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Northern Star (1837-1852), 11th September 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 10, Untitled Article

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    • jewratic jlofamtts, PUBLIC MEETINGS, &c.
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      Untitled Article

      the unanimous sentiments of the speakers on that occasion , and the hearty enthusiasm with which the expression of those sentiments were received "by the assembled multitude , form any criterion of the state of public feeling in New South Wales , the one fixed idea of the people of that colony is that the ties which bind them to Great Britain are to them injurious and degrading , and ought , at the earliest opportunity , to be severed at once and for ever .

      We cannot reasonably complain of this opinion on their part , it is one they have been driven to adopt , by continued neglect , and a long series of insults on the part of the central Executive . It has boon the tyranny and want of faith of the British government which has driven them to seek safety in separation , and to desire to break asunder tho ties of brotherhood which yet bind them to the British people . That they

      have still sympathy with , and faith in them , is apparent from the fact of their loudly applauding one of the speakers at the above mentioned meeting , who expressed his determination not yet , aUeast , to lay at the door of the British people the blame so justly merited by their rulers , and his refusal to transfer the indignation which the loathsome tyranny of Earl Grey had excited in his bosom to the yet venerated name of Engiand .

      It would be well if the people at home did something to merit this confidence , by awakening from their selfish apathy , and making it their care that Britain has a government which shall not deal in tyranny and deceit , but which shall deal justly and truly by all within the wide-spread dominions of Britannia , and they should do this before it is too late ; for the same spirit of selfishness which renders them so careless of their own high duty , and of the freedom and welfare of their colonial brethren , has its advocates among the—let us hope it—vet untainted men of the colonies .

      The Sydney People ' s Advocate finds , in the peril to which England is exposed from continental despotism , an additional cause for separation . In its number of April 30 th the Advocate savs : " In the event of Louis Napoleon going to war with England , what ought we in New South Wales to do ? This is a question to the consideration of which , in our opinion , the colonists ought to apply themselves at once . War between England and France is a contingency not unlikely to arise , and in that event how shall we be placed ? Are we * now the same

      insignificant and despised country we were even twelve months ago ? We are of opinion that in the eyes of the world there is a vast difference between New South Wales in 1852 , and New South Wales at the beginning of 1851 ; and should war be declared against England we need not expect to escape our share of the dreadful visitation . Should this be the case , how are wo prepared to meet such a visitation ? Could we successfully resist an incursion of French buccaneers , or are we prepared to sit down ^ quietly , while our houses are plundered , our wives and families assaulted , and in all probability ourselves bayonetted ? * .. « .. a .. *

      The lest preparation after all , hoivever , would be our entire and complete independency o / Gnat Britain . So long as we remain ad pendency of the British Crown , so long shall we be liable to be drawn into any quarrel in which the mother country may be unfortunately engaged . In all the measures which we may take , therefore , we should keep in view the ultimate independence of the country , and it would be well for both ourselves and for England if steps were immediately initiated for bringing about a peaceful separation of the Australasian colonies , from the mother country by the mutual consent of each , and for their erection into one grand federative government similar to that of the United States of America , and then toe shall have no occasion to cultivate the dreadful arts of ivar , for we shall have no enemies to fight or / ear . "

      We scarcely think it probable that the colonists , when they seek separation , will do so from a feeling of cowardice , such as the Advocate here suggests . No ; when the colonists cast o ff their allegiance to Britain , it will be because they have ceased to hope for sympathy or justice from her , and not because they fear to share her misfortunes , or seek to slink from a combat with her enemies . When it reebmmends to the people of New South Wales such an unworthy coursewe

      , think the Peoples Advocate scarcely performs its duty as a moral teacher of the . people . Safety may lie in the direction pointed out by our colonial contemporary , but honour and duty undoubtedly bid the men of Australia cling to their British brethren , to aid them to destroy all their mutual oppressions , and , Avhen they have accomplished this , form with the other branches of the Anglo-Saxon family , a grand federal union of Democratic Republics .

      Untitled Article

      BANKING FOR THE PEOPLE . Ve&v few of the wording classes have an adequate idea of the self-accuinulatmg power of money when properly invested . " Knowledge is power , " the adage tells us , and the power derived from that source is almost exclusively in the hands of the commercial and middle-classes . The immense sums which are paid as mere interest for the use of money , bear a great proportion to the revenue derived from the skill , industry , and enterprise of the country . There is that

      monster item the National Debt , the interest of which reaches to nearly Thirty millions per annum , but that only makes a part and not the largest of the grand total . There is a stupendous mass o f Bills of Exchange bearing interest , rendered necessary by the inadequate amount of the legal currency of the country for the purposes of commerce . There are the piles of mortgages by which the majority of the landed estates are burdened . The various Insurance Companies , securing to those who pay them comparatively small sums , amounting to

      millions from their calculations upon the interest to be derived from careful investment . Bankers use their clients monev , and look . to interest lor their profits . Millionaires contracting for f oreign loans , loosen their purse-strings with an e ^ e to future dividends . Pawnbrokers taking tangible security , turn their money to advantage by plundering the poor at a ' fearfully usurious rate . Bill-discounters giving accomodation upon bills at short date , frequently double their capital in the year—and Loan Societies lending small sums to the neces-

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      sitous , exact a return out of all proportion to the benefit conferred . It is thus that those who have money make it the means of gaining more , without themselves adding anything to the wealth of the world . The possession o f capital gives them both the right and the power of taxing the industry of others—and large as is the revenue of govermental taxation , it may safely be stated that the sums paid for interest on private debts , amount to more than the -whole burdens o f the state .

