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ANALYSIS OF THE HAINTJ-LOOM WEAVERS' REPORT . Leiieb TIL The competitive system , as practised amongst the jnanuiacturera sad merchants of thia country , has produced the most destructive effects upon every grade and class of society ; were ita operations confined to a particular dass , there might be some hope in mitigating at lea&t , if not removing , the © Tils it produces . Ibe agriculturalists are not exempt from its extended operation * , for by ita direct influence in bringing down the price of labour , it gradually saps the agricultural interest , both by withdrawing the labourers from the toil , and forcing down the price of agricultural produce ,
jo as to enable the manufacturers to bring a surplus ( jaantity of labourers into tke market , and force competition amongst the operative * , thereby reducing -wages Thus yre hare an outcry against the Corn Laws by the manufacturers and merchants -who . having , by competition amongst themselves , aided by chemical and mechanical inTentions and discoveries , brought down the ¦ wages of the weavers so low , that nothing -will satisfy them but bringing down the price of agricultu » l produce to the ruinous level they have created . Seeing bankruptcies , loss of trade , and ruin staring them in the face , tfcev are determined to bring down landlord , firmer , and labourer , to the ssrne miserable condition In -B-hidi the merchant , manufacturer , and operative
now are . The following extracts from the reports will shew the opinions of practical men upon the subject ol competition : — John Harper , weaver , of Knaresborough , states—Competition saicng the masters—they emhark in business , axd those -who wish to get customers , undersell others . Bad masters make the good ones reduce their wages . Mr . John Scott , a weaver of Salf ord , states : —The repeated reductions made by masters who are foremost to reduce , necessarily compels the Ttet to follow their example , however unwilling they may be to do so . George Jackson , Esq ., ol Preston . —I admit the competition unong masters to be a great evil , and that its tendc = cr is , occasionally , that the low price paying jrvaii = rs do bring down the wages of those who are paying , and who are disposed to pay , a high rate .
Mr . James Parker , of Preston . —The wages of -weavers are constancy reduced for want of an uniformity of wages . There sje houses in Preston paying 6 d . less than us for exactly the same sort of goods . . If we reduce to their pricts , they would directly reduce still lower . James Spencer , weaver , of Manchester . —The small capitalist are the first to reduce wages , because the lower they pay , the more goods they can produce with the saiue amaun : of capital . The most respectable manufacturers are often desirous of keeping up wages , but cannot compete with these grinding ones .
Mr- Robert Bradfihaw , of Hajgate . —One part of the ' manufacturers constantly pay lower prices than others , ! and arc enabled to undersell the higher paying masters . ' iiary sniill masters , without capital , are forced to sell , ana " niust take any price offered . They then come j home , and puil down wages to fit in the price . i Join Alexander Steward , weaver , of Ashton-underlyne . —The low paying masters will generally bring [ down the others to their rates . f 2 ktt James G-nJianj , of Carlisle . —The tompetition among masters may reduce- wages . We have reduced because others have done so before . Mi . Jonathan Brett , member of the "Weavers' Com- ; mittee , Carlisle . —The masters , from 1817 , have been ' fiehting against each other , and all trying- -srhat advaEt ^ e they could ge ; for themselves at the expense of the weavers . i
We Xorris , of Ecdes . —The competition among masters , and the desire to get rich , on their part , as speedily as possible , has had a great effect in reducing ; ¦ wafes . i Ttere is & system of lying , cheating , and plundering carried en by many of the znano / acrarers yf Preston , i Bl&ckbtra , Burnley , Colne , and other remote ? pl&ces , ( ¦ which is alike disgraceful and vil ^ Dous . A Blackbum manufacturer will send a cart load of warps to ; Clitheroe , or Culne , and offer them at , say 5 s . per cent- ; for -what be is paying 6 s . fer at Blackburn , When j finished , he will torn round upon his B ! ackbum wea-1 TtT , aid tell him he can get them wove at is . elstwkere , ' and , unless he will take another warp at that price , he i must get them dene at Colne . The weaver is obliged > to take it or starve . The unprincipled muck-worm . toies aaoiber cart load to Colne , and thus turns round i
upon than , telling the ¦ weavers-lie can get them done at buue fer 5 s . a cut , and if he cannot get them done at less price in Colne , be must sake his warps home again , and he will offer them at 4 & 6 & , and upon that infernal maxim , invented by the Whig political economist BChool of passive ubwlienee men , " Th&t half a loaf is better than nobr » wi" Tha we ^ Ter takes the piee * to weave , eteirg out an existence as well as he can- The manufacturer returns to Blackburn , and plays the same game as before , and thus—and thus , these muck-woras rob the poor weaver , and bring down other better paying employers . I heard a manufacturer once say , in an hotel at Clitheroe , some three years ago , " First get no peawr looms aw con get aai done as cheap by thiiondioom , " " >* ay , nay , John , not quite , " said his companion- " Bat » w con bring th'fcond-loom weighvers deawn tot . connot aw T "
~ So man can explain competition more easily than the above , and I might cite rainy similar extracts were they necessary . Let us now examine more minutely the facilities sffonled to masters to iaduce -wages . First—The disproportionate number of weavers to the l&boni reqnir % be performed by them . Second—The fae of a kaowledge of the weaving trade being easil Acquired , and of the trade itself being open to all classes of unemployed persons . It is a notorious fact thit manufacturtrs have been guilty of suoporting the Poor Law Commissioners in
¦ fceir still more guilty carter of oppression and sednction , sole ]; fur the purpose of encouraging migration from the agricultural districts to the manufacturing dens of the north- A iir . Ashworth , of Boiton , and , 1 bclieTe , a Corn Law philosopher , has immortalised himself by ^ orr ^ spunding wiih the Poor Law Coounislioners upon this sutject . In one of his letters he had the men ^^ city to stats that tha people had plenty of work , 2 nd -H- cr * well paid for it , and that ke Iia 4 no d-.-ut-t ths . t many of the surplus population wouid find employment if sent from the agricultural districts to these pares , meaning Briton . You will find his litter at length in the second ar . ne . il report of the Poor Law
Commissioners . It ii 3 ever been the policy of the manufacturers to rsr ^ mp iLase wh « Lad been bruught up to the rr . r . Tsfac taring operation by supporting the migration sjszerz , long before the Derii ' s law was passed ; and no ;? ity ± nd tha Uri-ja system , bastile-testin ^ , and grneJlitg-pauiperingof the labourers asexcclltnt plan fui forcing the libourers from the soil to the manufacturing districts- Xuggeridge , the migration agent , keeps a registEr-t'fSce in ilancfeester , where l&L / onr-grinding man-ufactxirers hire Uie " surplus population * " of the agricnltuKJ counties .
