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    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, AUGUST 33, 1838. " " ^^^^^^^^^^^^ —. ^^^
    • f.EEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS.
    • TO READERS & CORRESPONDENTS.
    • SPLEJI D IB P0ET RA IT
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      Untitled Ad

      ( FROM A STEEL PLATE , ) ¦ - ' ¦ " . OF " . - . " ' : " . . SIR W . MaLESWORTH ^ BART ., M . P . FOR LEEDS , Will be presented to oar SCOTCH and other NORTHERN PURCHASERS of the ' STAR ' of this Day , Ang . as .

      The Northern Star. Saturday, August 33, 1838. " " ^^^^^^^^^^^^ —. ^^^

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , AUGUST 33 , 1838 . " " ^^^^^^^^^^^^ — . ^^^

      Untitled Article

      THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION . The Session is « ver , and tee - Imperial jury has l > een dismissed by her Majesty , much in the same * train&s a judge takes leave of the - grand jury at tie close of an assize . Her Majesty , recommended ier faithful servant ? , after the discharge of their leg isUtorial duties , to return to their respective dis-¦ tictt ; there , as an executive , to carry their laws into ^ fect . So far so good ; but those ge » tlwaen will perceive a Ta * t difference between making laws and «* rrying them into execration . In the first instance ,

      -fee donrimant party , backed by the Jnwry chem » f Jae&H } , at calmly enthroned in all the conse-^ MBt * of « lf approT * l ; no eye to » c » n , » o tongue t . reprove ; tter represent Awnwlres and themselves only . Bnt Tery different fe iheir poation when they come to carry out their Beasores . Then they meet the scornful glance ,

      ifee fearless reproach , and the withering yell of popular execration , which teaches them that they » re Wat the tools of a faction ; the law . makers of a party ; the slaTes of the Minister ; sot the servants « f the people . "Whether the past session be reviewed fcy "Whig , Tory , or Radical , the stamp of condemnation most be equally pnt upon it . "We can neither recognise an honourable amalgamation of the three parties , nor yet the parity or distinctness of a single

      one . The session commenced , as all sesjions do , with a trial of strength between the lival factions . The standard of Radicalism was « prearedl > y "Wakley and Moles worth , but was abandoned the instant it appeared inside the House , iy those who had brawled most Jopdly for it outside . To stifle every such effort was tie first object of "both factions , aDd to the manner in wnjeh Wax-XBS ' fi amendment was met , we attribute much of -the agitation which has since taken , place , ana much of the deep-rooted hatred of "Whiggery which

      las been engendered . The scheming of the outdoor "Liberals , * ' who might , by better tact , have -wheedled the nation for yet a little longer , tras seea threngh- Tie fabric of their hope tras palled down , and the 0 'Coxxei . ls , Humes , T 7 . 4 B 3 T 7 BTOXS , Gkotes , Clays , and Wards , ¦ were buried beneath the rniDs . Ireland was again to be the battle field ; O'Connell , frith his " virtuous Queen and - Reform " band - f patriots , were tn be the national- sentinels ; 'Justice , " ample "justice" was to be done to Ireland . It was the last trial , the forlorn hope , —denial wa ? ¦ to be the signal for revolt , and _ _ Mr . O'Connell ' s desertion would have been the destruction of the

      Cabinet . The Irish leader was naturaHy supposed ¦ to speak the Irish mind . The Carbolic ? bad 73 to 52 . The . church of the few , paid for by the manj , -was the plague-spot to "be Temovefl ; and yet we find the leader contending for an instalment , while the brave Irish are declaring against the principle . All the channels of justice are polluted by the corxupt ion of local institutions . Municipal lawn , similar to those of England are-demanded for Ireland ; and yet we find a base sub * errienee upon the part of the Commons , yielding a ready submission to

      meet the -Lords upon the standard of Municipal franchise , which in Ireland would have been higher than the Parliamentary franchise in England . In inner Parliamentsthe wedge of ecclesiastical justice and equality bad been got in . The Appropriation Clause was recognised , acl with it the pr inciple ol the total abolition of tithes , and the right of laymen , whether Catholics or Protestants , to deal with Church property . The "Whigs fought a desperate battle over the wedge , which they would not allow Sir T . D . Aclasd to touch or withdraw with

      his polluted hand , but waited the fitting -time to make wrrender , with their own hands , of ihe only triumph ever gained by the Dissenters , for the purpose of conciliating tbeir old and inveterate ibe . During the Session , Ireland has got a bad Poor Law Bill , a worse Tithe Bill , no Municipal Bill ; but , in lieu thereof , has got an " Arms Bill , " and will have a Trade ' s Combination Suppression Bill . " Had the Imperial Parliament shown any ffisposition to do justice to Ireland , Irwiaen might lave seen cause for Mr . O'Connell ' s and the

      Irish Members' devotion to the "Whigs , but now ¦ we can but recognize in their disappointment the iable of the dog in the manger ; as it did not suit Uieir leader's purpose to raise Ireland to the level of ether nations , it seems to be their determination to leduce all others to the degraded level of Ireland . Sence we find the whole phalanx withholding tbeir support from tie negroes—we find them sitting tacitly by , while Canada , whoseposition has been compared to that of Ireland , is being coerced -we ind them riveting £ he chains of the infant factory

      xlave—we fin < 3 them joining in the Bill for the regij ^ -tration of smithies in Ireland , for fear of tie manuiacture of implements to punish their treason—we ind them joining in a crusade against the trades of the empire , and while they complain of "Whig trucoleney and deceit , they grant Whig supplies , and present the hobgoblin of TottLhh as a shroud to cover their cowardice and subserviency . "While the Irish leader reviles the English Radicals for their

