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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th May 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      The Secretaries of Trades' Unions and othei ?~ " , je 3 associated to protect and advance the itrte-^ ° . of Labour , will obl ie by forwar d ing report 3 f Trades' Meetings , Strikes , and o&er informas % a affecting the social position of the "Working Classes . vitioNAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . " HAT JESTITIA . " ,. -t jt were possible for the -working classes , by combining ' " , themselves , to aise , or keep up the general rate of !! f ii nreJ hardly be said that this tvou ' . d be a thing not to he " ^ foed . but to be welcomed and rejoiced at . " —Stuart jIill .

      The Executive Committee of the above Association , from gj aviction that a national combination of labour is now a n ational necessity , and that this fact has at length reached , j , e njiada of leading men in the ranks of labour , who have jifjn he retofore in the habit of doubting either its practicabHi ' . y or efficiency , hate full y resolved to make another snd * vigorous effort to bring the subject prominently befDre the Trade 3 , and to ask them seriously to determine Tghtihtr they will tamely and slavishly surrender those rights , which lawfully belong to thsm , to the avarice and tyranny of &p iia ! , or make an united effort to claim and maintain their post undoubted right of dealing with their own propertyfDar labour , as they may conceive best for the general interests of iheir order . We think it must be admitted that this is

      g qnssti-n , not only of the greatest , but of the most immediate , importance to every grade and descriptien of -working men—equally to the highest paid and to the lowest paid ; jo the skilled workmen in the same degree a 3 to the unbilled . I : has become the fashion lately to classify the working men as skilled and unskilkd workers , and to endeavour to exclude the latter from a participation in the ptecu ve safeguards with which the latter environ themidie-. We have never recognised , and do altogether repu . cii ' . e . so absurd and odious a distinction . We recognise no distinctions among working men bat workers and idlers , ml every individual who depends for hi 3 bread upon the traces of labour is alike entitled to our sympathy and aciive w-operation , whether he receives as the reward for his

      Ja'iour a pound or a shilling . We propose to form a Rational Association of Workers , and not a class association of skilled artizans , exclusively . Upon this point we do not viiib our princi ples to be misunderstood , or confonnded with my existing or projected movement . We reckon , as constituting the " Trades of England , " the workers in Wool , Cotton , Wood , Iron , and ths other metals ; Leather , Paper , Flu , Siik , the workers on Land and on Water , &c . ; and T ? e consider that every man , woman and child who assists , or contributes by their labour in the production of any . tbas useful and necessary , as essentially coming within the category of "The Trades . " This view accords ji letter and _ spirit -with the constitution of the Natlonal Association ; and its practice has always been

      in s riict accordance with this theory . To the Trades tnn 3 understood , the law gives the right of combinationthe right of an absolnte control over the amount of their nje ? , the hours of their labour , &c . ; not , be it rememfered , to the working classes individually only , but to the « oiksog-classes collectively , that is , combined together in numbers for these objects , and for the general protection of thdr mutual interest . That is the law of the land . That is tbe right secured to labour by an express legislative enactment . But a conspiracy of capitaUsts exist , whose declared determination it is to defeat the objects of the legislature , and to rob the working man of this important right . They have set upa sort of imperium in imperio—that is , a covet Dment within a government , a mock legislative cabinet ,

      and they presume to issue decrees abrogating the laws of England ; and to this impudent assumption of power they Expect the workmen of England to submit ! Will they ? That is the question to be asked of , and answered by , the Trades of Great Britain . That is the question that we are mmissionrd by that staunch and faithful section tf the Trades , who have stood so long , so firm , and so trustfully , through evil report and through goed report , to this movement , to once again submit to the Trades of this count-y . We ate instructed by our members , who can bear ample testimony as to the benefits iky have derived from the National Association , ie ask of their brethren , are they content to hold their inanstria ] rights upon sufferance ? Are they content that the

      right of combination should be sectionally trampled upon at tbe caprice of any junto of employers who choose to re-enact the iniquities of the Wolverhampton clique , or to riwl the Kapoleonite decrees of the BucRlersbary plotters ? Are they willing to see the organised Trades of England annihilated , because , unable single handed to cope with capitalist combination ; , which , upon any important occa-Eion . can be sa speedily brought into existence ? If not , tkra snrely is ro time to ! ose , the danger is near , tbe wolf is at the threshold of our organisations ; having destroyed the stalwarth body of the A-nalgamated Iron Trades , » sd compelled the majority of them to swallow that sool-Bebasing declaration what trade , we ask , dare lay the totering nnction to its soul , that it can escape the same bnunininus necessity ?

      The National Association does not advocate nor recom m ? nd an aggressive policy , but rather protective and conser tttiw . W . Peel . 259 , Tottenbam-conrt-road .