jLLDihtr plan cf iBcre&sirg tfcs number of handloom weavers is by patting out work to agricultural labourers to work at their leisure , and so converting the rural and peaceful hamlets into manufacturing vil-Iaces , » ad as weaving i 3 so easily learaod , every hubbl ^ -dc-boyis put to it , migration takes p ' . ace , and the towns are tiled with a sup-ifluity of hands ; numlers of weavers hare br * n created in the hamlets and villages r ^ nnd the city of Norwich and Coventry ; brsi dts , If the ¦ workmen in towns were to rebel against tins ijstcm of euct- 'uraging labc-ureri to tarn weavers , the emplojci 3 wtuld enly encourage the rurai distticts the ic ore . John Earper , of Knareaborough , statei—( p . 4 So , part 11 , —
" I was working at Barnsiey two years ago , when ths trade was briik . One m- 'Caing thirty harvest men came into the town , esca proposed to become a weavtr , tiey got friends aad got work . They had never worked aa weavers before . Ooe took an eighty drill , hs carried it liom *; he saved twentj hanVs . Tie piece was spoilt ; they did their work badiy . " Mr . J jnn Dues , of 5 p"Wiu 5 » Is , London . 0 ' the manns-r in which the trade is overwhelmed , he gives the following evidence : — Q . Hive many men taken to the weaving trade lately ? Sot many lately ; there -woul i not haTe been employffitut giVrn to t ] : era ; but whenever the trade is brisk , ffitn cuae to it from other enipioyiatuu , and begin at the Eiiaple » t work , and such as have ability gradually g = t to tte oilier branches of weaving , and thus the Eu ^ btr of Weavers is kept too great
Do women , who are not daughters or wives of weavers , lfcsrn the trade ?—Sometimes they get other women to teach tleiu , Lad during the period when they are karnicg , tt-cy n _ 3 y mJte taif as ninch as will keep tLem . Whit art tha chief sources of the numbers wLo c- ' - me into - . he trade?—The weavers bring up xh . ~' -j fsnilies to be weavers , frem a desii i to get s .-mtthing from their labour as soon as possible and a ' : so from inability to get them put out into other trades , and to pay a premium . Floor-cluth weaving at Fsrnham , Surrey . — " -La to « ie narrow looms , the fa'brlt u so easily mado lhat men may be talea from any other employment , and in a few days may be made toltrsble workmen . The wages of such men must necessarily be low , in fact , below the wages of an agricultural labourer . "—J . Mitchell ' s BeBort .
ili . Charles Siantoa , of Gloucestershire , "woollen E&Eufscturer . _ Bo > g wea ring reqeire mueh ikiil T—Tes , a certain portion , but it is easily acquired . His not that facility o : acquiring the trade increasid "l £ number of hands in the labour market ?—Tes , it has * sdonb : &d : y . It is evident , frr-in tile above statements , that the silk , " 2 en , and wc-olien weaving-is easily acquired , and fttto a is notoriously so ; and from these faciliiies Weav-™ 8 h » s t very where been swamped by a superabundance << h&n la ; and add to these evils the tff ^ cts of the Po * er-lootts , in depriving thousands of weavers oi * keir icfeans of existence . To suppose all these weavers * ° fild find employment it the Co ; n LawB were re-1 J * l 8 d , is » hop « as fail aa tie rotten siaS thai sap-
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ports the burden of the repealers' wild speculations : or even if they were , do we not find , from the evidence above , thai wearers are as easily created as caliooea axe manufactured ; and in brisk times the trade " would be overrun , bo that a " slack" coming , the Mr hole would be precipitated lower than ever . Besides , machinery is easier manufactured th « . n hand-loom ¦ weavers , and " less trouble to the capitalist than a lot of discontented , grumbling , hand-loom . weaver * , " and much more passive . In these matters Parliament can do nothing , even though they were willing . Some -witnesses are of opinion that a law of apprenticeship would remove the evil ; others would prohibit any man from having more than four looms ; some wish the stamp duty on
apprentices' indenture to be reduced to five shillings , to encourage apprentices , whilst a few talk ef education , and a very few of the Spitalfields -weavers " wish the Corn Laws repealed , for they have had the benefit of " free trade" to their heart's sickness . All laws regarding apprenticeships and hiring are becoming obsolete , as they are considered iacoapatible with the principles of free trade . All the arts , mysteries , and crafts of trade have become reduced to a principle of " buy cheap and sell cheap . " Political economists argue that all laws limiting snpply and demand , whether labourers or productions , areas so many fetters to trade and commerce , and were it not that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer realises some £ 10 , 000 per annum by apprentices' indentures , the whoie would have been swept away long ago , by our "March of intellect" men . Were it not for the United » fibrt 3 of lettcr-pre ^ s printers to limit the number of apprentices , and r * si * t the innovation of roi $ , ( knobsticks , their very myauj-i » us art would Lave been overwhelmed by a superabundance of hands , and their wages reduced accordingly . The same by the millwrights , engravers , hatters , the bn * ding and other trades , who have resisted innovations by being united together . I remember rtading an anecdote in the Manchester Tims , when it was a Radical paper , illustrating the power of combination : —
" > OVIL ST 1 UE . E . —At a print works near Burv , a strike of the teer-lojs took place , in consequence of the master introducing twelve parish apprentices to tbe printing business , the preparatory step being that of teerin ^ or laying the colour upon the biocks . The lads , the eldest not sixteen years of age , held a meeting in the croft , when one of them , standing on a tub , made the following speech : — ' Atr Uil 0 ' wat lads , if "Wch alloun thease lads fra * t' warXhcause to teii eawr places , it'll ge ' o f printurs V chonce o' pooink eawr wage deawn , till they maue urn as low as t'lund-loow weigh ' v # rs . ' "
Be this true or false , at any rate it is not false in principle . Many traies have been swamped for want of similar protection and combination amoijgst those who have served a legitimate apprenticeship . The combination laws are the bulwarks of the free traders , and how often do we find your free trade Corn law repealers sitting as magistrates in judgment upon man who wisli to prteerve their Ie 'ai profession from falling into the samt ruinous condition that the hand-loom weavers are in ; jes , and inflicting all the penalties of those infamous statutes upon him whose supposed crime is that of protecting the craft be so dearly purchased , by a premium and seven years slavery , from the inexperienced innovator . The fact is , that the free trade professors would reduce every labouring man in
England to their money-grubbing purposes , in order that commerce may flourish and their capital accumulate . I am willing to admit , to a Certain extent , the principles of free trade ; but , before I admit the propriety of it in England , I must first cle . ir ihe country of all its incumtjrancea and dta *! weight ; re-luce the amount of taxation to somstLing like the continental standard ; give to every family s portion of land to fall bock upon , same as they have in foreign stat « s ; and , above all , a Commons fairly ch&sen by ihe people , then repeal your Corn Laws , your timber lsws , and every other restriction upon trade . ' A clear stage and no favtur " but right and justice , and the people of England against the worid for courage , wisdom , industry , and huxn&nit 7 . R . J . KICHJ . BDSO * .
ERJUXi . —In Letter IT ., for "Upper Lananark read Upper L&usitz . In letter VI ., for strap looms read shop looms .
