters ; this is just what Lord John Russell declared constitutional , at Bristol , when he very properly assigned it as a reason for opposing the Ballot ; he said , that the Ballot would deprive the nonelectors of their legitimate influence over the electors .: it is true that we said bo long before the Noble Lord thought of it , but his admission is of more importance than best proof . Upon the whole
then , we have no hesitation in declaring the Morpeth Bill to be a match for the Stanley Bill lest the latter should have a walk over . A Bill , which the minority have neither the means , the hope , nor the wish to carry A Bill , whose real character is that of a counterirritant . A Bill , which opens a trap-door to save them from a collision with their crutch . A Bill , which , if carried , would depopulate Ireland , and reduce those who did remain upon the land to the conditions of mere tenant 8-at-wiU , Bubject to the vioisBitudes of a feudal lord ' s whim and caprice . In fact , as the agitation about tithes increased the real burden upon the poor , so will the very shadow of this Bill increase rents , diminish tenurea , and multiply cruelties .
Bat let it work . It is a fire-ship in full sail , a Charter Bafety-valve , a universal bomb-shell , thrown into the moral-force camp of peaceful , starving Ireland . Yea , we hail it as the first indirect Charter fire from the Ministerial battery . Wait , wait a wee—wait for the dissolution , and then our Chartist physical force will be as the gentle zephyr compared to the rude blast which will cross the Channel . from our moral-force neighbours .
The Government have all , in one body , turned Chartists without knowing it . Dan asked but for equality with England , as an instalment , and Mob-
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* eth says— "No , that ' s too little ; you shall w forty shillingis in the pound . England hasiai | franchise ; we can trust you with a five . " N ow J * Universal Suffrage who can . Hurrah 1 for tlfe 7 * days of Whiggery I If preparation for going , * premises so much , what will the turn ^ -ou ^*^ ! Answer : —Anything that renders the key of J Treasury in return . Hurrah ! for sn honest fyvj minority and the Charter I - The incomparable blontness with which er ^^ , of the Establishment , from the leading jon ^ J to the tip of the tail , baa approached this qm ^ Z .
proves that they one and all are as ignorant ^ T Irish affairs , as if the country was bat just (^ vered . We never witnessed a more miserable eju bition than the Establishment ' s attempt at ilW _ tion of the beauties and deformities of the } Ul Lord ' s abortion . " ¦¦ ¦< : We shall watch this question in its progress ; jju does not meet with a sadden death , to prove ' w . electrically than natural dissolution , that " / fe ^ , has nothing to expect by way of justice fig ^ English Bouse of Commons . 1 * Dan will uu&hjjjo the last sentence .
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WANTED , A CHARTIST HORN BOOK FOB w MOTHER GOOSE . " There is nothing more snmaing , where W ranee isBhorn of its powers of mischief , tlm ji . observing ef the frequent instances in whiei novice , in politics , either becomes a dupe tohij ^ imagination ; or , upongetting upon his own W | , the first time , is lost in amazement at the ( taw position ia which he finds himself . LutinA
¦ mm- . * *» - * * - • * **•* Mother Goose heads an article , a very stup ^ -I * " Universal Suffrage and No Surrender "; and flia proceeds to denounce those who assume the Bofjn and vociferate it , instead of supporting the prtn&u upon argument . Why , onr friend should W known , that it'was ,, after sixty years and j ^ argument , that the motto was adopted . That i ^ have challenged and beaten the whole press apjj argument ; showing its superiority over all o ^ standards of Suffrage .
We can best account for our friend ' s ignoraeg }* - a similar puzzle into which we were once led W salves . About twehre years ago , we happened , ^ the first time , to pass through the lovely y * le ^ Todmorden , when the full and luxuriant foljjgj ^ her many woods and groves , made rich by tfo splij . dour of a summer ' s eve , and enlivened by the sonc of the joyous feathered tenants , rendered theW ; of the scene complete . We occupied the box-guy and were literally lost in delightful contemplation , ] In the midst of our most pleasing reverie , induced : by the many surrounding objects of attraction , * could not avoid noticing , with undisguised sarpnvt
the cool indifference of onr travelling oompuum-I the coachman , who throughout never turn » d u « l right or left , but kept both steady on his "dqrJ meat , " which , being none of the best , apptutj kl require his every attention . After he had too !«? l them along , with long thoig whip , and faA "Tommy , " and when we had passed the tale , id shook himself and said , " Well , that ' s over : d-ii that bit of road ; it ' s the worst in all England fat heavy coach . " We replied , "You lost a beaaJiftf ^ sight . " " Nay , nay , " he replied , ¦ its newto jw 1 Sir , but I ' ve had it in all seasons ; it ' s cost maBuj . a doctor ' s fee . Just you take my place for twentj ¦ years , and see whether you'll like it as well at lit