      Inkewannness toward Ireland , he presumes to judge of every English measure by the . necessity of Ministers , and against the united will of theEnglish . ^ Rltness the confirmation of his treason against his ¦ ward *? , the infants , whose Lord Chancellor and Onarfian be had promised to be . Mark his'disregard of public opinion , as respects the Poer Law Amendment Act ; but above all , bis attack upon the trade * , and bis treason against the Canadian ? Good God ! our blood runs cold at the bare consideration

      of hi * conduct , from beginning to end , on the Canadian question ! " We Ehall now leave the party , after s single observation upon . the advocacy of Ireland ' s rights by Mr . O'Connell , in order to consider that gentleman and his Maltbusian twin , Slashing Hasrt , in their more appropr iate characters of agitators . "Will any man open the Statute Book , and , reviewing it since the time Mr . O'Connell 1 m had" more Parliamentary power than man or Ministry ever possessed before , put his finger upon anyone act of Mr . O'Connell ' s , eonferringabenefit

      « ven the most trifling , upon any " , even the smallest , section of society . YTe shall be grateful for the ijfwjnarioD ; but if none can be given , we are entitled to ask , of what benefit Mr . OCoNNELL has teen to any one but himself and a few babbling * yeopbants ? "We have thus Briefly considered Mr . O'CuNKELL as a legislator , and now we are to Tiew him in his character of " Precursor . " Having failed to procure any benefit for Ireland , he leinras to ihat unhappy country , packs a shilling jury oi his fashionable constituents , and then after the mafiaer of -Job , indulges in a . few lamentations , d& 8 Cr iplive l £ the sorrows wnich are of his own

      creation , and , like a humane judge , gives his prisoner , ( for Ireland has been his prisoner , not his client ) a long day . Another ytar of trial , another seas . n of agitation , profitable only to himself ana the traitors of whom his staff is composed , and ¦ whose allegiance is purcha-ed by a division of the foads i-oUccted for the purpose of regenerating Ireland , 1 . 0 % airy to his betored Queen is upon hi * lips , while treason to Ireland is routed in nis £ eart . SgAhMAS Crawford well designated the ctw convention , by the name of the " Humbug Associatioa i" but no wi nder that the mauly charge was

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      unmusical to the ears of those into whose pockets the proceeds will find their way ; _ DonbfleMtaepl

      Meath , be acted upon ? He told them " that it was not in the power of any man t « do as much for a people , a * * feoflt could do for ibewelvea . " These words should be written in gold . Mr . O'CoNnbil has paid the debt of hypocrisy and treason . In the commenceBitnt of th « Sewion , tht Whi g * used him as a tool to beat down the Tories , and * t ihecloae , tt * y w » ed the Tories as * tool to be * t dowa O'CoxitSLL ; » nd yet , in the littlwew of his heart , he again becomes the herald of "Whiggery ,

      and create * a deceptive agitation , m ordersto cover hii own delinquencies , and those of Us " base , brutal , and bloody" associates . How have the mighty fallen ! "Whilt , M * blnjterer ipeaki of his power over the English mind , we dare him to present himself before any meeting of Englishmen or Scotchmen , without the presence of such a police guard of honour as accompanied him into Stockport upon his last visit to that town . "While O'Connell baB chalked

      outhistourofagitation , LordI > t 3 HHAM sgood natured friend , HiUBY , means to try his hand farther North The fact is , O'Connell ' s popularity fnuffed Beotjoham out ; and , now that Daniel has extinguished himself , the Agitating Lord means once more to light his torch at the expiring blaze o ! Daniel's pile . But the Scotch know Hakry , and will deal with him accordingly . Thus has the Session

      closed , after a lavish expenditure of money , and a new mortgage upon the sinews of working men , in the shape of Exchequer Bills . Our duty now is to meet St . Stephen ' s itinerants upon all hands , and ii in their capacity of legislator * they have for a season tr iucrpbed , we shall teach them that if the sanction of a people is not nece » sary for the making of laws , their conenrrenee becomes necessary before tbo . T laws can be carried into effect . All the Democratic

      Associations throughout the country will be on their guard , and be prepared to move and carry an amendment for Universal Suffrage , to any proposition proposed under the new Whig system of agitation .

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      THF " WEEKLY CHRONICLE AND THE BIRMINGHAM MEETING .

      "When we had noticed the Birmingham Meeting more than once , and promised again to serve it up to our rtaders , we were not aware that our friend o < the Weekly Chronicle would think the subject worthy of so roach distinction as to bestow a second article upon its consideration ; so it is , however , and a pretty mess our friend has made of his second attempt . After some puling lamentations for tht loss of subscribers , to which disinterestedness and love of justice have subjected the * ' Historian and Politician , " he proceeds thus : — " The abolition of the Corn Laws , tbe protection of those now intrusteti with the franchise , the progressive widening * of its basis , these are things which we understand and value . " So do we , Sir , but we have yet to learn how fir " those now intrusted with the franchise "

      have gone to procure * rrpeal of the Corn Law . « , or " aTridening of the ba- « i . * " of representation ] and how they have shown their title to that irresponsibility which the " protection" —that is , the Ballotwould bestow upon them . It has been by a reliance upon the exertions of such brawlers , that the people have allowed so many mortal stabs to hc inflicted upon the constitution without resistance . It was because the people were deceived info a reliance upon tbe sophistry of O'Connell , Hume , "Warburton , "Ward , and the rest of the Maltbusian ? , that the " Whig Government has been so often