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TO THE EDITOR OF THE KORTHER . N STAB . Sia , —This is a time when some test of principle is necessary , in order to show to ths world that we are in earnest for the attainment of the gocxl cause with which we have embarked . It is a fact much to be lamented , at this day , , that thousands upon thousands of « ur fellow-men are labouring under an awful weight cf slivery , and a shivery of the worst kind , too , via , a slavery to our own passions and vices , created by our own free will , and retained by our own foolishnessthat is , tha -use of drinking intoxietfiEg liquors , and tha smoking of that noxious and trifling weed , tobacco , only fit for monkeys , and not for men . It is now al-rat two years aod a half since a number of us , upon
political principles , forsook the haunts of Bacchus , dstirmiaed , if oui tnuuple ¦ was necessoxj , it shouli not "be wantinf , and are still standing true to our principles . But as we advanced a few steps farther along the paths of ti . is enquiring age , we began to see that vre had something about us still which was a barrier in the way of our improvement . Ten of us , who had been in the habit , for a ^ eat number of years , then became to See it our duty to part with our snuff boxes and tobacco pipes ; so we made a trial , and the consequence is , that twelve weeks have now passed over , while we are in possession of as many sixpences , be 5 irfe « i relieve- ' of that gnawing appetite , disturbing our repose with fantastic nostrums .
Kow we can hold up our heads before our fellowmen , and UI 1 th « m we have so far reformed ourselves ; and would tLat every CharMst , would adopt our course , no man would disbelieve our sincerity for reform . Then may we be enabled to reform otbers—then , and not till then , < ^* " w « trnly boast of being reformers . A New Light Chxbtist . BalJonie BleachSeld , Dec 1 , 1 S 40 .
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SENDING PAPERS TO IRELAND . TO THE . EDITOB OF THE SOBTHERN STAB . Sir ., —In answer to a paragraph in your last , I think it would cot be prudent to publish the names of partie ? to wLom papew might be sent in Ireland , for more reasons than one . I would suggest the adoption of the foLowing plan : — Let a Committee of six or more ba appointed in ilancbfcster oi Liverpool , il wouid prefer the laKer place , as they crald be p . 'j ; ed later in the week with more convenience * to whom all newspapers intended for Ireland should be forwarded . I will supply this Committee veit . h a list of pers -ns in Several ccuntkB in Ireland , and al > o some uthtr UStfol Lints . Let also every . irishman in J £ nL' ! ana , wiio
is fritn » iy to the cause , supply the Committee with tee name of tome friend in Ireland , to whom he thall write , to cause the circulation of the papers sent , requesting an answer , which he shall furvrcirJ to the Committee . This simple plan will do our work more effectually than tee publication of any list , and prevent what must , of necfcjiity , occur , by giving the names of individuals in Ireland publicly , viz ., the t * o great influx of papers in one quarter , and perhaps to persons who rniy not possess eitner the means , inclination , or ieai in their distribution , of Your obedient , humble servant , 1 * . T . Cla . - vct .
P . S . Would Messrs . R : 33 , Todd , and Fini ^ an , of the Working Men's Association , Liverpool , c ^ nsrnt to be named , and add to their riuiaber '! We must m : ike the rascally prc&s of Ireland ashamed of themselves , if we cannut make them do their duty . November 30 th . 1340 .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF BABBITRY . Oakham Gaol , Rutlandshire , 21 st Nov . ISi ' o . Fellow-cocstrtme : * , In addr ^ ssiaj ; a fe ^ w -words to you I need mak e no at > ology . ' J am n « t altogether unknown to you . I am a plain man , aud one of yourselves ; and , being tiuchcil by-the wr » ng 3 m&lcted upon mj country by the craft and villany of our irresponsible rulers , I hold out my right hand from my dungeon , and plaoe my heart therein , to greet yon as brothers , and to cheer you for ward in the holy work « f attempting to shake off the chains which bind you . Countrymen , —I wr . t « in a prison . I am unable to step beyond the glcoiuy wall which , frowns upon my cheerless ceiL Day after day , my body drags on the same monotonous caTeer ; but my mmd scornfully defies the power of the tyrant , and pleasingly
speculates upon principles "which wiil yet Bh . k ^ our crazy and iniquitous system of government to pieces . IUy mind approves ray past carter , and my conscience bears witness to the fervour of my devotion to my oppressed fellow-creatures . lEv ^ ry hour of my imprisonment fortifies my mind fer further action ; and , whenever it pleases the Almighty to restore me to liberty , no exertions thall be wanting on ray part to open tbe eyes of the ignorant and delnded , to improve tie vicious and the drunken , to rouse the apathetic , and confirm and give confidence to the enthusiast , and to join cordially with the wise and tbe good , who are resolved upon making a grand , persevering , and peaceful struggle for a real representative government , the paramount object of which shall be to diffuse amongst all classes of the people the greatest attainable amount of human happiness .
Countrymen , —I am a Ckartist ; aud one would think from the treatment the Chartists have received , that we ar * wild beasts , or men a ' ming at the destruction of -wisdom , virtue , religion , and freedom . Why have we b .-en so cruelly persecuted . * Breause tre are striving to n . ake the people wise , virtuous , religious , and free , and because our rulex 3 and their dependants , in the event of cur success , would be ( ieprived of tkeir present unhallowed power of oppression , and would have henceforth to depend upon their own resources for thtir daily bread , and upon their own virtue aad wisficm for power aud fame . "We claim to govern ourselves , through the medium of representatives chosen by ourselves , and we contend that the men who oppose this -claim must either be fools or rogues ; fools , if they suppose we have not a mere direct interest in
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our own welfare , than others can possibly have for us ; aud rogues , if they pretend we were made to be the Eiris and slaves of the upstart few who govern us . We claim the People ' s Charter , because it provides for the representation of the adult male population in Parliament ; and we knew that this claim is not only just , but necessary , for our pelitical safety . Tbe present constituency ia too narrow to represent the interests of the community ; it is comprised , in the main , of men over whom the aristocracy , church , and crown , exercise a powerful controuL The majority of the representatives chosen , necessarily partake of the same character : and in nearly all their " debates "
and 'divisions" the real interest of the people is wantonly sacrificed . We see ia the House of Commons various sections , each pursuing its own selfish interest !; we see in that House keep-in-tbe-Whigs-men , the meaning of which party is , that it would rather plunder the people than see the Tories plundering them ; we see Corn-Law-men , Fund-Lord-men , Queen ' s-men , Churchmen , but very few People ' s-men , and the few that the people have there are looked upon as white crowa in the rookery . UnfortunateJy , we are not only not represented , but those who sit in Parliament are continually plundering us , destroying our trade , and making vriefced and mischievous laws .