end of-that time . t '; Now , Buch is precisely onr friend ' s position ; for the first time he begins to hear something abort what every body else is thoroughly familiar iriilu j « and he wants us , for his edification , to go OTeithi fi whole A B C of Universal Suffrage again . Its cannot just afford that amount of time and trpolla ? for the gratification and instruction of our jom / friend , at present ; bat we advise him to attend tbl youth ' s political debating club , just opened at tb § Chartist News Room , Vicar-lane ; 5 f he&idhil powers there overtasked , and beaten out of coMta-li
nance , we may yet be able to serve him , % t his al contemplation shortly to open a Chartist Smdiji School , where , we have no doubt , the teachers ni ] have as much patience with his natural daises and inexperience , as may be necessary . i
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J' ^^ , i i Js MR . FROST'S FAMILY AND O'CONNOR . " Words are but wind , I Actions speak the mind . " Some time ago , O'Connor threw out the hint rf procuring an annuity for the family of Mr . FKffli by the following means—London to engage for the payment of . £ 20 a-year , thereat of England for unequal sum , Scotland also for £ 20 , and Wales&r A ; O'Connok undertaking to answer for Ireland . S
'Weil ; notwithstanding the vociferous bawlingfoi ^ the accounts ( of which we have heard notbin | | since the balance was shewn to be on the inoogfl side ) , how stands the matter now with the bafflers l | Why , O'Connor has remitted his first qnarter ' i | instalment for Ireland , while the other qmrtenl have yet to do likewise . This will never do ; m mau's family who cannot work must be aUowedf to starve , while he is working without remunentioii ;| in a foreign land . i
O'Connor has told us , Frost had a smile uponhiipj countenance , which broke through his load of otre , ^ when he ( O'C . ) assured him that the people would never-desert his family ; but it is not fair , or jost , that one man should be expected to perform & covenant for the empire ; to stand sponsor for Ire * land is , in all conscience , responsibility quite bbS ^ cient . ?
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" TOO MANY LOVERS PUZZLE A MAID-I Many friends inform us that some of their n > wi prominent agitators are in correspondence wiu various parties , and ask our advice . We »< W * them only to remain firm ; and whenever » pobJi « meeting is convened , for any purpose , no nwtWwhat , Bhove in the Charter amendment ; or , if t ^* g enemy refuse to fight a H-o-u-s-e , put it forward * an original resolution ; and insist upon « WJ amendment or resolution being read over loudlyl and distinctly , three times , before any vote is takenj upon it . This will arouse the torpid . The more they hear of Universal Suffrage the better , Ai always pass a vote of censure upon any man , be k ^ whom he may , who ence advocated UniTO *
Suffrage , and now declares for any other . ¦ :-Declare all resolutions worthless which ate P « || to a paying audience ; we shall register none w « P § where there is free admission and free expresain « of opinion . We represent poverty , not Proper ^^ and we know well how meetings can be P *** even by a penny , or ticket , admission . | Our publisher informs us that he has o rdered ' | very handsome device for the head of the # * which will represent the Charter vessel in ? & j with the Five Points , and No Surrender fly ing ¦ the mast head , and then take it down frw » ** highest H-o-u-s-e chimney-pot who can , boi * | WILL NEVER , NEVER , NEVER STRIKE IT . fj
Rfforn'gn Ant» I&Omsattc.
rfforn ' gn ant » i&omsattc .
Ctjartigt Itttelzmtwe
Ctjartigt itttelZmtwe
The Northern Star Saturday, February 13, 1841.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 13 , 1841 .
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m + — - ~ THE PROVISIONAL EXECUTIVE AND W DELEGATE MEETING FOR FEBRUA * 20 , 1840 . ; Upon thia subject , we have received the follo *^ sensible letter , which we publish , and to whie& * , call attention , with great pleasure : — '
TO TBE EDITOR OP THB KOBTHEfcS STA * - _ v > SiBv-Ever since the Delegate Meeting at Mjjj cheater , by whiob the National Charter Assow" * s was established , I have marked eloiely the pro ** " ^ ings ot the Provisional Executive Council , ^ , appointed , to carry out the first means neMsatfL ^ g bring tne National Association into action . * q ; deliberations of the delegates who assembled » m meeting I have alluded to , commenced on M ° BU $ g July the 20 tb , 1840 , and ended oo ^* following- Thursday or Friday . 1 \ J $ 1 then agreed that a Provisional ^ P should be appointed , to manage the business o ^ - Association until the 1 st of January , 1041 . Pf ? " p to whieh they should have secured the ^ \ M an Executive for the next twelve roont ? 8 ' - « f | f should come into office immediately upon the P ^ g sional managers retiring . I
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J " . . . ....- ¦ . .. ... ...... .. . ¦ - « ... * ,..,-.. -.,. , . .,, .... .... . .. .. .. . , , , % . , _ ,. „__ . . ^ . ^ . ^ ; j _ - . , _ ^ - P ~ ~—— " --¦ - ¦ ¦ _ ' ' *^ . * £ A THE NORTHERN STAR . " . ^ ' .: ^ : v ' : - . . ¦ ¦ - . ¦ - '" - "" ' ' ¦ " ' " ' ¦ .- ¦
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 13, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct366/page/4/
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