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Northern Star (1837-1852), 12th December 1840, Edition 2 of 4, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE
    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1840.
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      Untitled Article

      ADVICE TO CHARTISTS . TO THfi ED 1 T 0 B OF THK XOliTUERS STAR . Sir , —The Chartists of Sunderland haying comsesced , under very favourable prospects , a Gh&rtist Benefit Society , 1 strongly recommend my Chartict hrethren in other parts to establish Immediately similar societies . To promote this object , C -will feel obliged fey jau mserting the folk ) wine

      KEAS 05 S FOB CS . AB . TISI BENEFIT SOCIETIES . L As sickness iad want an at one period or another tbt portioa of » U , it is necessary that all should be propped for , and provided against , such calamities . 2 . That of tbe two means , pro-riding for eraeivei , m depending upon the cbarity of others , the former « aly is that which eTery honest and honourable man "woold wish to « mploy , and which eTery pnrdent man ody would depend upoa . 8 . That sa the werking people are" neither born to wealth , aor can aoquire it , they possess in general no individual resocrcet adequate for tfce purpose , sad , therefore , are bound V > unite with others to make those calamities fall as lightly as possible upon

      4 . Thai as a large portion of disease and death is tbe direct or indirect result of too much -work , and too little food , a fc&ewledge of the causes of these , in order to their removal , is an important part- of the proper objects of a betefit society . 5 . Tfcat this essential put is sot at all provided for by any of the existing benefit societies , which * indeed , o far from-doing this , in many instances , powerfully lead to withdraw all attention froa them , and confine the application of their resources to means which lews the most general cause of sickness and death entirely untouched . 6 . That as the orer-working and partial stirring of the mass is caused by the extreme idleness and laxsry at a few , the principles which would tend to a correction of this eTil , ought to form a component part « f arezy benefit society for a tailing and impoverished people .

      S . That this mischievous distinction arises from a few having the power to tike , by what they call law . that which is produced by tbe labour , sweat , and skill Of the many , for whose benefit the law is said to be xaoda * . That at this , which is called law by those wha feed by it , is felt to be robbery by those wfeo starre by it , the latter only have the disposition and -will to alter It , and can only do bo by becoming lawmakers ^ - » . That , as this is the object of Chartism , it is , therefore , worthy to be incorporated with a benefit society , established for those who have been , and are , so plundered and oppressed .

      10 . That while such societies would be alienating { be evils of sickness and death as they occurred , aad were keeping attention alive to the frequent unnatural cooks of these , they would also powerfully tend to free their members from bribing , scml-enslaving charity and create that paternal feeling amongst working people , which , by making their hearts one , would make their power invincible for good . 11 . That such societies would also supply their member with a powerful remedial agent in sickness , and of ten avert dexth by the excellent medicine

      administered to the minds of the afflicted through the medium of their physicians , the stewards , who would cheer the hearts of the bed-ridden sufferers with the administration of pecuniary relief , and revive their drooping energies by acquainting them wiih the spread of those princ i ples -which their souls longed t-o see established . 12 . That as it would then be said , see those Chartists , how they " love one another , " others would " go and do likewise , " those who were " weary and heavy laden" would have their " yoke " lightened , and eventually the poor \ ot workers ) and meek would " inherit f > ta earth . "

      J . W . Gaol . P-S . As the rules of the Sunderland society are now printing , they will be published , and transmitted to Oar Chartist brethren in any place -who maj apply for them- Further intelligence will be given next week .

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      EXTRA ORDINARY EXPRESS FROM MARSEILLES . CHINA , INDIA , AND EGYPT . ( From the Morning Herald . J We have received , fay extraordinary express from Marseilles , by the Oriental steamer , accounts from Bombay to the 1 st of November , with dates from Qiina to the 4 th of August , Singapore 11 th September , Calcutta 18 th October , and Alexandria to the i 6 th Is or ember . The intelligence brought by this arrival is , in every T 8 spec ; , of the greatest importance . From the mass ¦ of our correspondence , and the details with which ¦ we have be « n supplied , we have selected the most interesting features .

      The expedition to ChuB&n , under the command of Commodore Sir J . Gordon Bremer , and Brigadier General Burrell , arrived off that island on the 2 nd of July , 8 > nd the necessary soundings having been taken , anchored in the harbour of Chusan ou the 4 th , aad after summoning the Governor to surrender , compliance with which was evaded , the operations against the place were commenced on the following day , July 3 th . After & short resistance on the beach , which was soon cleared , the troops landed and began the breach of the ciiy of Ting-hae-heen , the capital of Chusan , which wa 3 defended till a late hour , but on the following morning was found to have been evacuated during the night , and the British troops immediately took possession . A £ Teai number of guns were captured , together with numerous stores and a large quantity of aTntnnTiisidon .

      The loss of the Chinese is estimated at about thirtj killed ; there were no casualties on the side of the British . Admiral Elliott , in the Melville , reached Cbusan on the 7 th Jaly , and unfortunately got a-ground , with so much damage done as to make -it neces-¦ arv to have hifi ship hove down and dismantled , thus rendering her perfectly useless . In sailing along the coast , the Blonde , sent into Amoy with a flag of truce , was fired into ; but , on returning the fire , ihe Chinese troops were quickly dispersed with considerable loss .

      bhortly after tha admiral ' s arrival , he proceeded to Niug-po-rbo , to forward a sealed letter to the Emperor , which , after havrng been received bj the mandarins of that city , was returned unopened . In consequence of this occurrence , Hing-po-foo was blockaded , and preparations were making to extend the blockade to the mouth of the river Yonghe-Kion , leading to Nankin . The capture of Chusan , and the action at Amoy , appear to have eansed a great sensation in that part of China . Brigadier-General Burrell has been appointed governor of Chusan . It was expected tha ; the admiral would shift his flag on board the Wellesley .