Countrymen , all the middle and working classes would be benefited by the change we desire . Our claim is simple and just , cheap , good , and responsible Government . Look at the mass of evil our present system inflict nponus . Take tne load of taxes , including Corn Law 3 , Poor Laws , to say nothing of the Church , and you . will find not Ies 3 than one hundred millions of pounds taken from you every year !! Then theie are all the local and other rates ! J Let not the workpeople wonder they are poor , nor the tradespeople puzal * themselves about small profits . " Oh , but , " say the ignorant , "it makes good for trade ^—it is spent again ! ' Afck yourselves the question , suppose it is
spent Main , which would be best , spending the money yourselves , or getting others to spend it for you . ' I nuppose you would either spend it upon necessities and comforts , or save it for your old age . I am sure you would not throw ; t into the st ; i , nor profligately waste it like your rulers . You will bear in mind that much depends upon the way iu whish money is spent . I netd not teli you how your rulers spend the money , and how it is worse than wasted ; I need not talk about pensions aud sinecures , stables for Queen ' s horses , and dogkennels ; I need not refer to the money now being squandered to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman Empire , and to force opium down the throats of the inoffensive Chinese at ti . e point of the bayonet .
To change this state of things fur a better—to lighten the burdens of the people—to knock off the shackles upon labour and trade—to open to the poorest man tbe means of advancement , and to extend comfort and happiness to all—to establish a wise system oi national education , that the blessings of intelligence may be felt by all ; these are a few of the advantages wo are aiming at in our demand for tbe People ' s Charter—advantages which must result from a wise and virtuous Government-Men of Banbury , I invoke your aid in this glorious work . Remember you are all wronged , robbed , and enslaved . Those who have no votes are aliens in their own land—the mark of the slave , the badge of inferiority is upon them . Why are you thus enslaved ? You are men ; you toil ; you obey the laws of the land ; you pay enormous taxes j you
are deemed fit to fight ths battles , and protect the lives and property of tbe titled and w > althy , few . Why are you shut out from the privileges , honours , and advantages of freemen ? Why are you slaves ? The answer is plain , because you have hitherto been so ignorant and unmindful of your own interests , as almost to have preferred slavery to freedom , misery to happiness No government can long enslave a people determined to be free . Acts of Parliament , thrones , and aristocrats ; armies , navies , and policemen , are but impotent things in enslaving a people . The urista of ignorance , intemperance , viceproducing , a . s they do , dependant habits , serfiah feelings ; a crawling , slavish , disposition ; a propensity to fxtol wealth , rather than religion and virtue ; a love of murderous war , and its vain and empty glory—these are the things which enslave a people !
Men of Binbury , let us assail the vices and ignorance of the people ; Jet us infuse a manly love of independence into onr own class ; let us root out the rank ye * ds of servility whith our rulers have ever been planting ; let us convince our countrymen that CHxl has made them with capacities and feelings for tbe enjoyment of the most exquisite 1 appiness ; for tbe realisation of intellectual pleasure ; for the exercise of the moral virtues , and has spread equally bef » re all wbo accept the conditions , a rich banquet of eternal felicity when the storms and turmoils of this life are past , Men of Banbury , the sj ** m totters ; help to
accelerate its downfa ! J Do not despair , because we nave l > een persecuted , but rather redouble your exertions to inflict a deadly blow on the power of persecution . If I live to leave my prison , I shall visit you , » nd render you all the aid I can ; and if 1 do not live ; if I should die in prison , I shall expire with a clear conviction that you , and the rest of my fellow-countrymen will never rest contented until you have freed your country , and made her people Lappy . I am , fellow-countrymen , Your devoted friend , Henry Vincent . P . S . I am in good health , and never was in better spirits .
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TO DANIEL O'COXXELL , ESQ ., M . P . Letter I . * ' Ireland is my country ; the world ia my repubiio . " O'Connor . Sir , —Though it may b © a false position in logic , I am inclined to think that one quotation from a living author is worth two from a dead one ; and I am al « o inclined to think that there is more true patriotism expressed in the above sentence than is dreamed of in tbe philosophy of some of our liberty-loving patriots of thirty or forty years' standing . Holding this doctrine sacred , it is no great wonder that I should 11 K 5 te ascendancy ' s impolitic view , Tr . at robs the many f aggrandise the few ;"
and that I look with great suspicion on the patriotism of the man whose philanthropy , or love of human kind , cm only extend to kis own sea-girt coast—who cannot take his stand on the platform of equal right * , and exclaim , without mystification , " Liberty to all , exclusion to cor . c . " As you take crcHt for bting a patriot of the first wattr , and a consistent advuc ; i ; . e of universal liberty , I will presume you will have no great objection to one of your own school testing your patriotism and consist *« cy in the crucible of a British ceTrspapjr ; but before I jTOcted to do so , allow me to pr ^ fetd my Protestant principles by informing j' > u tor rath-r others , for you are already aware of it ,, that with Toryism or Whiggery I have nothing to do . I loathe the one as I hate the other .
Nursed in your own nornv . l school of agitation , I can have littlu to indue- - - me to rt-cunt the tenets of my early political creed , save tbe alianJonnient of error to the consciousness of ri ^ ht . Taught from my boyhood to bow submissively to the great Liberator of Ireland , I have occasiocilly lent my exertions to give what 1 thonght your patriotism Parliamentary authority , and fill the coffers of yrur rent , not of your tribute ( you surely forgot Holy Writ when you allowed it to be called by such a name ., levied yearly by Mr . Fitzpatrick , for which he receivts £ :: oo o .-r annum out of the gatherings
of the poorest peasantry in tha world ; but of that fund , -which has piic- 'ii jou in a similar p » si ; ion ( to use a , aautical simile ) to the captain of an emigrant ship , who , having uk' -n the pass ^ e-mi ney from his dupes , sent tlieai to sea iu the h . ms boat , iu qui : * t of a fin wind ! But as through y-.-ur unspo ' -teu paVrieti&m , Irishmen are too apt to aypn-ciste many of yonr overt acts a » virtues of the most celestial keeping , so with your long agita'irg career . Irishmen are too apt to follow you in your journey through life Bimp ' iy enough , I btlieve , for the ridiculous gratification e £ beholding your long-proiuis-il epitr . ph
"He died a Repea-er . Requiesc : U in puce . " I am induced to au- ' . ress these Utters to you for a twofold purpose : n ' rst , to shew to the Irish people that your patriotism , for which they pay so dearly , should be made of sterner stuff ; secondly , just to notice a very foolish , or rather , very wicked address , emanating from your last still-born offspring , the National Loyal Repeal Association of Ireland , brought forward , I believe , by your son John , who holds a very neat situation under Government , though you have so often sworn that none of your family should receive p ! ace , pension , or emolument from any Government who would not do justice to Ireland !