      We do not attempt to justify this system , either upon grounds of morality or policy . It is far worse to become a nation of usurers than a nation of shop-keepers . This state of things is both the parent and the child of avarice—the cause and the effect of evil . It lowers the tone of the public mind—makes gambling an occupation , rather than a crimeraises up a few immense f ortunes , and breaks down many small ones , and diminishes the productive resources of the country . But one of its worst public effects is that it creates a mass of , what may be called , fictitious capital—not representing any real wealth , but assuming the f orm of securities for

      money—giving a right to the holders to draw upon the labour of the country without labouring themselves . It is quite possible for a nation to have too much capital , when that capital consists of debts from those that produce , to those who consume their productions . Nevertheless , whatever may be its merits—there is the system built up into a power—the greatest upon the face of the earth . The capitalists who are its ministers , hold in their hands the f ate of the nations o f the world—they may either give liberty , or impose despotismthey can shake down thrones , or crush revolutions—without their leave armies cannot march nor fleets sail . It was their

      money that butchered Poland , crushed Hungary , and smothered Italian nationality—and without them the Czar could not equip his barbarous hordes—deprived of their aid , the bankrupt exchequer of Austria could not pay the instruments of tyranny—if they withheld their consent , the French usurper would not be able to bribe the soldiery—and here , in our own more peaceful island , the monied interest is the great agency , by ^ which the poor are kept poor , by being prevented from rising into independence , and through which political wrongs of ^ evil and social distinctions are perpetrated . It is scarcely a figure of speech to say , that the interests of humanity are sacrificed at the shrine of compound-interest .

      Let it be remembered that though we write thus strongly , we do not wish to blame , or seek to throw the responsibility upon individuals . We onl y desire truthfully to describe the system under which we suffer , so that we may devise some means of meeting it . It would seem that there are two ways which can be pointed out—the one , the application of force—the other , taking hold of the system itself , and using it to our own advantage . That is our alternative . We do not recommend a resort to force .

      We would not even , although we were sure it would be immediately successful . Force is a torrent which sweeps all , both good and evil before it . It destroys alike that which we would contrive , and that which we would annihilate . It might uproot the . power qf the moneyocracy , but it would also shake the foundations of civilisation . To let loose the worst passions of men , is a remedy Worse than the disease . It is substituting the most active , for the chronic form of a

      disease , only to relapse again . Besides , to do as the tyrants of all times have done , and are doing—to set up the attribute of thebrute above that of the man—to make mere strength the arbitar of right and wrong—is to dry up those springs of rectitude which amid such soil , create all the good of the world . Force is not to be thought of . The only other means of working out our social redemption , is to take hold of the system—¦ to make it our servant , instead of our master .

      It may be urged , perhaps , that it is not justifiable to use an agency which we do not attempt to defend the morality of . We answer , that we have been judging of the system by its effects , which are most unquestionably bad , but we have yet to consider whether we cannot make it the agent of good . It is a misfortune imposed upon us by the accumulated circumstances of centuries , that we are denied the opportunity o f walking in the way ,, we should adopt , if we were free to choose . The world as it is , can onl be moved by those powers which are capable of influencing it . We must use those or let it

      roll on without guidance . If we were at liberty to do so—if it presented any chance—wo would throw aside motives of mere self-interest , and appeal to the higher , purer feelings of humanity . That course , however , would have a better chance with utter savages , than with the children of modern civilisation , We have now no better prospect of success than to use this system , divesting it however o f its worst features , and applying it to the best possible purposes . In that spirit we urge the people to become their own Bankers—to co-operate for the purpose of Investment , as well as for production and distribution .