      successful an its attacks upon the liberties of the people ; and yet we are once more called upon to relinquish the substance for the shadow , and to forget the great pr inciple in the detail absurdity ol the crotchet moDgere . To fhow that the people have few helpers in their great struggle , ~ LycvRovs goes on to say , " Loot at the Press , daily and weekly , which of the papers , Liberal or Radical , has ventured to unite with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffrage ? " "Why every Radical paper in London has joyously reechoed the sentiments proclaimed at Birmingham . However , we can

      pardon the Weekly Chronicle writer for not having read those other papers , as writing is his forte , he having commented upon Mr . A ' ttwood ' s speech without having read it . "We are not , therefore , sur pr ised at his not having read the Weekly True Sun , the Champion ) or the London Dispatch : had be read those papers , be would have found that ( hey , as well as we , " venture to unite with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffrage . " But suppose that no paper , London or Provincial , had u ventured to join

      with Birmingham in proclaiming Universal Suffrage" —what then ? If the whole Press turn traitor to the people , is that a reason why the people should turn traitor to themselves ? The very fact of a great majority of the Press—the Weekly Chronicle among the rest—upholding the partial interests of the factions in preference to the universal interests of tbe people , makes it so much the more necessary that by the means of Universal Suffrage , the people should be enabled to uphold tbeir own interests .

      Oar sage of the Weekly Chronicle goes on to moralize in the following strain : — " Most of opr daily contemporaries seem to think that the less that is said upon the subject , the better . In short , the onlv journal that ftoea the whi-le hojj ( a « the Yankees wonld call itj is the Northern Star , which ia the alter ego , the representative in print , of Mr . Kearyns O'Connor . What weight the opinions of . Mr . O'Connor may derive from those of tbe paper or the opiniiios of the caper trom those of Mt . O'Connor , we caonot pretena io determine . Like Mr . Whittle Harvey ' * party in the _ House of Commons , that never » ra » divided , because it consisted only of himself , thev naturall y resound to

      and re-echo one another . Yet even here lh « demon of discord hag found a loop-hole to creep in st , for in the Star of lastSaturday , which announces in tne most grandiloquent tone , that ''tht Union m now the Government of the country , de jure el tit fado , ' and that the Northern Sutr is the Moniteur , tne Official Gazette , of the new cabinet—althongo w « are assured that the executive is cordially united—that they have no differencesno o pen qnestioni—nothing that can imjjede the most prompt and harmonious action , —we find in the next paragraph , headed "The Ameriran Strngale , " that Mr . Keargu * O'Connor and Mr . A ttwood differ , and that , in as faT as the Northern alar w concerned , the currency o / nestion is tn be thrown

      nverboaro . Poor Mr . Attwood ! lliis is the unkindliest cut of all . ln-e -1 nutes . he lives , moves , and nashisbeing . All his pohtiw » Te coi . crntrated in this one question . Yet Mr . Feargu * O'Cohdit dares to talk of the progress of th « rag-money * t n > j [ gW and poi ) j » s to the triumph of the people over the luonpycrats in the United State * , by the re-establwhmMit of a mrtaJHc currency . » s a poof of the good working of Universal dufiraue ! How iht ! united tiecutive is to accommodate such a schwm as this Vtween two uf iu leading members , we cannot conj-cture ; but the-e svmptonis of that want of co-operatiou which seems to be the bane of all cabinets , are very aistressing , and ought to be put an end to . '

      Here we have a portion of the greatest rubbish and nonsense that ever emanated from the head of mortal man . What , in tbe name of wonder , has tbe state of America , with little or no debt , to do with the state of England , with her enormous debt , that our sapient friend should 80 far consider the position of the two countries analagous , as to suppose that we eoald justify , under present circumstances , a like Currency for both countries . Be is raving upon tbe

      Ballot and tbe Corn Laws , and has lost the " appropriation" of his common senses . But then , he wenders how Mr . O'Connor and Mr . Attwood can so harmonize with tQe Currency gulph between them ? IS ow , if his common reason bad not the power to attach importance to Mr . Attwood , his malicious ingenuity las done it" effectually , and established Mr . ATTWood ' s character for integrity . Mr . Atttvood may , and probably does , consider

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      his currency scheme the grand panacea for all our evils ; but , with more honesty than other crotchetmongers , be says manfully , " So convinced am 1 of the value of my scheme , that I am ready to submit it to Universal Suffrage ; " while Mr . Ward and Mr . O'GoNNELt chatter aboat the Ballot ano the Abolition of the Corn Laws , but would withhold the Suffrage , although by that alone could those other projects be effected . So much for the comparative honesty of Mr . Attwood and his revilers . Now , do * not the Weekly Chronicle

      scribe know full well that Mr . Attwood s currency plan forms no part nor parcel of the present agitation ? is he not aware that the subject was not mentioned by Mr . Attwood at the meeting ? We venture also to inquire , has not he himself abused , re-riled , and blackened the present Government , because they oppose his Corn Law Rf-peai , i bit Appropriation Clause , and his Ballot project ? and yet , whan a " job" U t * be done , who is more . e * dy to sink those , Men trifling differenceo , and jniu in the ^ oppres sion of UbVrty ? Mr . "Ward