I shall now proceed to my first position . St . Paul BayB ignorance ia a sin worthy of punishment : it is the duty , then , Sir , I trust you will ail . iiit , of every one of us , great and small , to avert the wrath of divine malediction which I fear has been too often invoked by the hypocritical doctrines of those who profess that Ireland has
been" Their waking theme , Her glories still their midnight dream . " Alas ! for Ireland ; her too faithless sons have entailed upon her a long era of poverty , vfretcheduess , and degradation . From the days of Burke , the gunner , to his namesake of our own time , the ranks of her ecemies have been officered by her own puissant sons . Sham patriot after sham patriot h&& successfully succeeded or outstripped bis preile ^ rSsor in truculency , while the gullibility of their confiding dupes seem even now as susceptible of their wily machinations as their ovrn luxuriant and fruitful
sail . This has become so proverbial , that the quantity of patriotism in h-rr medern agitators may be fairly rated by the number of pounds , shillings , and pence they are able to draw yearly from their hereditary bondsmen . And s-o well is this understood , Sir , by our neighbours , that " rattlehox" and " conjuror" have become synonymous for Irelandan-J her leader . You are the fonnder of a new doctrine—you may bear it to the grave ; but it will perish with you . You have tanght the youth of Ireland to b&Heve their " fathers fools , so wise they grow ; " but their wiser sons no doubt will think them so . Our fortfothers fought for their freedom . Fools ! they were tor « h and dagger
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men . No epitaph , shall ever ba inscribed on their tombs . We must consign them to the mausoleums of the Chartists . Fitzgerald perished by the hands of his assailants , one of whom still holds a lucrative situation under the present Government Emmett smiled In the face of his executioner . No pedestal marks the spot "where he lies . And you , Sir , by yoor recent denunciations of physical force , would make one almost believe that you blush at the recollection of his name . Oliver Bond and Theobald Wolf Tone -were murdere *—aye murdered ! The latter , while the Lord Chief Justice of the King ' s Bench , Lord Eilwarden , nullified the drum-bead law that sentenced him to death . Thus we have seen this young man perish in despit ^ of the order of one of the first law officers of the Crown ; thus making drum-head law superior to the statute law of the land . I allude to this subject in order to show a coincidence
between the then Government and our own merciful Whigs with regard to the case of Frost , Williams , and Jones . In tbe latter case , Sir Frederick Pollock raised an objection in favour of the prisoners ; and two out of the three judges who sat upon the bench decided in favour of the objection , but refused to atop tue trial , Lord Chief Justice Tindal stating that he would feel it his duty , in case tbe prisonurs -were found guilty , to apply to the Queen for pardon . Add to this , nine out of the fifteen judges who sat decided also in favour of the objection raised by Sir Frederick Pollock ; yet these men aro banished from their native land in direct defiance of the law by which they were tried aud the judges who tried them ! While you , Sir , a lawyer , too , looked ou , i passing your cold-blooded jokes , while one of the jointa of jour tail in Dublin prayed the Queen ' s mercy in language stating that they ought to be hanged !
Now , Sir , I am not , nor have I ever becu , an advocate for physical force -, but I must confess that I believe the iuan who risks his all in the Cituse of the people must needs be a more sincere patriot , in attempting to better their condition , than the man who would tell me he wants three millions of shillings before he can hold out the slightest hopes of Tetlrossing their grievances—than the man who , after thirty years ' of agitation , could fold his arms and exciuim , " If I were to diu to-morrow , I wouid k : » ve Ireland in ( i better condition than when I found her . " I would give you credit , Sir , for this assertion if I could believe Ireland to be like the dying dolphin w ' uose every struggle is eaid to add more beauty to its death ; but 1 will show you by and bye , Sir , the beautiful , plentiful condition in
in which you would leave Ireland were you to die to-morrow . Through lifts you have been haunted by a spectre in your imagination ; like the Ghost in Hamlet it has crossed your path wherever you went , and your dread that this spectre , which no body could see but yourself would rob you of your popularity , has occasionally thrown you into the most ridiculous hysterics . You could not bear to see a briefless barrister take the presidential chair at a meeting of too Trades' Political Union , but you dreaded that he might become a leader , and would give him this wholesome advice , " Go home , young man , and mind your brief ; but finding this piece of advice ineffectual , you gave him some rolls to butter in the Rolls Court of Dubliu . I need scarcely name Marcus Costeilo . I coukl cite twenty more men that
you have disposed of in this sort of way , and if you want names I'll give them . You were always adverse to the existence of any political body in Ireland , except you could pull the strings , and let none but your friends in to see the show . ' You did all that you amid to suppress the Trades' Union by coercion . You told them they were only tic for the ranks . After you had got into Parliament upon their shoulders ; and when you found you could not cotree them , you brought them , at " least , some of its leading members ; you then got tbese men to bring forward resolutions to admit honorary members , who passed what motions pleased you best , and kicked out what -members you choosed to point at I will give you a foot . " Facts are stubborn things . " When Isaac Lawless was ousted for
Meath , you said , if there was not another member of the Meatu . Club to arraign him , you would do so . You did so , but the verdict w ; is not according to your ambition . What did you do then to have revenge . Mark ! You said you would not remain President of the Trades' Political Union if Lawless was returned a member . Accordingly , your dear Ray and your dear Reynolds , aud your other dear friends —( you had not your dear Atkins then ; he was at the sign of the ram ) —on a Friday evening , without notice , passed a resolution , by which Mr . Lawless was expelled ; but the surprise of the members was indignantly expressed on the following Sunday eveniug , when the writer of this letter , with sixty-sev . jn other members , met at the Dublin Coffee House , and entered & protest agaiust this atrociouB act , which was published on tho following week in the Remitter and Freeman . I was then a zealous member of this body ; but I have never entered
its doors since . Now , Sir , the grudge you owed Mr . Lawless was , he having shown you up in your true colours in 1 S 25 , ¦ wneu you wanted to pension the Catholic clergy , and sell the forty-shilling freeholders , for which you wept , » nd said you would rather perish on the scaffold than do so again , yet you did so in two years after , and although you had said you would oppose any Government by force who would daro to deprive them of the privileges which they enjoyed from the constitution . In my next tetter I shall gladden the hearts of thousands of tbe starving poor of Ireland , by endeavouring to make them believe that if you wore to die to-morrow , " Ireland would be in a better condition than when you found her ; " and furttaermere , that tho Radicals of England ought to strew your path with tloyrf ra from Liverpool to Leeds . I have tbe honour to he , Sir , not Your very obedient Servant , L . T . Clanct . Norwich , Nov . 19 th , 1840 .
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TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY . " Earthly power doth tben show likest God's When marcy seasons justice . " "May it please your Majestt , " —Such is the style in which your " loyal , loving , and devoted subjects" address you ; such are the terms they are taught to believe applicable to you ; nor must they say anything to you bin with a hope that ii may please you . Assuming tb . it you are indeed " most religious and gracious , " I shall best please you by speaking tha truth and by pleading the cause of the poor .
You were the daughter of a Duke who , for being the son of a King , had an immense income appsinttd him , which was still insufficient to keep bun out of debt . But with true filial piety , you ho 2 iourably wiped off the stigma from his memory , by discharging his debts from your swn purse , which , as you " toil not , neuher d » you spin , " was filled for yuu by those that do both and leave Ik-am selves empty . Your uncles and royal predecessors , ( juurge and William , having succe . ^ aivyly died without legitimate issue , you heired th 9 crown ami succeeded to it at an age when
boardingschool misses usually finish their education . A very laudable custom prevails at cattle-shows in the country . A premium is ^ iveu to the peasant who has brought up the largest family without burthening the parish . 1 believe you Wt-re au ouly child , and your mother was what is called a stats-pauper— a character withou ; tiegra . iation , though moro disgraceful than that of a parish-pauper . Wbeii the state relieved your mother by putting you at its head , it , at the same time , increased her allowance , on the ground that slie hud made us the costly present of a Queen !
