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" JUSTICE—IMMUTABLE , UNIVERSAL , ETERNAL . THE BALLOT-BOX JUGGLERS . Some years ago , —at metropolitan street corners , the annual Greenwich mummeries , and , occasionally , at country fairs , —mHit be seen , in the company of perambulating pig-faced ladies , learned Tobys , amazing g iants , surprising dwarfs , voracious boa-constrictors , and other " dear delightful monstrosities , a ludicrous-looking character rejoicing in the style and title of " Brown ; " and specially known for what was deemed by outsiders a most wonderful , not to say miraculous , musical performance on a—salt-box ! It is true , the music was not of the most refined order ; it would hardly have
raised a mortal to the skies , or enticed an angel down ; but it had its charm , for some persons who saw with astonishment the various modes Mister Brown had of extracting noise , if not melody , from his juggling , rattling , salt-box . Of course that worthy character had in view the extracting of something more valuable than mere melody , namely , the superfluous coppers of his admirers . It is probable , that ere this he has taken his salt-box to a loftier sphere . If so , his mantle has fallen upon worthy successors . The late
illustrious " Liberator of ould Ireland , " -4 he " saviour of the nation not yet saved , " was a mighty clever hand at the salt-box , performing therewith wonderful music to the tune of " Repeal , " varied with "Onl y a farthing a-week , a penny a-month , a shilling a-year ; ' Ther ^ have been , and there are similar performers , on a smaller scale , all belonging to the Do-em-Brown family ; and , with more or less success , pocketing pence in return for noise , —a beautiful adaptation of the " reciprocity principle . "
But the immortal Brown ' s salt-box bids fair to be superseded by a still greater take-in , —the Ballot-box ; on which certain "Wizards of the North , alias "the celebrated Manchester Jugglers , " are just now " discoursing most excellent (?) music . " A reunion of Freetraders and Radical Reformers is announced to take plau at Manchester , " on an imposing scale . " Thus , with authority , speaks the leading organ of the Radical Dissenters . That term " imfming" is well applied , if the reader will only translate it into its real meaning—that of imposition , ; that is to
say , a deception , a piece of political jugglery designed to be played off by certain renowned political schemers for their own advantage , and the befoolmcnt of the great mass of the public . The " game of speculation" is looking up . Erom Russell downwards all the political thhnWc-riggevs avc busy preparing to once more victimise the unthinking multitude . Each scheming faction has its own peculiar species of deception : Russell prates of ' Democracy ;" the more practical men of the Manchester school demand the " Ballot ; " but all agree to do their best to stave off thejadvont of real Reform . The Ballot is evidently the end designed to he subserved by the forth com ins ; imposing manifestation at Manchester .
it may be that to save appearances , to throw dust m the eyes of the public—to cajole the Parliamentary Reformers , and afford * to the most shifty of that political sect a pretext for joining the standard of CoBDEJf and Co ., —that certain sonorous phrases concerning " representative reform " will be embodied in meaningless iesolu tioitf ; but the great object of the Manchester imposition will undoubtedly be , the inauguration of a movement for the Ballot , unaccompanied by even a mere " extension " of power to the great body of the people . The declarations of Cobdex , Bright , and Hume- indicate a settled purpose to summon forth the national energies for the obtainment of this miserable medium of parliamentary reform—the Ballot Some six weeks ago , Cobden ,
replying , to an invitation to attend a " tenant-Tight' oanquet at Newsonards , intimated that the next popular struggle must foe for the Ballot ; adding . — " For my own part , when Free-Trade and Protection are no longer political battle cries , I shall look forward with intense interest to the day when u really liberal and popular party shall organize itself , with a pledge never to abandon the field until Vote by Ballot shall become the law of elections . " It is not
necessary to be gifted with any large amount of prescience to foresee that which in reality has already come to pass . The jugglery of " Free-Trade versus Protection" was conclusively and finally used up in the late general election . . These political battle cries , or rather a % for the shouting was all on the side of the Free Traders , will not be of service in the future ; no , not even ill such a sham-fi ght as was the late election . Mr . Cordex and his friends must betake themselves to something new , or at least some " old clo" cry " new revived , " and " ' shelp me Moses ( and Son ) as coot as new !" Hence this summons to the "field "to do battle for the Ballot .