      Tbe ships of war at Cnusan were the WellesJey , Conway , Alligator , Algerine , Cruiser , Melville , Blenheim , Pylades , and Madagascar and Enterprise steamers . The accounts from Canton state that Commissioner Lin was vainly endeavouring to raise volunteers to destroy our ships of war , by the promise of high rewards . Several junks , iaden with salt and grain , had been captured under the jruns of the bogue fort by the British blockading squadron , -wnich consisted of the Druid , Volage , Byacinih , and Larne , subsequently reinforced by the Nisirod and Columbine . Tbe blockade did not commence till the 1 st of Jnlr .

      The intelligence from India redeems the last snaatisfactory accounts . From Afghanistan we learn ihat a most brilliant success had been gained by Brigadier-General Dennie over Dost Mohammed and the Walse of Khoolum , whose combined army of 8 , 000 men had been totally routed by a body of £ 00 men of the 35 : h native infantry and the Goorka © Orps , with two guns and some cavalry . D 031 Mohammed , who was wounded , lost all his tents , kettledrums , standards , baggage , &c , with 500 killed , and wounded in proportion . The intelligence

      # f this affair i 3 contained in a despatch from Major-General Sir Willoughby Cotton , dated Caubul , September 20 . This victory , it was thought , would be highly beneficial . The fort of Kabun , which Capt . Brown held out to the last , was finally evacuated by him after receiving orders to that effect , and he ¦ oecoeeded in reaching Shikarpoor in safety with * 11 his baggage and artillery . It is stated , in our private letters , that there i 3 every probability of a war with Nepau , and the Amtera of Scinde are flinch Dissatisfied at having to par tribute .

      The utmost activity prevails in all the military departments throughout India ; an augmentation has keen made to the army , and ail the officers on leave required to join immediately . The troops under Major-General N . oU were advancing on Khelat . Ten thousand men were ordered to assemble at Lukhur from the Bombay army ; this large force ie assembling in Upper Scinde for seme other purpose it is supposed than that of chastising the Belloo-• bec . A * a set oS to the tuocesg of General Dennie , it appears that Sir R , Gale experienced a repulse at a mall fort in Kobiitan , near Caubul , with the loss of

      ¦ everai killed and wounded . His aide-de-camp , G * pt . Cooolly , was killed bj his side . Tie fort was wkwsqaMtfly taken . The failure , in the first Jwtaaee , is aacribed to the thortnen of the » calinjr ladder * . Froc Adeq the aeeonnt * were that the European f « miaB wu in good health , but that the sepoys had ¦ tiered severely . The Arabs had remained perfcwHy qniet emee the last repulse . We have dues from Ceylon to the 12 th Oeiober , wf which it appears that the cholera had re-appeared » t Candy .

      The intelligence from Alexandria , which reaches t * the 26 th nit ., represents the Egyptian question as " lettled . Commniore Napier arrived there in the Powerful , on the 21 st November , and immediately pened negotiations with Boghos Bey , which were ntianed till-ih * 26 th , when they were cut short by fe , peremptory demands of the Commodore . The fooeiftl concessions made are , the'delivery of the

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      Turkish fleet , and the immediate evacuation of Syria by Ibrahim Pacha . The fleet to remain till the necessary guarantees are furnished for the hereditary Euccession of jEgypt . Commodore Napier had made every prepjiration for the bombardment of Alexandria in case nis terms had been refused . The following ships 'were lying there when the Oriental sailed : —Powerful , Eodney , Revenge , Cambridge , Ganges , Vanguard , Carysfoot , and Medea , and Vesuvius steamers .

      DISASTER AT ACRE . On the 6 th of November , three days after the fall of this redoubtable fortress , and when the British wer « still rejoicing at having achieved in three hemrs , and with a lose on their aide of onl y twentytwo killed and forty-four wounded , that which even is its then inferior strength withstood twelve assaults of Napoleon Buonaparte , with a sad Iobs of human life , they were doomed to suffer & disaster , the origin of which i 3 likely never to be cleared up , though in all probability it has arisen from the Ioobo manner in which powder appears to have been conveyed from place to place by the enemy during the defence of it against the allies ; for it seems the approaches to the works from the several magaaines are literally one continued train of powder , requiring the greatest vigilance to remove , so as to avoid such consequences &s the one we are about , to relate .

      A column , at least five hundred yards in height , of thickly yellow smoke and dust , with a loud and simultaneous report , succeeded by a white smoke , and the burbting of as many as a thousand deadly shells , spreading in all directions far beyond and all around the ships of the fleet , some of which , and among them the Wasp , being only about one hundred yards from the shore , announced the explosion of another powder magaiine within the fortreBB of Acre ! In five minutes after the officers who landed from the shipping to the succour of the sufferers , among whom there might be shipmates and messmates encountered on the road , those who had fortunately escaped carrying to the boats for conveyance on board , for medical aid , the maimed and wounded , which together with the killed are said to amount to 280 , of whom at least 150 are native women and children . We have been unable to

      ascertain bow many are the sufferers in the British fleet , but we understand that as many as fifteen marines are killed , and h % d it not been the hour of dinner the number would have been considerably increased . Among the seamen there are several wounded , and of the officers Brigadier-General Sir Charles Felix Smith , R . E ., very slightly ; Captain Collier , R . N ., of the Castor , leg broken and other injuries and bruises ; and Lieutenant Johnson and the Rev . Mr . Kitson , both of the Princess Charlotte , from which ship Mr . Warre , mate , with a working party , were ordered to clear out a magazine , full of powder and shells , which was on fire from the

      explosion ; this perilous service was happily performed without any casualty ( notwithstanding the doors had been shattered ) , by the applying of wet bales and blankets , and by dusk the chances of further danger were considerably reduced , though the fire was not entirely extinguished until a late hour of the night . Nothing could exceed the intrepid conduct of the parties employed , who mounted the burning roof , braving all danger , in order to introduce the hose of the engine , playing upon the fire . The Princess Charlotte had two of her marines killed and nine wounded , besides several seamen , and the officers belonging to her above-named .