      mad * a funoua apeecn againit the Irish , and voted for the Coercion Bill ; yet did he vote for the Appropriation Clause for Ireland ? It doe ? not seem to be a necessary understanding between the present Government and their servile 8 upporten » , that any farther unanimity should exist than that of keeping tbe Tories ont and the Whigs in ; and yet the Weekly Chronicle is astonished ( with the remote probability of an ideal difference between Mr . O'Connor and Mr . Attwood , ) that any union can exist between thoite two gentlemen upon the

      question of the Suffrage . He goes on , " Had we had a little more vigour-a little more of unity of plan—a little more of well understood and well regulated principle , in the present Administrationthe new Birmingham executive would never have been beard of . " If tbiVbe not a direct censure on Government for not hairing "vigour enough" to arrest Messrs . O'Connor and ATTWOOD , and others , we know not the meaning of language . And although our friend endeavour * in his after clap to attach something like blame to the Whigs ' ,

      we tell him that the sophistry and treachery of such scribes and supporters , has gone far to embolden the Whigs in their transgressions , while , it has had the pernicious effect of throwing the Radicals off their guard . Now for the third course of the Birmingham glorious and never-to-be-forgotten meeting , rendered daily and weekly more important , in consequence of the abuse of the daily and weekly press . It now becomes the duty of every town , city , and village * in England and Scotland , to give effect to the exertions of the men of Birmingham . Preparatory

      meetings have already been Leld at Manchester , Hull , Carlisle , Rochdale , Ipswich , Middleton , and other places ; and as we find that the August meeting ] was a God send for a week to tbe daily , and a month to the weekly papers , we will give them auotber windfall for the next month ; and so on , shall we fevdtbem during the A \ A \ season of the recess . Tbt-Birrningham petition is being generally signed , and * eems * o have given more satisfacJon than any

      public document tver presented to the people . Meantime , tbe Birmingham Union , backed by Mr . Salt , and his virtuous female staff , seem to have buckled on their armour in good earnest , and the Universal ttwVa i « , and ou >> bt to be , onward ! ontvard ! Union , Universal Suffrage and Liberty , if we have but such enemies as the Weekly Dispatch , and the Weekly Chronicle , to contend against , the victory is aure : the battle is our own .

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      PHYSICAL FORCE . The ban * mention of physical force seems to have excited so much alarm of late among tbe nestlings if Whiggery and " Reform , " that we deem it not amis . - " to quote a few recent authorities upon the subject . Hereditary bondsmen , knowye not They who would be free , themselves must strike the blow . O'Connell ' s Motto .

      Sooner than see tbe grievances of my country continue , I would see her streams running blood , and her green fields crimsoned with gore ; aud , though my arm i * old , yet is it not tou withered to draw- a » ' « ord in my country ' * cause . "—O'Connell at the Drogheda Dinner . " What use are your petitions ; let me have petitions thai will run thus : — ' We , 500 , 000 fighting men , do most humbly petition your Honourable House . ' Let the House know , that you are ready to fight , and then your petitions will be listened to . " —O'Connell at the Dinner at White Conduit House . We beard him .

      "Oh ! If we had a Parliament in College Green , would ' nt the Kildare boys march in , some fine morning , with their short sticks , to teach their Members how to vote . " — O'Connetl . " I hope the day is not far distant when all King ' s heads will be footballs for the boys to kick in the gutter . "—Slashing Harry . 11 Should the Duke of Wellington attempt to force a Bourbon upon the French throne , in opposition to the will of the French people , it v > uuld justify a revolt upon the part of the people of England . "— Slashing Harry .

      " We are ready to lead you , or to follow you to the death , in obtaining Universal Suffrage . "—T . attwood at Glasgow . " The time may not yet have arrived when we can repel force by force . "—John Fielden . 11 We will resist the repeal of the Union EVEN to the death . "—Lord Stanley . ' Then onward , the green banner rearing , * Go fleth every svordlothehilt ; ' Oa our side is virtue and Krin , ' 1 On theirs is iheparton and guilt . Moore .

      " They that be slain with the sword , are better than they that are slain with , hunger ; for _ these pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . "—Lameiitations , fourth chapter , ninth

      verse . " I declare tbe man whe attempts to marshal physical force , to be a coward and a traitor . In every instance where it has been resorted to , the dupes always consider the last shot and murder as the completion of tbeir object ; whereas , it i $ the commencement of misery . Moral power is the

      deliberative reasoning quality in man ' s mind , which teaches him how to bear , and when forbearance becomes a crime . Never will I acknowledge that you have used your full moral power , till every man works as I have done , and has the vanity to consider that himself , and himself alone , can gain the point ; and then , should moral power lail , I will lead you on to death or glory . " —Feargus O'Connor .

      We give these extracts for the especial benefit of the Weekly Dispatch , who has called Mr . O'Connor ' s speech at Birmingham atrocious , bteause he quoted a stanza from Moore .