While yet Princess victoria , you made a tour through various parts of your prospective dominions , and your presence was everywhere hnile'l aud followed by multitudes , who , if you iu 4 really been a 3 " lovely aud divine" as their fancies had painted you , could not have woTshippeii you moro . Their enthusiastic devotion , and the self-sacrifice which it implied , frequently ; iH ' ectfcd you to tears . Your mother kuowa this as well as I , for » he was a witness of it . Never princess ascended the throne with , warmer wishes for hor welfare—with more , private sympathy , and kindlier public tiust , and never were the fond expectations of a people more miserably disappointed . Joy had paid iu advance for all the blessings which hope anticipated from your reign ; but the people soon found that they had buen the dupes of their own vain imaginations . They felt that it wou'd be unjust to blame you , and they could scarcely bear to blame
themselves . In the bitterness of tuoir seif-accusatiou and self-condemnation , they almost welcomed their added miseries as a proper punishment for thuir seli ' -deception . They now saw , and acknowledged tlieir own folly , in supposing that you would have the power , even if jou possessed the inclination , to hotter their condition . Thay had deceived yott as well as themselves ; for they had huiuen their miseries in your prestnee , and shown you notliiug but that seeming happiness Which they trusted you would bo able to make real . Truth sternly aroused them from this flattering dream , ami , if their cruel disappointments shall have taught them to rely upon themselves , and not upon an idol , whether of wood or stout ) , or of flesh and blood—if bitter experience shall induce them no more to put tlieir trust iu princes , but to exert themselves , they will not buv »> been deceived in vain . They may work out for themselves far moro substantial bltssings than they hoped te rec « ive from you .
I have said you md it not in your power , even if you possessed tho inclination (\ Thick I do not doubt ; to fulfil the expectations formed of yeu . I believe you would be willing , nay wishful , to be a blessing to the country , and , as far as words go , you have been bo ; but it requires deeds , and you cannot , or are not permitted , to do them . The situation in which you are placed , not only precludes your knowledge of your duty , but would prevent your practice oi It—you are a puppet in the hands of others . You must serve those who style themselves your servants—yo » must minister to the will of your ministers—you must do H , too ,
and n » t know wbat you do—they rule for themselves with you , and you are equally their slave with the " sovereign people . " But there is this essential difference between your condition and that of thepfople , that you have everything in private and public that you need or do not need—tho people are deprived of ; all ; nor ate you allowed to absorb so much from those beneath you for your own sake alone , but that you may have wherewithal to shower on those around you . Like the priestess of the veiled prophet , you ars gorgeously decked out to serve the purpososof theme who delude the nation in your name . They kuow well that edicts , which would not be regarded , or tolerated U theirs ,
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are loyally reverenced and submitted to , when proclaimed as yours . Your Ministers virtually abolish your office by making it a sinecure . England is now , not under a monarchy , bu > under an oligarchy . We are a nation of star-gazers . Oar attentions drawn from ourselves , and , fixed upon , shows tuat , in the meanwhile , \ remay be lobbed of all that is substantial . Your reign has hitherto been a reign of delusion and mockery . The people are " sick with many griefs , " and , though one splendid procession after another of all that is gayfand grand , may be paraded before their eyes and ring in their ears , it does but beguile their attention tor a moment—they sink down into deeper wretchedness . Comfort is refused them and they will not be mocked . What treat can it afford honest industry , whose labour feeds and clothes all this
magnificence , but who , for that very reason , must itself remain ia hunger and nakedness—what delight or satisfaction can it have in seeing idleness and dissipation insolently -waste what it wants ? Can there be anything pleasant in the consciousness that all this Bplendour derives its chief value from the contrast which your misery presents to it as a foil to set it off—that the more wrongfully derived and the more extreme the contrast tbe more it is enjuyed ? Is it not enough to make tbe labourer forswear work ? He turns from the sight to brood over liis destitution—to ask for justice and to think of vengeance . Government is awaro of this , and , as it ia determined to " play out tho play , " and never to quit ita prey , it breaks the strength and spirits of the working classes , and corrupts the middle-classes , with examples of heartkssuess and frivolity .
Dealing thu 3 with the working classes and the mjddle classes—being the open enemy of the former , tha secret enemy of the latter—how do the Ministers act towards that factious portion of the aristocracy which seeks to turn them out that it may step in . Here again your Majesty is of essential use aa a convenience . Ono party takes turns with tbe other in deceiving and oppressing the people , and both would unite to prevent the people from guarding the nucleus of their nefarious traffic . Tho Wliigs had possessed the privilege of misgovernment and all its gainful patronugo some time before and since your accession . At last the Tories out-generaled them , and eagerly received the batons of office . But the cunning Whigs had provided a resource in you by which to regain
their places . Tho Tory leader found you m the utmost distress &nd perplexity . You could not part with your old friends—he o « tild not withstand your tears , and was obliged to yield to your prejudices . So have 1 seen a baby put into the arms of a stranger cry until restored to it ? nurse . Had you been a man ( his could not have happened . You would have coustraiusdly received the new Ministers , whom circumstances had forced upon you , and gotten rid of them the first opportunity . But you are s woman , whose weakness is your strength . The Ministers who had amused you , aud , by degrading you , made themselves necessary to you , trumpeted forth your amiable partiality to themselves , as affection and adherence to their principles , and might well say—• •
" The Queen ' s name is a tower of strength , Which they upon tbe adverse faction want " Tha same prejudices , increased by time and events , operate as a bar to Tory pretensions , aud , though the Tories might succeed in removing your dislike , and even in turning it against the WhigS , they Will not be allowed the opportunity . The creatures about you are courtiers who will constantly provide you with amusement * , and reservete themselves alLthe business of thtt State . They kill virtue with slander , for what busiuess has it at Court ? and instigate you to turn your own mother out when they feel rebuked in her presence .
You must marry , and a foreign prince—a foreign fiddlestick !—is brought over to be your bridegroom . It is a maxim in social life , that a lady descends , or ascends , to the rank of the gentleman she marriesand he is considered a very mean man who Is indebted to his wife for the expences of his wedding . It is like buying a husband ; but , in your case , although you are paid the largest salary of any one in the state , the people were called on to pay the Prince's passagemoney , and to secure him an annuity of £ 50 , 000 , which , however , after much altercation , was lowered
to £ 30 , 000 . To compensate him for this disappointment , this German young man is appointed a Field Marshal , although " mere prattle , without practice , Is all bis soldiership . " The Prince " sings , plays , and dances well , "—can sot off a . gaudy uniform to advantage , and takes such praiseworthy care of his person , that , though a warrior un ' l a huntsman , he declines taking tho field when tbe ground is slippery . Probably he considers how much he would lose , if he should lose his life—how much that is more valuable .