      UNITED STATES . By the packet ship North America , which arrived at Liverpool on Monday last , we have received New York papers to the 20 th ult . They contain but little news of importance . The ofiioial declaration of the election of General Harrison as President seems to have excited but little sensation , as the result of the contest had been for some time cer-

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      PRISON DISCIPLINE . On oar third page will be found the first of a ¦ erios of letters on this subject , by Nova . ^ 1 ¦ - ¦ ¦

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      THE AUCTION AND SALE . Wb extract the following passages from two speeches made by Mr . O'Coknob , so loDg ago as the year 183 d , when engaged in his mission as delegate of the Great Radical Association , established by him in the parish of Marylebane . At Stockport , where he opened his commission , and for which town he has frequently , and , in consequence , expressed a peculiar interest , he made use of the following prophetic wordB : — " Lord Chesterfield has said that any man can be purchased if you but come up to his price . I admit it , and the amount is the only question at issue between the vendor and the

      purchaser : 1 am for sale , and I intend you all for sale ; but if I may be allowed the most extensive construction of his Lordship ' s assertion , we will go in one lot instead of being set up singly . And now , in the commencement of my tour , I proclaim myself for sale ; and that my object is to prepare my stock , that is , the whole community , for the highest price , by putting them , as feeders say , in the most profitable condition . I will not let you go lame , or halt , or blind , or lean , or in bad lota , to the auction mart ; no , yon shall go in a body , and all in the best condition . My price is large , but from it I will not abate a fraction ; it is Universal Suffrage , as my principle , with Annual

      Parliaments , Vote by Ballot , no Property Qualification for Representatives , and Equal Representation , as the details to give full effect to that principle . And my course is to prepare you for sale , and then to sell you ; and now let me point out the manner in which this important auction will be conducted and concluded . The Whigs and the Tories will appoint their respective bidders . Lord John Rrss&LL will probably bid for the Whigs , and Sir Robeet Pkel for the Tories , for , rely upon my word , that , though you were at ignorant as asset , the moment you are united ^ your strength , arising

      from combination , and not your mental qualification , tcill constitute your value to men toithing io perpetuate power at any price . 1 will be the auctioneer , and will set this lot up ; it matters not at what . Then the auction will proceed thus ; we will proceed downward , like a Dutch auction , starting from the present £ 10 franchise . Lord John will commence £ 9 , Peel £ 8 . Lord John £ 7 , Peel £ 6 . Lord John £ 5 , Peel , Household . Lord John £ 4 , Peel £ 3 . Lord John £ 2 , Peel 41 . Lord John , Universal , —a pause . Auctioneer , to Lord John , the lot is jours , my Lori . Sir Robert Peel— " No , no : I nodded first . "

      Auctioneer—** I assure you , Sir Robert , I never saw you ; I took Lord John ' s tri % k . Sir Robert— " 1 appeal to all around me . " Auctioneer— " It ' s very unfortunate of course my duty is to make the most of the Jot . " Sir Robert— " Well , you are bound to put it up again in case of a double bid . " Auctioneer— " Very well , then , up it goes again . " Lord John— " And the Ballot . " Sir Robert— " And Annual Parliaments . " Lord John— " And Equal Representation . " Both together— " And No-Property Qualification . " A pause—Auctioneer— Who bids more ! I have two bidders . " No answer .

      Lord John—* We'll t * ke the lot between us . Now I'll get that for you , but / ean ' l get lest , and if you consent to take less when you are comma to t > e wonh that , you will be offered nothing ; neither p * rty will give a penny for you , because , if they can purchase you in small Lots they can have you for tht price thai any local salesmaster wishes io put up » n you , trithouf contultinff you . " Wo most bow 2 ear # t « oar readers , after fife yean' experience to tay whether or not that proeesi has sot been going on from that period to the present , aad whether the attempt » f the many Associations , since formed by the factions , has not been with a view to make merchandise of the

      working classes for the aggrandisement and emolument of human jobbers , who , tired out by the process of keeping the stock till most fit for the market , would gladly make such , profit as their present condition would fetch . In order to effect a transfer just now , the Leeds profit-jobbers have invited the great wholesale butcher to view the Household Suffrage stock . He who Bold nearly 300 , 000 poor and unprotected crea-

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      tures of his own negleoted , proscribed , and enslaved creed for personal aggrandisement , is now to hang the slaughtered carcases of the Leeds " geese" upoa the front of his political stall ! He who took wholesale commission upoa the infants over whom he constituted himself Chancellor and Guardian , for want of that protection which the law refused , is now to take the pining , care-worn wives and little crippled children of tbe Leeds " geese " to the Whig charnel-house , and then the naoker ia to smile in lustful patriotism while disposing of hie

      fresh cargo ofhuman flesh ! The man who encouraged the Canadians to withstand tbe step-mother tyranny of Britain , and then rifled them of the remnant of their constitution , sow comes to help the Leeds "foxes" to kill and carry of tha M geeBe . " The man who say a that the New Poor Laws are a guarantee to the respectable operative against the encroachments of the less meritorious , is he whose aid is invoked by the Foxes of the Leeds Club . The man who has scandalized the women of England , —the wivas and daughters of the