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      THE PLEASURES OF CARRYING OUT THE NEW POOR LAW . Lord Spencer , then Lord Althorp , one ol the fathers of the New Poor Law , once observed in tbe Hoase of Commons , that tbe unpopularity of a law was 9 . sufficient reason for its repeal . Yery different is the opinion , on the same' subject , of Mr . In oh am . He feels , in popular discontent , a noble goading to high deeds of daring enterprise , and heroically stakes his own ifforts , supported by those of any two individuals ^ who will join him in the " for lorn hope , " against the determination of the whole

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      district in w ; hich hfe residence is situate . N ow , a Magistrate should be a man of sense ; and , granting that Mr . Inqham believes the principle of the New Poor Law to be good , we would ask him what benefit he proposes to him ^ eif , or to society , from the insane attempt he ut now making to cram it down the people ' s throats ? It might be an act of charity togi ye a poor fellow a good warm new coat for a threadbare old one ; but if he had so great an objection to the new one as to tear it to ribbonB , sooner than allow it to be forced upon his back , we believe all

      men of sense will allow that the best thing to be done would be to let him continue to wear the old one , until his judgment could be convinced that the near one is preferable . Nowy this ip the plan we recommend to Mr . Inoham , to Mr . Power and to Lord John Russell . If the New Poor Law be a " Boon to the poor" show them wherein the " Boon" consists ; show them how it will operate to ttwr benefit , and not to their prejudice , and then we engage that the poor will accept it joyfully , and return many thanks to their benefactors

      But we till all these persons that it is out of THEIR POWER TO FORCE IT UPON THE PEOPLE , so long as the conviction remains upon the public mind that ft is a diabolical plot to reduce them to u a coarser sort of food . " And we tell them that this conviction is not to be got rid of by Simply employing the blackguardism of the Globe , in asserting that it is a lie—they must show proof—proof satisfactory to the judgment of rational and deep thinking men ^ -that this new law is indeed " a great boon to the poor . " Let them do this , and we

      promise , on behalf of the people , that they shall have no more trouble in its enforcement ; but , as for cramming it down our throats by brute violence , we have simply to say upon that subjecr , that ^ force " is a game that two parties can play at , as wesuppose Mr . lNGHAM has found out ; and w <> really cannot conceive any gratification Mr . Inoham caa derive from making tbe people happy , in Whig fashion , in spite of themselves , that can adequately

      compensate him for the mortification which must be endured by a gentleman , a magi . strate--one who > hould be beloved , regarded and looked up to by his neighbours , at finding himself unable to stir safely frcm his own door without soldiers to escort him . How galling must it be to the feelings of such a man to be compelled to quie his own home , and set * k refuge in a distant biding place . Truly , Mr . Ingham has roade a sad mess of bis Poor Law

      patriotism . Upon this bead , we must here give one word of caution to our brave Dewsbury friends . Let them beware of Mott . This tramping pauper tells them that there is no intention to carry out the law , bat that the forms must be complied with of appointing officers , . Sic . Two years a « io they were told , that the formation of the Union and the appointment of Guardians was only for registration purposes and not for the introduction of the Poor Law . Let them estimate the value of

      this subterfuge , by that . We then told them that if they allowed tbe Union to be formed they would surely get the Poor Law in all its blessedness . We now tell them that if they allow this Mott to trick them out of their well-timed resistance , they will rivet its chains about their own necks . Let them POT CONFIDENCE IN THE DEVIL OR THE Devil Kino , sooner than in Mott . We refer thrm to our Bradford news , where , under the head , " Give it a fair , Trial , " they will there find an instance of the blessed workings of the " Boon " hat may help their confidence in Messrs . Mott and Power .

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      THE FORTY-NINE . There is no subject of more vital importance at ( his moment to the people of these realms than a judicious selection of persons to represent ttuur iricerests in the National Convention , which will sit during the approaching session of Parliament . On the choice nf these men the salvation of our father land greatly binges . If men of courage and integrity

      ure chosen as members of the convention , this salvation will shortly be consummated . If , on the contrary , sham-patriots of any description , should be etitrasted H-ith the confidence of the people , all will be lost , or , at least , the attainment of our right .- ) indefinitely postponed . Let the people , therefore , look round them cautiously—let thtm select with judgment , and support with firmness , their representatives . .

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      TO THE EDITORS OK THE NORTHERN STAR . London , August 22 nd , 1838 . My dear Sins , —Our cause will gain nothing by deluding ourselves or others . Why do I make this observation ? Because I have seen a eulogiam of Lafayette in one of your reeeac editorial article ' , and because your paper of last week contains the following remarks , which I waa sorry to see . Commenting on certain misstatements in the Weekly Chronicle , touching Mr . Attwood and the great Birmingham meeting , you go on to

      say" So muchi to . the charge of dotard folly . Now for the wholesale bad principle of which Mr . Attwqod is accused ' . and for on t more blow while we h'a ^ e Ly cURGUi upon his back . The Chronicle goes on— ' Then a ain , what man in his senses ever thought of alluding to Robespierre as < a fit type for an English Reformer ? Mr . Attwood desires to resemble him . ' W'ho , indeed , ever thought of

      such a thing , but the writer in the Chronicle ? Not ATTW 00 D > W we shall prove by giving his own words from the very back of the ' History and Politics . ' Here they are—' If ? would never be a Robespierre in his country . There should be iio blood shed with his concurrence . ' Now , need we say one other word , further than to tell the Chronicle ' s scribe to read the speech of Mr . Attwood , which he has not done ?"