Bright , at Belfast , has followed his leader , observing , — " I believe that no liberal Government can come into office , or remain in office , that is not prepared to bring forward a bill for the establishment of the Ballot . 1 think we can advance that operation very rapidly after Parliament has assembled . " Here is an unmistakable intimation to Lord John , that if he will climb once more to the heights of power , he shall pay the price dictated by Manchester . It has been rumoured that Hume had written a private letter to Cobdkn , remonstrating againt the taking up of the Ballot , pure and simple , as the end to be sought by a new popular movement . But
politicians wanting a principle , are proverbiall y the most slippery of creatures . You never know when you have them : to vote black white , and turn their backs ( if not like Castlereagii—upon themselves ) upon their most recent professions , are with them matters of course . Whatever the Nestoh of ( very ) moderate reform may have privately written , his public letter , addressed to the Hull Advertiser chimes in fully and unreservedly with the declarations of Cobden and Bright . Speaking of a suggested union of liberal M . P . ' s , the member for Montroso observes , that " By whatever name to he called , the party must agree on one point—stf ?/ , Ballot ; and after a trial on one ' point , proceed from step to step to other points—all important—until the attention of the public can be fixed to the
proceedings of the party . " These " expressions of opinion , " uttered immediately previous t > the assembling of Parliament , and prep ratory to the imposing reunion at Manchester , admit of no misapprehension . Plain as the sun at noon day , —palpable as the most mcuntestible of arithmetical conclusions , * is the fact that thfs precious project of a Ballot-agitation is to be imposed upon , the country . It may be anticipated , that the more conscientious amono- the , " Parliamentary Reformers " will object and protest . But their opposition wi ' l befutile . The bourgeois power is still wielded bythe Manchester men ; and working-class sympathy and support the little Charter men have not . The question remains : What prospect have the Ballot-agitators , Cqbden and his party , of gaining , the aclhesiori of the masses to their projected imposition ? , . * " ' . .
This question may be answered with the m < jj § £ . assured certainty . If the working-classes will hot " support ¦ thS |? arliuiyujntar . y ; Reformers because of the incomplete , laiequal , ai ^ jinsatisfetorv character of their scheme of reform , it may safel ^ b ' e predicated that
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they will turn with disgust and derision from the hopeful project of Cobden and Co . What is it to the non-electors that the electors are so base and cowardl y that they dare not , or so enslaved by the despotism of wealth that they cannot exercise the franchise as becomes freemen ? That may be a grievance for those invested with the suffrage , but it is of no importance to those excluded' from the electoral pale . Moreover , what will become of the theory of the suffrage being held as a trust for the-. benefit of the non-electors as well as the electors , if the latter are to record their votes in secrecy , secure not onlyfeom the influence of the rich , but also the watchfulness of the poor ? Of course this " trust" theory , like the rest of
our constitutional theories of " checks , " " balances , " &c . ' , is downright humbug . But such as it is , it would be completely nullified by arming the privileged-elector with the shield of the Ballot . Let this trust theor y be scouted as it should be , and the franchise be exercised by each man in virtue of his manhood ; and then , indeed , there will be consistency In superadding the Ballot , Perhaps the importance of the Ballot has been overrated ; I believe it has been , and that in practice it would be found less efficacious than its
partisans suppose ; but be that as it may , all the protection it is capable of affording should be enjoyed by the voter , provided that voter is not a privileged monopolist of the suffrage , but one of a community of citizens all . equal and free .. Make the ballot part and parcel of a comprehensive scheme of reform , —a scheme so comprehensive as to include in its enfranchising clauses all men , in virtue of their manhood , and it will be supported by all honest reformers ; but alone , it can have no countenance from the unrepresented masses . Alone it
is an imposition , a fraud , a political swindle ; and the politicians bv is an imposition , a fraud , a political swindle ; and the politicians by whom it is proposed as a panacea for the evils of our political system , should be driven from the public platform , covered with the withering contempt of an outraged and insulted people . In his letter to the Hull Advertiser , the Member for Montrose complains bitterly of the want of unicn and persistent action among the . liberals in Parliament . He describe them as a " rope of