      English operatives , —as " hoores , "—who has filled Ireland with paupers and a rural police ; the man who has kept up a perpetual war of religious strife between tbe two countries for his own profit , is to be the pilot of the well-manned vessel of the Leeds Fox and Goose Club . The man who lent all the available troops , and promised 500 , 000 volunteers to shoot British working men seeking the redress of grievances ; the man who rejoiced that it was Irishmen who shed Welshmen ' s blood at Newport ; the man who called Faosx a traitor , and

      the people ' s best friends ruffians ; the man who hired ruffians to insult the peaceful missionary of English Radicals ; the man who deserted tbe Dorchester labourers , who sold the Trades' Unionists , who villified the Glasgow Cotton Spinners , who would give £ 20 , 1 ) 00 a year more than even the Tories to a German beggar for begetting state paupers and feeding sporting dogs ; the man who sold Carlow to the Jew , and then sold the Jew to tbe Devil ; tbe man who banished Crawford from Ireland ; the man who has crushed every bold spirit who would

      not surrender principle to his fell dominion ; the man whose name is to be found in every corrupt majority which has supported the shooting , entombing , transporting , police-enacting , life-destroying , liberty-crushing , poor-man-hating Whigs ; the man , whose name , after possessing more political power than any other individual ever did possess for now five years , is not to be found originating anv one act or any portion of an act for tbe benefit

      of the human race in any part of the world : —is this , we ask , the monster whom we are again , not only to trust , bat to court , and to apply to him the gentle motto of the Beaumohts—Fide sed qui , vide—Trust , but see in whom ? Have we not trusted him , and have we not been as often deceived ? And yet a pack of silly profit-mongers say , "Accept his assistance , but watch him . " What , we would ask , must be the depravity and spirit of a guest , of whom the very host is thus compelled to speak t

      The Fox and Goose Club have invited Dak to co-operation and a banquet ; and Colonel Thompson , very properly objecting to the scheme , says , how are you to receive him ! Now , observe the answer of the noodles : — " We would say thankfully , BUT WITH OUR EYES OPEN . " Was ever such bare-faced audacity ? Suppose a hoBt invited a clever pickpocket , and in apologising to his guests , t > aid , " Gentlemen , you will dine with me , but be on

      your guard—bring no money—as I have been compelled to invite a pickpocket to help out the entertainment ; " and suppose the host communicated to tbe pickpocket tbe necessary precaution given to his guests , what would a honest pickpocket say 1 Would he not say , Sir , if I practice my calling , I have a character to support , and therefore I cannot accept your invitation at the expence of my manly pride . "

      Let us first take this question in its plain and simple bearingB . Ib O'Connell invited here to assist in the Household Suffrage movement ! By no means ; he is invited here to strangle Chartism . If O'Con-5 ELL was intended as an auxiliary to the Fox and Goose Club , and if his services were to be honestly given and effectively used , where would they be most usefully employed ! Why , in Ireland , to be sure , where he still holds the ignorant in religions chains of bondage .

      What would be the result to tbe present movement of O'Connell getting even a footing in any part of England ) The assurance , through the prostitute press of Ireland , that the defeated akd deluded CHABTISTS , HAVING GOT SID OF THEIR FALSE LEADERS , HAVE AT LENGTH BEEN COMPELLED TO THROW THEMSELVES VPOK THE LlBERATOB FOE SUCCOUR . COMFORT , akd reliev . This would be « choed by the English Whig " Establishment , " and thus would the ignorant people of Ireland beguiled for another season , and thrown back for years into that state of mental delusion from which , ffiank God , they are just beginning to emerge .

      What then becomes our duty ! Why , as honest watchmen , ever at our post , to prepare the people to meet the outrage at the threshold . That is our duty ; that we haveperformed ; and what is the people ' s duty ? Simple , and easy of performance : it is to be ready to march to Leeds to a public meeting to be holden upon the day of the " base , bloody , and bratal" Union ; to be ready at all hazards and sacrifices ; and to bring their wives , bearing small white flags , with the simple inscription , u We are Englishwomen and mothers : and if our

      children are slaves the tratior O'Connell made them so ; but our husbands will throw their chains in the face of their oppressor . " Yes , upon that day , we will show in Leeds a body of virtuous women and free-born Englishmen , even larger than that promised for the suppression of Chartism . That day will be a day ever famous and glorious in the annals of chivalry . St . John , St . Peter , St . Patrick , St . Bridget , and all the saints , have their day , and that day shall henceforth stand in the almanacs of all time to come as St . Englishwoman ' s day .

      Let us reason calmly upon the probable result of such a step , if unopposed . Is there a Chartist in the kingdom who believes that the question of Household Suffrage ever would have been started by Foxes Marshall , Stansfeld , and Co , if the question of Universal Suffrage had not been raised ! No ; no man in his senses has any such notion ; the movement is intended only as an antitode to Universal Suffrage . Who support it ! Some of the greatest jobbers ever known in any country ; who , under the old system , have made more mo » ey than they know what to do mth , and who never lose an opportunity ,

      as masters or magistrates , of oppressing the poor and the unprotected ; men who now see the necessity of a further reduction in the wages of those out ot whose hard earnings they have , from being paupers , scraped millions together , and now require cheap food and cheaper labour , in addition to their other chances of peculation and subtraction , to give them another ull at the very vitals of a large competitive labour community ; creatures who complain of the people ' s ignorance and want of principle , and send waggon loads of provisions , and large . sums of money for distribution among those very corrupt pe * ple , but only upon ooeaaion ot a Municipal Election .