      As a mere matter-of-fact refutation of the Chronicle ' s misstatements , these are very just and proper remarks . When a journalist is guilty of palpable misrepresentations , it is the duty of other and bonester journalists to set him right , or rather to set the public right in respect of his misstatements . But it is not their duty , while removing one delusion , to propagate or Countenance other delusions ^ as bad or worse than the one removed . Yon will pardon me , Gentlemen , for saying that the above paragraph

      appears to me to have this tendency . You will pardon me for observing , that Lafayette was not the exalted patriot which you and Mr . Attwood would make it appear , ( for Mr . Attwood reiterated your praise of Lafayette at the Birmingham meeting , ) and that Robespierre , so far from meriting the character insinuated by Mr . Attwood , and propagated by Vpu , was one of the purest , one of the most humane , ( aye , humane !) and one of the most enlightened Reformers that ever existed in the world . These , I know , are only assertions ; but

      they are assertions which I am prepared to prove by a thousand indisputable facts . Nay , I will go further . I will undertake to prove that Lafayette was a cheat , a tyrant , a traitor , and a scoundrel ; and that Robespierre was not only the opposite of all these , but that he actually did and suffered more for the cause of humanity , during his brief career , than any other statesman , legislator , orator , or public character , to be found in the whole circle of history . I care not with whom the comparison is instituted . I will give my adversary his choice of all Plutarch ' s

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      heroes and statesmen . I will give him a carle blanche to ransack the historic stores of Herodotus , ThUCIDYDESj POLYBirjS , JoSEPHUS , Litv , Tacitus , and as many more of the ancients as he likes , or those of ROLLIN , RAVIN , Voltaire , Gibbon , Hums , Robertson , and as many more of the moderns as he likes ; or , coming to our own immediate times , I will allow him to select , out of all the public characters that have figured within the last fifty years in Erance , England , and the United States , the

      IM ^ N who , he supposes , has done most for the human race , and-1 will undertake to prove that Robespierre was superior to that man , a « a benefactor to the human race . I do not , feay that Robespierre was at once the wisest , the most intellectual , the most upright , the most disinterested , the most courageous , the most eloquent , the most humane , anil the mb $ t benevolent man of whom history make * mention , but I do lay I will undertake to prove that he possesaed a larger oroportion of these several qualities , ( taken

      conjointly , ) than , any other public man , of ancient or modern times , known to history . This , I am aware , is saying a great deal , but . let my adversary only name his time and place , giving me a month's notice , and 1 will engage to meet him on the subject . I will only stipulate that , in case my challenge be accepted , the discussion shall take plate publicly , in a building capable of holding Jive thousand persons ; that there shall be no charge for admission :

      and that I shall be put to no expense whatever , beyond my travelling or other personal expenses . That will be more than enough of ; expense" for me , for , I cannot well afford even that . Should any friends or agents of the present Whig Government honour our proceedings with their presence , I should like them to be accommodated with seats in the must conspicuous part of . the building , so that their countenances , ( supposing them to be able to keep their countenances , ) mi ^ ht be visible to the whole of the assembly , during the whole of the

      discussion . , ¦ I trust , Gentlemen , that you will do me more justice than to suppose , that the foregoing chailtllge u bat so much idle vapouring on my part . W hat 1 have said , 1 have said deliberatel y , and what I hav « engaged to do , I will do , to the best of my ability , in case tbe opportunity bi afforded me . I do not say , that I will prove this or I will prove that . 1 only say that I will undertake to prove . Of the Weight and value of my proofs , it will be for the audience , not for me , to judge . I will undertake to

      prove that Robespierre was as nearly as possible the opposite of what history has represented him . L will undertake to prove that he was an immeasurably superior man to Thomas Attwood , or to Daniel O'CoNNtLL , or to Fearoos u'Cun-NOB , or to CaktwriuhT , Hunt , CuBSett , or to Washington , Adams , Madison , Jackson , Paine , or even Jeffebson ; or to BURKt : , Fox , Pitt , or Chatham , or to any Member oi the present House of Commons , or to any Member of the House of Lords , or to any other public

      character now living , or now dead . I will undertake to prove that he was , in a pre-eminent degree , patriotic , benevolent , humane , eloquent , courageous , weil-int ' ormed , magnanimous , incorruptible , aud laborious . I will undertake to prove that he made greater , wiser , and more successful efforts lor humanity \ nfive year * , than any of the great names above cited made in fifty . I will undertake to prove that if justice were done to Robespierre , instead of being calumniated and execrated as he has been by knaves and fools

      of all description ^ , monuments would be erected to him in every civilised couutry on earth . I will undertake to prove not only that be was not the author of all , or any , of the horrors committed in the French Revolution , but that he laboured harder than any other Frenchman of his day to prevent such horrors ; thac throughout the whole of that eventful period , he laboured with consummate ability , and with Godlike pen-everance , amidst the most bitter and discouraging circumstances , to reconcile the various conflicting factions With One

      another , and to reconcile all of them , with reason and with justice ; and that if he ultimately perished in the attempt , it was not in consequence of any crime he bad himself eommitted j -but through his incapability of committing even one crime , and of making bead against the crimes of his destroyer * . I will prove that all the crimes and horrors falsely attributed to him by history , were , in reality , committed or caused by the

      inhuman tyranny of the base Aristocracy , and of the baser middle classes of France , in whose interest * all the histories , hitherto published , have been written ; and , finally , I will prove that it is all but certain that Robespierre would- have ultimately succeeded in regenerating France , in spite of all the factions , had he not been assassinated through the foulest conspiracy that ever disgraced the annals of political crime .