sand , " utterly void of any " common principle of adhesion , " prone to grand promises and noisy professions , and prone too , to " desert their principles and leave the party to make , as it has always done , a miserable and shabby appearance as to numbers . " He adds " I could give you lists of deserters on such trivial grounds and pretences as would surprise you , &c , &c . " Pursuing his argument he says , " While the movement ( to form a people ' s party ) must begin with a few Radical members of the House of Commons , it
cannot succeed until the people , out of doors , and the electors shall see the necessity of doing their part , and of giving support to the small party of the people in parliament . " This sudden anxiety to form a " people ' s party " is somewhat remarkable . Can it liave been induced by the discussion now ffoin 0 ' on among more advanced men us to the . practicability of forming a "National Party ? " Honest Reformers have need to be both
watchful and active . With " Lord" Johx prating of "Democracy , " Cobden and Co . getting up an imposing , juggle at Manchester , and Joseph Hume and his friends fishing for a " People ' s Party , " it is necessary that the men of principle take energetic measures to counteract the schemes of professional politicians . A ' National Party , that is to say , a true party of the people , is the great want of the time ; but let us have the reality , not the sham The people would be mad to support such a set as the veteran Joseph describes , —noisy professors , shameless deserters , shov-hoy
politicians , with no common principle of adhesion among them . Cannot the member for Montrose see , that men without ' a principle must necessarily be a rope of sand , " and necessarily include the cowardly and corrupt ? And what does he propose ? Some great principle , which can be recognised and appreciated by the people , and which , being adopted by " a lew Radical members , " would encourage' the masses' to give their support ? Nothing of the kind . Instead of a principle , he proposes as a miserable substitute —the Ballot ! Unless he can find something better than this
wretched make-shift and apology for a principle , he had best give over the writing of letters , and mumbling over the anarchy within Parliament , and the apathy out of doors . But , in truth , such smallrbeer reformers as Joseph Hume are not the men to form a people ' s , or a National Party . They palter with principles , and fear to pursue the path they profess to have chosen . The men to form a National Party niost be bold enough to be honest , and honest enough to be be bold . Are there any such men in the House of Commons , however few 1 It is to be hoped there are . If so , let
them come forth ; let . them take for their " principle of adhesion " Universal Manhood Suffrage , assoiciating therewith such aids and appliances as will make the franchise a verity , and ensure that it shall be no Gallic sham ; and they will find their appeal responded to . The men who will now inscribe upon their nag , — " Justice and Equal JZiahts—for all and by all !"—may spoil the game of the Ballot-box jugglers , and summon to the ranks of a National Party a mass of mind and muscle strong enough to submerge all faction , and potent enough to wrest real Reform from the van- ' quished hosts of Privilege and Corruption , i ; ami dit peuple .
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Hkb Exiles . —Mr . Editor , —Herewith I forward an Wder fov ti *^ subscribed by a few friends for the benefit of the politic-il r » f SUIT 1 ° f r you along with others are grieve * at the apathy and Um ^ T' W ' ithe democracy in general , in not alleviating with peeu > ua , ai ( 1 " evi "ceiir itheir exiled brethren , who have borne t ' - . e loss of all tMn ra ? n » iH ^ social and political freedom . No doubt there i 3 a diffi ; . uir ^ ist t ; artequate subscription , owing to the disorganised state of the dem " 8 ettin 'i ^ However , in order to overcome that obstacle , I humbly surest f U'c Lri ' ¦ -deration of your readers but more especially to those who -im nlle ( % > the Refugees , not to lose any time in appointing two person ' s o * to i : norober ,-in each locality , ( bearing in mind that the labour « ' of % - . reward ) to collect a subscription for our unfortunate brothers ' ? ! ° * l , vinced by expeiience that if the various localities will at once a I fttl Cl"itheir efforts will be crowded with success . Aid only m >
Hamilton , Oct . Oth , 1852 . . ' Al ^ fiB
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SUB-PUBLISHERS OF THE " STAR OF PUBRDOM - NOTICE TO READERS AND THE TRADE , The following Booksellers and News-agents unuW u supply the London Trade with copies of the Star of jtyo ^/ , 1 " Mr . Vickers , Holvwell-street , Strand . Mr . Ptirkiss , Compton-street , Soho . Mr . Clements , Little Pultnev-street , Soho .
Mr . Nye , Theobald ' s-road . Mr . Truelove , John-street , Fitzroy-square . Mr . Cox , . Drury-lane . Mr . Barkinson , "Wilsted-street , Somers Town . Mr . Caffyn , Oxford-street , Mile End , Old Town Mr . Mathias , 80 , Broad-street , Ratcliff . Mr . Fellows , George ' s Circus , Blackfriars-road . Mr . Harris , Blackfriars-road .
Mr . Coulson , Playhouse-yard , Whitecross-strert St . l u |^ . Mr . Sharp , Tabernacle-row , City-road . Mr . Baker , Providence-place , Kentish Town . Mr . Steel , Clerkenwell-green . Mr . Brown , Charlotte-place , Goodge-sircet . Mr . Cooper , Trafalgar-road , Greenwich .