      This miserable crew have been at work with their more Miserable stick of an organ for now nearly three months , and throughout England their disciples do not number one hundred , but like a hen with one chicken , they are as bnsy as if they bad a full brood . Only one Association , and only one fox in that to bark—and even his bark worse than his bite;—not a goose for very shame to cackle for them ; and thus forlorn and broken-hearted , they are compelled to throw themselves upon the old juggler for a trick or two . Novr w « tell them that Signor Dambllo would jockey them too ; and in less than six months would put aTI the peas under his own thimble .

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      The Irish Catholics are just beginning to learn that many of the English martyrs are Irish Catholics also , and that not one of them has shown the white feather ; but , on the contrary , although getting some of the severest sentences , are still bearing , like Irishmen , in the universal cause of freedom , their respective terms of from nine months to four years , in madhouses . O'Connor is an Irish man , and although not a CathoJio , is as energetic in their cause as any Catholic in the land ; and these things are now making a deep impression npon the Irish mind , and will , ultimately , bring about a real , instead of a clap-trap , union between the two countries , if not frustrated by trick and chicane .

      Must it not be palpable to every man of common sense , that the motive of O'Connell , in seeking footing once more in England , is for the purpose of propping the tottering machine of decaying Whiggery , while Ireland is reserved aa a draw-farm , whence the Honourable Gentleman (!) may still continue to extract the forfeit of national ignorance , much increased , by the colour given to hiB renewed popularity in England . Let us quote the monster ' s own opinion , delivered in full conclave to his Corn

      Exchange slaves . A fool who said that he had threatened to kick O'Connor at a meeting at Preston , was told by O'Connell that he sever would have been more right iu his life if he bad just put his threat into execution . The beast upon tbe same occasion said , that " if Feahbus came to Dublin , the boys would treat him to a swim in the Liffey . " Upon this we shall only obseiva that we too have a river running through Leeds ; not that any Englshman would be false or treacherous enough to poison its waters with so much corrupted matter !

      Again , then , we say that this outrage must and shall be met at the threshold ; we will not , as of old , admit the infection , and then seek for remedies . Let our readers just read the list of guests furnished by the Club , to do honour to the national banquet ! —Daniel O'Connell , Colonel Thompson , John Arthur Roebuck , Sharman Crawford , Joseph Hvjme , Sir William Molesworth , Francis Place , Charles Viixiers , Richard L . Shejl ,

      Richabd CoBDEif , and Lord Brougham ! We might have stopped with Dan , and said , " Ex uno disce omnes ; " but we give the sack , in preference to the sample , and shall only say that not a man of them , but Roebcck , Villiers , Cobden , and , perhaps , Molesworth , is likely to come . No , no ; catch Dan meeting Brougham , Thompson , and Crawford ! How many of the whole lot are not Malthusians , just made to the knuckle of the cheap labour-mongers I

      The other extract , from a speech of O'Connor ' s , delivered in the same month of the same year at Manchester , runs thus : — " The Poor 1 aw Bill was bat a means to an end ; it was no sooner fixed in the statute book than tho white slave owners began to turn it to the proposed account Ellis and othera ot the Emigration or Transportation Society , at once attached the emigration system as a rider to the starvation bill . They first passed the one to break down , disgust , and starve out the htne&t working man , whose place has been supplied by machinery , and then , in their tender meny for the poor , they apply to Parliament for the means of attistiw

      emigration . How , observe the trick ; those fellow ' s have large foreign possessions , wild , unprofitable , and valueless , for want of population ; and every ship load of white slaves that land upon their territories increases the value of their property fifty per cent So they first aave poor ' rates at home , and then apply the public revenue to supplying them with tbe only means of giving value to their barren wilds : and farther mark ; those gentlemen make bargains with the emigrants before they leave England , or , in other words , actually purchase the slaves without even giving them the chance of the market Well ; was I idle upon this , any more than upon tbe Poor Law ? No , I voted against

      every stage of tbe one , and , single banded , I stopped the other at half-past two o'clock in the morning , during last eesiion . I stood alone ; no oue would second the rejection of the Bill ; Shell spoke in favour of it ; they laughed at me ; but I cast my eye over the House , and found that I was equal to thirtynine Honourable Members . I moved that the House be counted ; they then appealed to my good nature and prayed of me not to stop the Bill , I said that my good nature was all due to those whose rights were invaded , while thej slumbered in perfect ignorance of the blow aimed at them . I persevered and waa all but hissed , bat I did penevereand stopped the Bill ; but who will stop it now ?

      " I'll now tell you my opinion of emigration . I am a citizen of the world and ready to steer where God and necessity shall direct , but if I can help it , no man shall leave the land of bis birth against his free will and consent But 8 top ; Ellis ' s BUI only provided for men of » certain age , and forbade the accompaniment of the wife and family except at the emigrant's expence , thus taking the bone and sinew and leaving the young gristle to be nursed by the Poor Laws at home , till fit for profit . When every lordly oak is levelled to the ground : when tbe throat of every fatted war-horse is cut ; when every pampered sporting dog is destroyed ; when every pleasure ground is turned into a garden for the production of human food , and made subservient to

      the sustenance of man ; when our waste lands are made to yield forth their fruit ; when our own country , after being turned to the most prtflt , shall refuse to its own sons the reward of their own industry and sufficiency for their wants , then will I join in search of other climes , and by lot take my chance as a volunteer in quest of a field whereon to expend my labour . Your country is a wild for want ef proper laws to apply man ' s labour to the moat profitable pursuits , and instead of altering the laws , they would transport the people . I tell you that this is but the commencement , they now only invite you to transport yourselves , but when machinery arrivoa at its height , they wili then compel you to involuntary exile . "

      Such were Mr . O Connor s opinions in 1835 , and such , we find , from many of his reported speeches , delivered in many parts of England and Scotland * in 1837 , 1838 , and 1839 , in almost the same language , continued to be his opinions ; we must leave it to our readers to say whether he has been borne out by subsequent circumstances . We have been induced to give the latter extract in consequence of a foolish assertion made by Mr . Moral-philosopher Morrisson , of Dunfermline , to the effect that Mr . O'Connor used the words with respect to a repeal of the Corn Laws .