      You , Gentlemen , profess to be lorers of fair play and free discussion . You do more than profess ; you prove it , by throwing your columns open to the advocates of opinions different from , and , sometimes , the opposite of your own . Now it is in the spirit of fair play and free discussion , and in that spirit only , I have ventured the preceding remarks , which , I am aware , will appear to mogt people to be , in the last degree , extravagant . No matter for that , they are my honest , well matured

      convictions . I do not ask you , or anybody else to hold toy . opinions without being similarly convinced of their truth , but I do ask , for the sake of the eternal interests of justice , that you will not propagate one set of opinions , even though you should happen to hold them yourselves , without giving the lovers of fair play , holding opposite opinions , an opportunity of answering and refuting them , if they can . That you will do this in the present instance , I need no other guarantee than your past conduct .

      If I believed Robespierre to have teen tbe blood-thirsty monster , he has been depicted in history , I would not be his eulogist . If I thought , with you and . Mr . Attwood , that Lafayette was a brave and virtubus patriot , I . would not be an enemy of his fame . But , I believe neither the one nor the other . On the contrary , I believe that Robespierre was the best friend that France ever had , and that Lafayette was one of her worst enemies .

      Mr . Attwood says "I will never be Me Robespierre of my country . " In that Mr . A . in ptrlectly correct , but when he coupled that asseveration with another about u shedding blood" he ought to have applied the latter to LAFAYETTE and not to , Robespierre . Robespierre ntver did . shed innocent blood . Lafayette did . Lafayette was the author of the horrible massacre ot 1791 , in the Champ-de-Mars—a massacre in which , a multitude of persons were cruelly and without

      cause put to death . ROBESPIERRE , not only , had do share in the massacre , but had his advice been followed it would not have taken p lace . If Lafayette professed the same power in England how , which he aid in France in the years 1 / 90 and 179 J , Mr . Attwood and his brother Unionists would , fo a certainty , have been cannonaded at Holloway .-head . Lafayette destroyed hundreds of j * wo »* , during . the Resolution , for language not the hundredth part so 'Radical or so violent as Mr . Att-

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      wood is m the habit of using at his Union meetings , and had it not been for thjj ^ brave resistance of ftj Parisians , he wouldi have destroyed the JacdbUj Clubj broken up all the ^ popular societies , ana anaj . hiiated the popular press . He made the attempt ^ he made itj / rith an armed f-. rce—and he made h under the authority of a Martial Law of which \ was the principal author , and which he alone ^ eVet dared to execute against the armed people . Taik d LAFAYETTE as a patriot . He was an execrabl * tyrant . He voted for giving Louis XVI . an abso . lute veto / on the laws—of giving him the power s war and peace—for giving him an enormous Cir | j List , and for reinstating him on the thrcine after his abdication . He Toted for Martial Lair—ht voted against the ^ dependence of Belginm--h . e ad > vocated every legislatJTein « aBure for excluding %

      working classes from the National Guards-ifor ^ eluding them from every political , and municipjl trust and franchise , for robbing thtm of th « ri ghirf petition—in short , for every measure the Coristitaeut Assembly decreed , with the view of making the * abject slavet . He did more , he repeatedl y tried U leave them without a single political chief or fa fender , by openly attempting tht lWei « f . urj honest patriot that raised a voice in their favonr . And this is the way Mr . Attwood praises Jwhilit he excites horror against Robespierre , wh « laboured to prevent all Lafatette ' s tyrannies But after all Mr . ; Attwood is not to , blame - ^ hi has been Imposed npon by living hisforians and lying jourHaliste . " When he comes to know tht truth he will think differently . He will thank hit

      Htars that there are no Lafayettes in England , t » proclaim and execute Martial Law against th « honest Unionists of "Bruramagum . " : Having said so mueh of Robespierre and Lafayette let ine conclude-with two paragraplu which exactly illustrate their respective acts and principles . Mr . Attwood will recognise one of them at any rate .

      LAFAYETTE S PRINCIPLES . " MURDER DEMANDS JUSTICE . " BrotherRadicals , —The memorable ) 6 th of Angnst , Out never-to-be-torgotten day in Manch ' est « r-w nearat hand , and we call ugon you once mon { to assehible on the plains of Petcrloo and tn « re prove to the perpetrators of that inhmuan J > eei that jvu have not forgotten , nor will-you : ever forgive , unta Jtiaiice' bad been obtained for the outrages that w « h committed on that day . Shall the Bhrieks of the butchered children—the piercing cries of the slaughtered women , an j the dying groans of tie I murdered men , be forgotten by the Hadical Ketonnersof Milnchester , for peaceably : and ' .: ie ' gallj in .-f tin ^ j to petition for a repeal of the infainous Corn Lawt and a Hadica ) Reform in the representation of the people h the Commons' House of I Parliament ?

      ROBESPIERRE S PRINCIPLES . ( From Robespierre ' s Report toihe Contention on the V&lh tfcverso of theutoth year oftheRepublic . ) ' " Weil wire an order of things , in . which all the mean and cruel passions shall be chained down ; sll the beneficent aaj generous p ,. H 8 ions awakened by the laws ; in which ambitioi shall consist in the desire of meriting glory and serviig out cuuntry ; in which distinctions shall spring but from equality i ' t «« If ; in which thtfeitieen xhall be subject to the ma ^ wtratea , tht-niagmtrate to the people , and the people to justice ; ia which the coautry sb ^ il ensure t he prpsjienty qt fVery indi . Vldual , « nd > n which each individnal . shall enjoy with , pride the puispetity and glory of his ccontry ;~ in which ev « ry . mdI

      tfhidr . be aggrandized by the continual intercBnimuhjcaiion'd Republican ue . utiments , and by the wish to merit tbe esteem ol a great people ; in which the arts shall flourish as the decoration * or the liberty that ennoble them ; and in which coujiiierce wilt be a source of public riches , und not of th in jiatruUH nuulence of a few great houses only . : " We desire to substitute in our couotry morality for egotism , probity for honour , principles for usages , duties fo courifsieH , the erhpire of reason for the tyranny of tashion , contemptof vice for con tempt of misfortune , m .. uly pride fcf indolence ^ greatness of soul for vanity , ' love of glory for tju love <> l inonny , honesty lor respectability , good people fe goo < V company , merit lor intrigue , ceniuttfor wit , ; truth k