      Some may think this is like advising a hungry man to eat without producing food . How are the workers to become their own bankers ? What funds are they to deposit ? How are they to invest them so that they may make them productive ? These are some of the questions which will arise , and to which suitable replies must be given . The finding of funds is an easy matter if they have faitlim the principle of co-operation , and we take a wrong estimate of them if their f aith will not be in proportion to their knowledge of it . They have funds already . In their trade societies and benefit clubs thev have

      accumulated deposits to a very large amount . They do not keep those locked up in their spring boxes , or hide them away in secret places ; but they invest them now , although in a very imperfect manner . In some cases they open a deposit account with some banking firm , in others they resort to the commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt . They pass the money out of their hands either upon private security , or faith in the government , and in return thev receive about

      three per cent , as interest , Except to meet emergencies arising from sickness or want of employment , and to do that very imperfectly , that is all the benefit they derive f rom their savmg . They could do much more with the same means , incur mode ot operation is as though a manufacturer worked his engine up to only half its power . Very safe , no doubt , but a great waste of strength , Besides providing for emergencies and gaining interest , those very funds , ' - wisely employed , might yield the operatives money , power , and gam

      Untitled Article

      for them a firm footing in the wodd of manufacture and tr , 1 If an establishment were founded for the purposes of inv \ ment alone , such a stimulus would be given to the effort t become independent of the masters as would advance us h if a century . The money of the labourer would then be ace mulating for the benefit of his order as well as himself , ' t-k would have furnished by his own class all the essentials \ successful enterprise . He would put the better upou tK same footing of advantage as the worse system , and give it ^ equal chance of success . The co-operative bank would yd much the same relative position toward the workshop and tho store , as the private banker does to the m anufacturer or the dealer . Working men wishing to extend their opon

      tions , would borrow its funds upon the security of their buildings , or machinery or stock . That is fully as good security as their money is lent out upon now . It does at the present moment go , though indirectly , into the channels of trade ; but trade , the profits of which belong to others . Then it would go there directly , and for their own benefit . Half a million of money , and the workers could easily produce that amount without drawing upon the future , invested in a co-operative bank under sufficient legal guarantees and distributed security so as to assist working men to become something better tlian wages slaves , would do much towards altering the condition of society . It would confer power which might be used for

      political as well as social elevation ; it would give us a standing in the world . Rendering employment more certain it would diminish the calls upon the funds of trade societies ; diffusing comfort , it would render the necessity for aid from such societies less frequent . Engendering independent feelings it would induce a higher moral tone , and avert part of the loss arising from crime and profligacy ; and increasing the power of consumption , it would give to commerce and manufactures additional activity .

      With all these benefits in view , it is hard to believe that the industrious masses will refuse to help in their attainment , if it can be shown that the endeavour is a safe one . That we shall attempt to demonstrate in our next article , which will be directed to the particular form in which a banking company for the people should be instituted .

      Jewratic Jlofamtts, Public Meetings, &C.

      jewratic jlofamtts , PUBLIC MEETINGS , &c .

      Untitled Article

      is it advisable that a better and more conciliatory policy b adopted by the Democratic body ? A NATIONAL PARTY .

      To the Editor of the Star of Freedom . Sir , — -From articles which have appeared in recent numbers of your Journal , showing the state of public feeling on those political questions which have for so long agitated the public mind of this country , and as it appears to be acknowledged on all hands that sonic plan of organization should bo agreed on , in which the whole people could join , I offer my suggestions , in the hope that they will be discussed by your readers in all parts of the country ; and in the hope , too , that out of that discussion there will arise an unity of the whole of the democratic elements of the people , in older that an agitation for the groat question of political freedom may become general and useful . There are two distinct kinds o f aeitation which for

      practical purposes may be distinguished as simple and complex . The simple are those which aim but at one object , and stand apart f rom all legislative details ; the complex are those which asserting one or more principles , also embody secondary questions , by which those principles are to be worked out in practice .

      The great advantage of simple agitations , is the unity of action and argument they ' induce , and the difficulty there is in evading them . In simple agitations , orators , ' lectur er ? , pamphleteers and journalists , all constantly hammering away at the same point , are sure to produce their effect , and there is no drawing off their attention . They have only one thing to attend to , instead of half a dozen ; upon that they concentrate all their energies—to that they direct all their motions , and generally with success .

      In complex agitations , on the contrary . ' There are so many points to attack , and so many to defend—so great a di vision of parties , one agreeing to this point , and opposing that , and vice versa—so many collateral arguments—so much difficulty in weaving the network of a system into one exposition , that all is tumult and confusion , instead of order and organisation .

      For an illustration of the first kind of agitation to which I refer , that of the Anti-Corn-Law-Lcague may be cited ; ana , if the second , the great movement having for its object the enactment of the People ' s Charter . Year after year Mr . Villiers , in the House of Commons made his an Qlia motion for the Repeal of the Corn Laws , with just about as much , or rather , as little success , as would attend a Radical Reformer of the present day , but year after y ear he nJ

      came back again to that single point . He knew , » Ins party knew , that upon the settlement of that question , m " * other great changes—but to that one they mainly continj- themselves . They saw , that with that , must be decided . tn » bugar question , the Navigation Laws , the relation of Govern ment to Commerce , and the relative position of Land _ a ? Capital ; and though frequent motions are made by ina pendent members having the same tendency , still , as a p » w the league concentrated their whole force on the one moti > j and , bearing in mind how the dropping of water upon one sL wears away the solid jock , they stuck to their point « p ' "

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      74 THE STAR OF FREEDOM . " September 11 , 1852

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 11, 1852, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1695/page/10/