The haste with which Parliament granted money to build royal stables , and to endow the portionless Prince , whose title was all his wealth , like the King of the Siciliua , not so rich as an English yeomtin—and the delays which defer the grant for public education , are matters worthy of the people's deep consideration . Your Majesty is fond of horses , dogs , and monkeys , and of Prince Albert . I do not say that these aninals should bu otglbctud , but I protest against them being attended to in preference to your human subjects . A
little stranger , however , has lately arrived , who will be a moro successful rival of the whelps and puppies in the affections of our nursing mother , than the people were . I trust that , although your rank and the luxuries and flitteries which surround you may havo stifled nature in you , the cries of your little one will awaken it a !? a-. n , and bring back humanity to your bosom . " The ru . ii . her and babe are doing well ; " yes , but how many mothers must bring forth in the streets —how many babes seek nourishment at dead breasts . You have all good things—they have all evil things .
One has come , and many more may follow , who , in due time , will want royal incomes , though of no use , except to set fashions or bad examples , or to give currency to the frivolities which they adopt , or which are n .-iincd after them . The unthinking people are taught to rejoice , and to look on the leeches that suck their blood as blessed thiugs . No wouder that , while lavish expenditure is allowed to institutions which tend to weaken , dazzle , or corrupt the people , the means of education , which would strengthen , awaken , aud purify them , are denied , or suspiciously withheld . Every impediment is thrown in the way of mental or moral improvement—every facility is afforded to ignorance aud vica . Sentim * . nts of patriotism and humanity are decriud as vuli , . ir—nay , as ridiculous , and are left to the pv-ople . Honesty is not pursued in policy , and honour , itself , 6 f which kings were most proud , is now exchanged for expediency . A 4 All « c t-i « % 6 i . tian ^ sm Atlffi ^«« s 3 | -haan tfts % A ^ 3 An * 3 _
The wine of l . fo is drawn , and the mere lees la left our state to brag of . " Our degenerate nobk's are meaner than the serfs of their ancestors ; selfishness has dwavfed their souls . The people are rwtfly their superiors in what constitutes true aristocratic worth , anu cannot lt » ng bo trampled on by them . The people now acknowledge no nohles but the " nobles of nature "—no Sovereign but themselves . The just attributes of monarchy alone can impose respect or win regard ; without them , a Queen is but » doll—her crown a bauble—h * er sceptre a reed ; the globe in her hand a mete bs . ll , » plaything . Yes , a republic is now rising ia England with tke steady revolution of the earth on its . axle , and all that ' oiwses it nnidt set . Then may each Englishman exclaim , with tho poet" I am as free aa n ^ tmro first made man , Ere the base laws of servitude began , When wild in woods tho noble savage ran . "
Madam" Obey'd as Sovereign by the subjects be ; But know that I alone am king of me . " junius RusTieua . Village , Dec . 4 th , 1840 .
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WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATIONS . Why have working men to aasociate ?—why , after working bard all day , « ant they rest and refresh themselves at home ?—why must they assemble together TBecause tkey are impoverished . They trust their peace , their welfare , thuir happiness to the care of government ; and it is uuworthy of the trust—it betrays tho trust—it neglects thtir interests—sacrifices them—they are injured , instead of benefitted by it ; let them work ever so hard , ever so long , they remain poorthey spend their live « in vain—their wives and children suffer poverty with them—poverty ! that brings with it disease of body , disease of mind—nothing but evil . They art ) mwt content with this—they cannot be content —it would be sinful to suixer this contentedly . They meet together to ascertain tlie cause of this , and to provide a remedy ; they find tho cause is in government—in the government which thoy work and fight
for—in an unjust government , which makes the poor the slaves of the rich , who make victims of tbem , Why sliouid the people , who support , who maintain government , receive notbiug in return but scorn and oppression ? Why s # ould thoy who are the strength of government be injured by it ? Is it not shameful that government should act so partially—i » it not ungrateful that , instead of a frkntl , they should have an enemy in Government?—instead of a father , a foe?—that they should ho obliged to consult pother—to resort to means of sulf-defence—to fight the Government which they have worked for ? They havo the power to right their wrongs , and they themselves mast do it—do it at once and for ever . Th 9 y have suffered long enoughfar too long ; but the spirit of a patient people is at length jirouned , and they will never submit until justice be done .
Government mu&t be remodelled ; we must hate the Charter . Those reformers who oppose the Charter are not reformers—those Christians who oppose . it are not Christians : reformers and Christians will shew themselves truly such by being Caarfeists . Lire not sJavuo , men of England!—bo not what your fathers were . Let not the spark of liberty , now lighted in the land , Jail into damp ground and be ex ' . Uiguishod ; let it kindio into a biasw that may burn up tyranny . How many aro sacrificed by the baseness which they wish to reform —how many fall victims to their own integrityliow many lo » e their liberty because others at © willing slaves !
" Whin English mothers shall give birth to ma , Then may alie be restored , but not tiil then . " J . tT
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BEELZEBUB'S BANQUET
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NOBTHEBN STAR . Sir , —So it appears the foxes and geese are , maugre all their noise , bustle and botheration , still ia the back ground ; the working classes will not swallow their specifics , though recommended by the celebrated Doctor Plural-unit of scribbling notoriety , who , as a professional gentleman , assures the pablic that Mer ~ airy is not a component part of the medicine now vended by Messrs . Marshall , Stansfeltl , and Co ., aft their establishment , that is to &e . Tha " Slavs class
have not forgot the fraud practised upon them by these charlatans during the Reform . Bill mania . They know how sedulous these empirics were ia puffing the " Russell purge , " and they know , to their sorrow , that . its effects have been such as to hurry the body politic to the very threshold of death . Whether Mercury forms a portion of the ingredients or not , it is fully ascertained that the most deadly poison is used in the preparation of every nostrum prescribpij , or recommended , by tbe Whig clique , ot whieh the Ciub is the excrescence , or refuse .
Well , what are the poor chap-fallen creatures to do t Are they to sink into nothingness ? No , no , that wi ! i not answer the purpose of certain parties yefc behind the curtain ; they must retain their worthless entity , if it be by the promu lgation of thv mos * glaring sophisms , or the practice of the most palpsVla trickery . Sophistry has been tried , and , to their chagrin , has ' bten completely exploded , through tha medium of tke Star , and , to conclude ths farce , Fox Stansfeid anil mendacious Ne < iily fire see-3 ti ^ : n % to 3 disgusted auditory on their broken tidiUes . However , as a dernier resort , they liave resolved to have a ' ¦ 'feed , " at which tho £ ) £ Beggarman is to cnt a c : vn > . 6 picuous figure . I certainly think that the fxxei bare evinced a little judgment in this part of the matter .
as a more "fit and proper person" could not ba found , had they ransacked every co-rner of the habitable globe . The Club have no principle , neither lisa Dan . The Club ' is a small kind of prolit-rnonjrura , a 7 id every ramincatioa of Dan's political conduct baa centered iu psraonal aggrandisement . The Club is ostensibly intended to promote ths cause of Reform , bui in reality to burk tlio Charter . Dan has Reform ever on his lips , while his every act is inimical to the public weal . Dim is , in fact , the " roaring lion who goeth about seeking whom he may devour . " Let him devour the meats and the drinks provided for him by the foxea and . geese , but I trust tbe working men of Leeds will show -the monster that he shall not devour Chartism , however capacious his maw miy bo .