      ( iLiplay , thecb . arm « of happint'si for the ennui of , peasore , the greatness of nian for the littleuega of thegreat | apenpk mugnauiuious , powerful , and- happy , for a people amiable , mviiluus , and miserable ; in a word we desire to substitute all the miracles of tbe Republic for all the vices and nil the ridicnl--us lopperiea of the monarchy . We desire , in short , tul \ l \ t \\ i \ ie vowaot nature , to accomplish tlie doctrines of humanity , 10 absolve providence from the loug reign of crime and tyrahtiy—thtttt ' rdnce heretofore illnatriotis amongst enslaved countries , may , by eclipsing all the free states that ever exited , become a model Iot nations , the terror of opprefr sors , the consolation of the oppressed , the ornament ot tin world—and that in sealing our work with , oui Wood , weinajf at least witness the breaking dawu of universal felicity . " .

      Such were the respective principles of Lafayette and Robespierre J It is for Radical Reformer and honest men to say which they prefer . My lift to a baubee that Mr . Attwood , himself , will give the preference to Robespierre . Yoursy &c . BRONTERRE .

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      Mr . Brooke . —J" should be most . happy to defend ' .. ' . the Anti-Ptor Law men and ihe poor insane woman , at Wakcfield , but ¦ I cannot . - . Let- ' . ' ¦ those out plead for them , by making the gratt grow at the door of the enemy . Do not he frightened man ; no surrender . You were / -: . right riot to attend the Uptrdon thedayofbatilti for if you had ^ they would have shot you anda number of the poor people . I blamed you at first ; but , upon consideration , you were right . Yours most faithfully ,

      FEARGUS O'CONNOB . P . S . If starvation is to be the order of the day it will starve Government and all out . j To Mr , Titus BrookeyDewsbury . Mr . O'Connor willhavemuch pleasure ' inattending the Nottingham Meetingy and will see tht Birmingham Council on Monday the 27 th , and mention the circumstance required to be stated to . them and also to those other friends Mentioned . ' ¦ - .: ¦

      Mr . O'Connor will beat Birmingham onthe 2 ? rt , and , consequently , must regret his inability P attend the Stockport meeting . ; Mr . O'Connor will shortly reply to his goodfriendt at Cotne , and will cmruply with their requert . ! He ' . / will give them sufficient notice , but his time will be fully occupied for some time . K . Nash .-- The Portraits will be given at Stocktm . Kennedy , Ripon , —His Letter is not suitable fa our columns . We have handed it to ( A * Society here , who will , doubtless , make good ¦ use of it . John Ambler .- — We cannot insert his commiinie *' tion . Polemics art \ altogether out of our sj / hete .

      Philo- * - Amicua-r-Verax—W . W . K . and Peter .-Their versesareconsignedltd thedead file . S . Swift . —It wont do . George Julian Harney . — We do not think M ' .. _ ¦¦ ¦ . advisable to point out individuals whom w * . people should elect : He will see that pe A * * adapted part of his letter under a differed form . . ; . "' . . ¦'"¦¦ : . . ' ¦¦ •¦" ' ¦ . ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ¦ ' . ' ¦¦ . ;¦ . '• ' ¦ , We havevt © acknowledge the receipt of yjs . frM * Rochdale towards the Clapham Fund .

      F.Eeds And West-Riding News.

      f . EEDS AND WEST-RIDING NEWS .

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      ¦ ' . . . '¦ . ' .. tmEBHS m ¦ ' '¦ ¦' ¦ ¦"" iNCtxEst . —On Thursday night , an inquest wa « held at the Court House , on -new of the body of » woman , named Maria Mallinron , resident in MarsB : Lane , who is suspected to have poisoned herself Of taking arsenic In consequence ' -6 f the absence . * * material wifeessj the inquest was adjourned to yesterday evening . SOCIAL EBSTiyAIi . —We understand that another of those pleasing and . rational entertainments u to take place on Monday week . We are glad of thiSi because we thirxk that the providing of actire a . oa yet innocent amusement for the peop le will » 0 much to ameliorate the character of the workiBg classes , and wean them from those mischievous ana abrading habits which are at present too common moirg them . Mr . Fleming , of Birmingham , J « expected to lecture on the Sunday preceding tne lestival , and to be present at the festival .

      To Readers & Correspondents.

      TO READERS & CORRESPONDENTS .

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      4 THS JORTfiERN pil . August 25 , 1838 . _^__^—^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ MM ^^ M i ^ Mj ^^ MMlMM ^^ ajjMM ^ MMM ^ MjM ^ B ^^ MMMMB ^ MI ^^ y ^^^ BMB ^ BBHBBBBBBBMBBIBHB ^^ B ^ B ^ M ^ BBBiBBIBIBBBBBBi ^^^^ BB ^

      Spleji D Ib P0et Ra It

      SPLEJI D IB P 0 ET RA IT

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 25, 1838, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct354/page/4/