      In conclusion , then , we say , " to youb tents , 0 Israel ! " we are at our post . If you fail , you cannot be surprised ; your trumpet has been Bounded ; your defeat , should it occur , will be your own , not our , disgrace ; but we trust you ; and , if we doubted you , OUR LIVES UPON YOUR WIVES .

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      THE OLD FOX AGAIN . The old cow and the hay stack have had another bowing match ; Stansfeld has written in reply to the first epistle of the Mercurial family , and last week the Mercurials rejoined at considerable length , materially altering their tactics in the engagement , however . In the Mercurials , first letter , the question considered was the most eligible standard of franchise , and which was established upon the fanciful principle of all who may be " reasonably deemed" fit for its exercise ; the present letter is confined to a review of what rightfully constitutes the government of a country .

      The question at issue between the parties is simply this : —Is the Government of this country , as at present constituted , a fair representation of tbe public opinions , morals , habits , and wants , according to the present . constitution of society ? Stansfeld , upon his part , asserts that it is not ; inasmuch as a section of society , on behalf of whose eligibility he pleads , is altogether excluded from any participation in the appointment ; while upon their part the Mercurial Editors contend , that , no matter how selected , their very toleration , by existing society , constitutes them a fair representation of the virtues , vices , habits , manners , strength , or weakness of the country .

      In order to arrive at a just conclusion , we must first ascertain whether or not any principle can be , or has been , established for the formation of governments ' , and in this course we anticipate no contradiction of that noble maxim of the English Constitution , which declares that no subject can be taxed otherwise than by his own consent , directly or indirectly , through his representative in Parliament . This simple , denned , and liberty-breathing principle brings us from the Mercury ' s corrupt reservoir to a consideration of the springs and fountains from which governments should fiow , is order to give them a constitutional title . This ample

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      maxim does , we apprehend , breath in the very lungs of the State , and inspires the whole body with life , leaving no withered limb disregarded , no member uncaredfor , no section considered as unnecessary to the perfect and healthy existence of the whole . It , in fact , implies an equality before tbe law , » power vested in a government-making body , to say who shall be the parties under that maxim , to whom power , narrowed to its most convenient use and application , shall be delegated for the benefit of the community at large . Government is , in fact , nothing more nor less than the

      committee of a national society ; a body entrusted with the application of public funds according to national requirements ; a body selected to mature plans for the common weal , and when matured and flatted by the people ' s representatives , to see to their proper administration ; but it by no means vests in the hands of a party any , the most , remote or contingent right , because in power , so to alter the constitution as to insure their own continuance in office . They have no right to strengthen their own hands , while they weaken those whose will they are bound to obey , and by whose consent alone they can legitimately hold office . When a government strengthens itself by laws , rules , precedents , or regulations , adopted for that purpose , or by the levying of forces

      for its own protection , against publio opinion , er by laws made or stretched for the suppression of the public voice , that government becomes a despotism and stands , in relation to the community , in precisely tbe same situation as a garrison , which should ¦ ellthe fortress to the enemy , and turn itsguns against its own countrymen . This we presume to be the very position occupied by our Whig rulers ; they are not only besieged by the whole of the unrepresented community , but they are also besieged by the representation of a majority of the electoral body ; while , instead of yielding , they fortify Dowing-street with brute force , and entrench themselves within the fortress , turning the guns against those who placed them there as guardians of the fort , during pleasure or good behaviour .

      We fully agree with the Editors of the Mercury upon the only principle contained in the letter now under review ; but here , also , as npon a former occasion , we are compelled to differ from their conclusion . And Why ! Because it amounts to an admission , that , whatever Government ia in existence , provided it be aWhig Government , it is , of right , the accredited representation of society . If this be true , how unjust and unfair was it to threaten violence to effect a change , in 1832 , of that Government which , according , to the opinions of the then constituent body , was a fair representation of

      the publio mind and condition . Bat , be it observed , that the Editors , always having an eye to the main chance , contend that Stansfeld ' s principle is erroneous , because it may let in a Tory Government , thus shifting the whole ballast to the question of convenience , interest , and expediency . We fully admit that Gorernment , when tolerated , and only factiously opposed , should be recognised as the faithful mirror of public opinion , while we think we shall show , and that v « ry clearly , that it is because our Government is not in this position that the whole people demand such a change as will ensure their just , fair , and faithful

      representation in the Commons' House of Parliament . The Mercury dips deep into philosophy , history , and science , and even skims polemics ; but in every dire he finds himself out of his depth ; using his arguments to his own destruction , and , like a pig , as he 8 wima , cutting his own throat . When the Editors speak of the frightful strife of by gone ages , they appear to forget that that was all occasioned by a straggle to form administrations to the taste of the age ; while they would contend that , once established , no matter how surrounded with change , instead of yielding , they should resist it ; thus never in fact , representing existing society .