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SATURDAY , OCTOBER 9 , J 8 S 2 . VOTES AND VOTERS . Theue are undoubtedly questions with respect to which it is k sirable to bring public opinion , even the opinion of the unrepresented , to bear upon the Parliament as it now exists . The repeal of the taxes on knowledge , the restriction of the hours of labour . and all questions that bear upon the relative position of capital anil labour are every one worth agitating for , and deserving of every exertion the people can make to impress their importance upon the
attention- of the legislature . But few of our readers will differ from us when we say that there is a question of far greater moment than any of these—a question of vital importance to the nation at largethe question of the suffrage . In that alone lies the hope of tlw future . The people shall no longer need to cringe and beg for justice at the footstool of a ruling faction , when the nation shall lie in complete possession of herself , and be able to rule her own destinies . And the nation will not be in complete possession of herself
until Unirersal Suffrage has become the law of the land , guaranteeing equal political rights to all . Then the question of questions for the consideration of the people at the present time is how this Universal Suffrage is to 'a gained . It is evident that it is to be obtained by popular exertions alone , and we will not act wisely if we do not seize every opportunity of strengthening our own cause and weakening that of cur opponents .
One of these opportunities , and an important one , has , wi ? t Mbetn sadly neglected , namely that which has been presented to us of gaining for some an admission to the fortress of privilege 11 ! order that they might open the gates to the multitude below read } and eager to raze it to the ground , and lo disperse the men who have so long defended themselves behind its walls . In other words we have not sufficiently sought to make voters under the present system , of those who . hold our . views , and who would gladly aid u ^ k eject the men of privilege and to establish the reign of poli tic ? .
equality and social justice . It may be urged , and reasonably so , that the suffrage is ours of right , and that , therefore , we do wrong to ' purchase that whica b our own . There is much truth in this argument , and if we « eu in a position to choose between such a manner of proceeding ,
anthe more dignified one of rescuing our rights in spite of every cm sequence , we should not hesitate for a moment ; but unfor tuna i . > we are in no such position , and the men who have entere d up thetask of fi ghting the battle of the suffrage upon our opponen * own ground are clearly entitled to our co-operation and supp This is the more needful inasmuch as the little good that was h jey to have been done by the Freehold Land Societies and sinu ^ in-l-As , is being nullified by one of the law officers of the Govern ment .
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LKTT 12 US TO THE EBI'COH . All communications intended for publication , or notice , in the Star of . Fm > - dont , must lie -addressed to 0 . Juu . vx Harnby , 4 , Brunswick Row , Queen's Square , Bloomsbury , London . Correspondents will oblige by writing or . one side only of their letter paper * a tid by forwarding their communications as early as possible in the week .
Orders for the Star op Freedom . . In consequence of new publishing arrangements , ' each of our Audits will obli » e by henceforth giving his orders lor the "Star of . Freedom" " ihrou- ' h l . is ordinary London publisher , l > y whom he is sapplied with other London Newspapers . Those agents in the habit of sending cash ( or stamps ) with Their or ' ers , may have their papers from Mr . John Phillip Crotz , Publisher , 2 , Shoe Lane , Fleet Street , London . : '
No Credit can be given . ' ¦ ¦ T . hn' Star of Freedom" will henceforth be published at No . 2 , Shoe Lane , Fleet Street , London .
J . Mascard , Banbury , in a letter , the full contents of which we cannot find ' room lor , « xprcRscs the ? reat satisfaction . with which he would regard the formation of a national democratic party . W . Me . Kboukie , Kdinimrgh , writes "I am glad to note the discussion as to the 1 'ioimety of forming a National Party for Manhood Suffrage . I hopethe eKperiiuent will Ik ; made , Mid willherjueoessl ' ul . : : ; .:.:, ¦ . ; : ¦• . Monies Rbcbivku you the Refugees . —J . Mascard , . Banbury , 6 d ,: J . Da 1 Cogan , Cd . ; Hamilton , per A , Walker , 17 s .
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Just Published , price , 3 d ., sent free of Post on receipt of four fi \ m , THE GREAT BOTANICAL SECRET ! r piW PRESCRIPTION OF THE BWAK PILL , fal * 1 printed from tha hand-writing of Dr . Coffin , with Hie medical proiimisn ' the articles used . To which is added u copy of a Prescription written bv n , Coffin , who clmi-Rcd a Lady five shilling * for it . Bv W . AV . Broom 'inth ' n- , " Words to the Enslaved , " &c . ' " ' ' Bradford , published at 164 , West-gate . Nottingham : 13 . Bya « Maue
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i 3 e T&I STAft OF FREEDOM . [ Ocro 9
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 9, 1852, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1699/page/8/
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