We must not allow Leeds to be pollnted witli tha presence of that Jump of corruption without doing our duty , and , as a working man , I hope my own order will be up and doing . We must have a public gathering while the " roaring lion" is within reach . We ewe Mm mtfeb . for his kind attention—all England owes him mneh , and it ia meet that we should commence paying him the " rint" in Leeds . On xhegreafc day of goftnnndizing , we ought to give the Old Gentleman a zest for hiu praties , by compelling him to meflt us working men face to face in open day , and eithsr show us that his zig-zag mode of proceeding iu his political career has been one straightforward course , or at once submit to the braud of traitor and impo ^ tat Let us send an invitation to the Liberator ! ! !! couched
in rtspect / ul terms , for , no doubt , he woul'l desire things done respectfully , and we might show mm that working men havo a little idea of the rules of etiquette as welt as the ' foxes and geese whose " eyes are op ^ n . " But incase he should tre ; it us with contempt we might send a file of im ; n down to hia den and draw forth , tho lion by the mane ( Vmt not to harm his old carcase ) and bring him to the scratch . I have no hesitation in saying that in L ? eds there are fustian jackets and blistered hands who will be found prepared to grapyte with the be . ist Operatives , be active—do your duty . Yours , truly , William Rider . Leeds , Dec . 3 th , 1840 .
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TQ THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAB . SrR , —In answer'to numerous inquiries and invitations from various places in England and Scotland , allow me to state that I shall bo liberated ou Wednesday , the 23 d ef December , and enter Manchester on tho 25 th ( Christmas day ) . I cannot give any angwers when I shall visit other pltwses , » ntil I arrive in Manchester . To the people of Scotland , allow me to state I cannot visit them before the latter end of January , ot the beginning of February , 1841 . Then I Bhall be at their service . —I remain Your obedient . Servant , R . J . KlCHABDSOJf .
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TO THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTY OF DURHAM . WILLIAMS AND BINNS . Fellow-Countrymen , —I address this letter to you , because the subject on which I write i 3 more in teresticg to you . than to the otcter parts ol tlit-country . You all know Williams and Binns i You have listened with admiration te their glowing appeals to your patriotism . You have seeu and felt the many splendid sacrifices they have made in the cause of your Charter . They have bilcnced the voice of faction in their n € ighbourhood , whenever it has dared to impose upon you ; and commanded your support as well by their private virtues as their splendid talents . For nearly three years have they made head against tbe
malignancy of their cold-blooded persecutors , and sacrificed their private interests for the public good . At last , their trial for $ peaking the truth has coat them nearly one hundred and fifty pounds , through successive postponements , and a jury of the middle class have been the means of imprisoning them for six months in a Whig gaol , aud breaking up for a time as far aa possible the business in which they wer « embarked I Oh 1 this is cruel ! Oh ! this is ba * e I Rem&mber these young men are not incarcerated tor theft or murder , but fer speaking with a good intention what they thought was-right . And Williams and Binns are inmates of a gael for this I Well , the time draws nigh when they will be restored to that people
from whom they have been torn , and it is our bounden duty to ^ reward them for their sufferings in a good Cause . But how can we do this ? We can gather our thousands from our streets to welcome them with blessings as they return , but this is not all we can do . Our cheers will not replenish their home that h ; -3 been ruined ot their empty purses plundered by tiitjir a : id your enemies . We must have something more than empty parade of enthusiasm to make their honeafc hearts aa joyful aa our own , when they appear before us . And I would suggest that a sum of money tw » presented to theso patriotic gentlemen freru the nwa and women of the county , to re-establish » hem ia their business , and by so doing increase thfcit us&fulness .
Let the Charter Associations appoint a committee for each place , and let their business be as follows : — 1 st Put a subscription-book or paper into the handa of some honest maa in every trade and workshop , to collect weekly for Williams aud Binns ' s Fund . 2 nd . Let the collector in each trade or shop pay bis weekly subscriptions into the hands of the Secretary of tho Charter Association where he lives . 3 rd . Let the Society of each town , colliery , or village appoint a delegate to attend at the prisou gates on th » 25 th of January next , to present the two victims wilti ¦ w hatever may be collected .
Thus , by a littfe exertion , these two young patriot * will be in as good condition when they come out as when they were first pounced upon by the Government . And why should they not ? They are honourabto men . Where is tho man that would refuse his sixpenc for such a purpose ? Men of tho county ! you havo ever been generous ; see that you never ba unjust- Do your duty to these men , for they have done their duty to you . Is there to be no reward f » r integrity bu * chains ? No homo for patriotism but a dungeon i Lek not a moment be lost , then . You have just sfc weeks to prove your worth—your immortality ! I appeal to you all , not only of Durham , but to the Chartists of England , to see that Melbourne shttll not " ruin them with expences !"
I have not apprised these gentlemea of my plan , or my latter , for I know their natures would not consent , under whatever hardship ? they might endure , to hav * tlieir grievances advertised amongst you . Lot not their uncomplaining spirits lull us to sleep , but let it rather increase our exertions to rescue tLem from destruction Villany deserves contempt ; but , for God's sake , lei nil virtue bt ruined . To work then ; collect ! collect i I Collect 1 < 1 "A Middle-class Caabtis *
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Accident at Messhs . Combe and Delafield '* . — On Sa-. uvday afternoon , about four o ' clock , two mett named Thoma ? and Roberta , who have tor many years been iu the employ of Meaars . Combe and DelaiMd , the exteasive brewers , of Castie-streei , Lonjc Acre , were tngaged in cleaning a large vat , when , on a sudden , the iron railing on which they stood save way , and they fell from a height of about thirtv-sevea feet , to the ground with great violence . The unfortunate icen on being picked up presented a frightful appearance , and they were instantly coaveyed to the Wosbmiatbsr hospital , where they lif with scarcely any hopes of recovery .
A TERT strange and alarming circumstance occurred in a gentleman ' s house iu Warwick-street , Laurieston , on . Tuesday evening last . It appear * that ft little-after-dusk the servant maid , who wm employed at her work between a light and the window , happened , moot providentially , to make a slighi moTemeu& , when a buliut broke the glass , passed through the apartment , and ma » ie a large indention in the wall immediately opposite to the broken pan * This , of course , occasioned the greatest alarm to tb » inmate ? , as not the slightest reason could be assigned for anyone committing such an atrocious act fcy firing in this reckless manner . If the shot was firea with the intention of killing the servant girl , it wu well aimed , and would certainly have struck her ha 4 she not made the slightest muvemen : mentioned at the moment the bullet passed her . The police •« making active search , but without tStct . —Qkujfcm f-t . ¦ : ¦¦ ¦ - : ¦ "
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THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 12, 1840, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct359/page/7/
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