      The Editors speak of the wild ferocity of barbarous ages , of the crimes , contentions , strifes , and butcheries of those times , wholly forgetting that each aud every one of those calamities was a direct consequence ot the then existing Government not being in nnison with public opinion ; and that contention arose from a desire to effect a change in that , and only in that , very department for whose all but permanenoy , the Editors contend . We pass by the bloody scenes enacted during the reigns of the TndorB , referred to by the Editors ; while it is not a

      difficult task to prove that , from tbe year 1796 , till 1815 , a period of only twenty-one years , there was more blood spilt than during the whole period of the Tudor dynasty , and all to change administrations , or to Bupport administrations , at home or abroad ; thus not only spending blood and treasure to suit domestic policy to domestic habits , but endeavouring to suit foreign policy to demestio factious expediency . We now come to a consideration of the rightful means of testing whether an administration is , or is not , a fair representation of the publio mind and taste simply because in power .

      In arguing this matter , we are bound to consider the long , the continuous , the barrassing , and open wars waged against Administrations when much stronger in electoral support than that under which we now live . We start from the year of peace , 1815 . At that period , we find a powerful party commanding 'largo majorities in possession of the Government ; we find the Executive entirely with them ; but not being a fair representation of the public mind , we find a reforming war , waged

      and carried on with various success for sixteen years , during the whole of which time , we find the Mercury supporting every artifice by recommendation of open violence , by cowardly threats , and even by ungentleman-like assaults upon women , and all for the avowed purpose of making the administration a national mirror . This conflict eventually terminated in full proof that the administration was not constitutionally formed , and did not represent national taste and opinions , inasmuch as it was disbanded by the nation in 1832 .

      From 1832 till 1835 was a short breathing time allowed for experiment ; and a general armistice was proclaimed , as far as the unrepresented were concerned , with a view to test tbe question whether or not theadministration , as newly constituted , was a fair representative Government ; . During this brief period the very acts of Administration , without being at all bearded by unreasonable demands from without- * no organic change sought for , but merely a request for such administrative improvements as were promised by the Reform Bill—during this period ' the positive acts of Administration proved that the Reform Bill meant transfer , not change .

      From 1835 to tbe present time , in consequence of frequent attacks upon popular rights , the fact has been made manifest that Government , as at present constituted , not only does not represent public habits , taste , or feeling , but does not even represent any opinion , ' principle , or party , save ana except in as far as feeling , taste , and principle consists iu forcible possession and enjoyment of self-satisfaction . We have , upon many former occasions , observed that the House of Commons , as at present constituted , is much more liberal than the constituent body of which it is the organ ; and we have proved it by the fact that , in 1832 , when the Reform Bill was in its infancy , and before it was defiled by administration , it was then almost impossible to find

      candidates sufficiently liberal for the new-fledged electors ; while , now that the bill has been set to Whig time , it ia almost impossible to find candidates iufficiently corrupt ; thus establishing the fact , that there is no permanency in public opinion—that there ought to be no permanency in public opinion—and now less than ever , when the invention of the night may wisely call for a change upon the morrow . Hence we demand Annual Parliaments , to harmonise publio opinion—to set the representative ' s mind by the national time-piece , in order to meet those changes occasioned by circumstances over which it becomes necessary to give to the xepresentative body a new controul , under guidance of the then existing state of the national mind . The Editors of ihsMercury ,

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      in speaking of inventions which have led to great improvements , which , by the way , should be eailed monopolies , famish thereby the very stron gest grouads for frequent changes in , or re-acknowled g . meats of , the governing body ; and when the ; inatanw the press as one great change of latter ages , let it be borne ia mind that the very opinion created by thai press ,, since its reduced price in 1836 , is now the vast power and combination straggling for % fair representative Government of its strength , its taste , its feelings , and principles . If the Editors of the Mercury had said plumply , we are satisfied with ^

      this Government , we could then have understood them , while thair absurd theories about the constitution of Governments , without BO much plain honesty , resolves itself into that , aad only that . The Mercury ' t mode of constituting government would amount to nothing more or less than perfect despotism ; by exonerating the Government from all responsibility upon the one hand , and depriving tha people of all controul upon the other ; and , in truth they are in complete keeping with the opinions of the advertising constituency of the Mercury , and that , after all , rather than the Parliamentary

      constituency , isthegod of itsidolatry . It may appear that the Mercury is right to a certain extent , so long a > Government represents the constituent body , and oof arguments may go for so much mere Radicalism which apply to the question of suffrage ; but even here we meet the Mercury and them . We have shewn the great reaction in the publio mind , or rather , in the electoral mind , since 1832 , by the fact of less Liberal candidates being now chosen . Let it be borne in mind that we date the reaction front 1835 , and that since that period we have b&d fivt annual registrations , and only one election ; but even taking the eight years from 1833 to 1840 , both in . elusive , we find that , notwithstanding the chanca

      even in the opinions of the electoral body , and notwithstanding the vastly increased spirit occasioned by the word ot command , " Register , register , register '" given by the fugle-meu to the respective parties—notwithstanding all this , we nevertheless find that the electors of the latter four years , 1837 , 1838 , 1839 , and 1840 , have not yet had an opportunity of voting . Add these facts , then , together the declension of Whig majorities of three hundred to minorities—the fact of one-half of a newly-constituted party never having voted—the fact of the whole body of the unrepresented classes being in open hostility to the present Government ; and will even the Mercury tell us that such a Government holds rightful possession of power !

      Having said eo much a § regards tbe administration , now one word of the electoral body , and it shall be but a word , and that from the letter of the Editors . We give the following pithy passage as confirmation of our assertion , that Universal Suffrage would disfranchise the vicious , and enfranchise the virtuous of all classes . The Editors

      say" We appeal to the workmen themselves . Let any workman in Leeds—a sober , thinking man—cast his eye along the bouses of the street he lives in ; let him consider the characters of those who occupy them ; and then let him say whether all the occupant * , or whether a majority of them , are so intelligent and trustworthy tfeat he would commit to them tbe management of the aflaiw of his Benefit Society or Sick Club , if not , are they fit to choose our legislators V

      Now , we ask , can words more plainly show the absurdity of all opposition to Universal Suffrage , or more plainly prove that a vicious majority would select representatives from a virtuous minority ; fot here the Editors appeal t « what they call th « " worthl « ss , " and asks them whether they would commit their affairs to the hands of their companions in vice I We answer , no ; and we find those very parties most scrupulous in their selection of persons to manage their Benefit Societiei and Sick Clubs , thereby proving that they seek for those qualities in their representatives , in which they are most deficient .

      Let the reader observe the sophistry and fallacy of the last sentence . The Mercury men come to the conclusion that all are not fit for tbe management of their societies' aflairs , aad then most arrogantly ask , If not , are they fitto choose our legislators " t Why , the question , in order to serve th « Mercury ' s argument , should be , " if not , are they fit TO' bb our legislators ? " We are now mistified between the brainguage of the Mercury and the heart-guage of Mr . Stansfeld . The Mercury would enfranchise all who may be "reasonably deemed" fit ; Stansfeld , all who would do unto others as they would be done by , and those who love their neighbour as themselves . We have ferretted

      out those whom the Editors would deem reasonably fit ; they are the J 10 occupiers of houses in counties , t / , upon enquiry , they should be found to support the Whigi . We muBt take Stansfbld upon practice , and ask , if be had been in poor George White ' s place , and George in his , whether he would have considered that his pious maxim had been practically carried oat , by being incarcerated for want of a thousand pounds' bail , and whether , in this instance , he loved his neighbour as himself . , We have thought it right to say thus much , not that our opponents are likely to make converts , bai because we choose to fight every enemy to the Suffrage with his own weapons , and not to leave one shred of false argument untorn in the whole weft of deceit and treachery .

      We have now shown that the reservoir cannot be pure while all the ahannels are corrupt , and shift the question as they may , not all the force , intimidation , threats , sophistry , and tyranny of which the unconstitutional Government , their local bullies , and hired establishment ean command , shall frighten us , or make us turn a single hairVbreadth from the straight path leading to the goal of fees dom , happiness , and independence . Universal Suffrage , blow breezes as they may , shall be our daythaught awl our night-dream .

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      THE CARLOW ELECTION . Never has it fallen to our lot to notice so anomalous , eo unexpected and decisive a triumph , as the temporary victory just achieved by Col . Bbuen orer everything Christian , moral , and even human . We have not room for the speeches made by the candidates , their proposers , seconders , or backers ; therefore our readers must rest satisfied with an outline of the whole affair .

      Bruen , an . exterminating high Tory Protestant landlord , was the Tory candidate ; and is now , by an immense majority , called the county ' s representative . Ponsonby , a relative of the Greys , the Besboboughs , and m » Dy other noble Whig families , backed by the Fitzwjlliahs , Tighes , and other Whig families , was the Whig candidate . Stanley ' * Bill was the test ; the question of Irish policy was not at all introduced ; in fact , the contest was actually a Whig and Tory struggle ; the TorieB putting forward the most obnoxious man , perhaps , to be found in Ireland ; the Whigs , upon their part , selecting a

      candidate , neither pledged to , nor nursed up in , any ultra principle ; his only requisite being to uphold the present men , without reference to system . Tht Rev . Mr . Maher , a person residing in the county , and evidently well acquainted with all its affairs , charged Mr . Brwen with having , in two years , ejected , and driven upon the wide world , more thorn ttven hundred of the native * from his estate . In this enumeration the Rev . Gentleman appears to h * T * mistaken the influence of Mr . Brtjrn over the middle men of oae denomination , Ballytarsna , for the immediate act of the exterminator himself .

      From Ballytarsna , Mr . Maheb charged Bbc » with having ejected 101 of those poor creatures . * No , " gays Brqen , l was not the landlord of Ballytarsna ; I onlt bbcbitbd thb bent * ; » nd with the ejecting I had nothing to do ; so what becomes of the Rev . Gentleman ' s charge 1 " The Colonel , however , himself substantiates it ky this very denial ; for h # never attempts to contradiot the fact of having banished the remaining six hundred and odd ! He reminds us of the Irishman who was charged with the mu der of his neig hbour .

      Foreign Intelligence

      FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE

      The Northern Star Saturday, December 12, 1840.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , DECEMBER 12 , 1840 .

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      ^¦ ^ » - -iii ii _ i' ^^ m ^^*^* ui ¦ ¦ r I r - ii-JUNIUS RUSTICUS . Oca readers will be glad to see their old friend again in the Northern Star . By an oversight , his letter to the Queen does not occupy the place we intended for it . It will be found in our sixth page .

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      - ¦ i RICHARD OASTLER . We understand this veteran champion of the rights of infancy and labour is , or is likely , Bhortly to become an inmate of the Fleet , by tho especial favour of Mr . Thornhill .

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      ADVICE TO CHARTISTS . Wb request attention to a valuable article under this head , whieh will be found elsewhere ; we shall have more to say upon the subject in due time . n -i -i-i - r ii in i i ^^^^ wnii ¦ i > i i hi

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      4 THE NORTHERN STAR . . ¦ ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 12, 1840, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct359/page/4/