      Untitled Article

      THE FACTORY ACT . 10 THE FACTORY OPERATIVES OF GREAT BRITAIN A >* D IRELAND . fellow-workmen , —I beg to inform yon that , according to Kmonncement , a meeting of delegates took place on Sunday » st , May 23 rd , lS 52 , at the house of Mr . William Fair , wtttan Tree Inn , Great Ancoats-street , Manchester , Mr . j * nl Haigreavea in the chair , when the following number of legates , from the undermentioned districts , were pie-? ° t : Manchester fine-spinners , 1 ; Manchester Central wamuttee , 2 ; Manchester power-loom overlookers , 1 ; JHfltoa S . T . C , 2 ; Ashton S . T . C , 2 ; Preston S . T . O ., { ' ttjwgrove spinners , 1 ; Blackburn Bpinners , 2 ; Black"« fa S . T . C , 1 ; Chorley spinners , 1 ; Dakinfield S . T . C , ^ u » owbent spinners , 1 ; Tyldesly spinners , 1 ; Oldham ^ avers' Committee , 2 ; Mossier spinners , 1 ; Enfield h > ' ;* *• Number of delegates , 24 , from 13 districts ; , ^ -etter , Padiham , Chorley , So . 2 district ,

      andBurncs 2 i < iep 1 ltati ( mtotlie Secretary of State for the Home « S 50 tat £ f Jaringdelivered their report , the two following ^ onsvrere adopted : B ^ ei-i- ? , " ? ^ tbe deputation to the Secretary of ^ rfrlceS ' ^ 01017 tOftiS meetiDg ' that ifc be ^ Je nm 3 ? ' jaofthedele S atesa 88 emWe dbeT 0 tedto ^ wcSS" maDner m Which th ° haveexeouted ^ re ° S ; tee ^ ving been elected by the meeting to draw H Wed « T S ! T . emD 0 dy ! , Dg - ^ e ™ ws ^ the delegates asf % ™ , ' to the most desirable course to bepursnedin ^ hZl *™** a » effective Pact ory Bill , the following

      «* Btine 7 then Emitted to , and adopted by , the "fif * * * ? ' Dddnfidd seconded-^ WSW ^ thereP ? of th 0 Ration to ^* n of » v State for the Home Apartment , it is the lt ^ ent in I . *«*«« of delegates that any attempt at the ^ restrict ; 1 the movin g power , however desirable ^ aair ma ybe ,-wonldend in disappointment and ^" iar * Jl "" "nous expense upon the factory workers—be' ^ tbe aVH 00115 *^ «* tbe House of Commons , r * t rend ™*? puWlc opinion , will , for some time to i- teIy ianSiM e a om P ^ bment of that object abso-2 ?^ aSt "" ^ toerfo ™ recommend to theier 5 ? snehim ^ encie 8 toexerttbeir bestenergiea to se-S '^ aSSfTW" the P resent stories Act as fes ^ , ?* full protection to those for whose benefit it was

      Untitled Article

      Tyldesly moved , and Preston seoondedbenaSfnlirf th ank the delegates now assembled begratefull y tendered to all masters throuahout the coun-Act" niforml y observed the present Factories « Tw ^ !? 0 Ved ' and BJacburn seconded-* ho „ , * Central Committee , in their endeavours during P , ntn f * t ye ar t 0 secure the enforcement of tbe present * Ti ! u- Ct ' havin inv <> lved themselves considerably in aebt , this meeting of delegates would urge uoon their fellow operatives the necessity of raising tho necessary funds , tibl " to disch : ir 2 e their liabilities as soon as pos-Bolton moved , and Dunkinfield seconded—Tvldeslv moved nnJ t > . »» j . «_ ,

      • , tne delegates cannot separate without expressing their deep regret that a difference of opinion continues to exist in reference to the best means to be adopted to obtain an effective Factory Bil ! ; an < l as the present opportunity has not been embraced by all parties interested , to come to such an understanding as is calculated to ensure ultimate success to their endeavour ; to effect that object , the Central Committee be authorised to call a meeting of delegates for that especial purpose , on Sunday , July 4 th , 1852 ; and that the districts referred to bo not only summoned to attend in the ordinary way , but be specially written to for that purpose . ' The Central Committee having been re-elected , ' and tho thanks of the meeting voted to the chairman , the meeting separated . Signed on behalf of the Central Committee , TnoxtAs MATfDSLKT , Secretary . Central Committee Room , Cotton Tree Inn , Great \ ncoats-street , Manchester , Mav 24 , 1 S 52 .

      Subjoined is the substance of tho reply of tbe Home Secretary and Lord Derby to the deputation . They believe the present Factory Act is doing a great amount of good , and ought to he maintained . They also believe that the act is being violated . They wish the deputation to understand that they are not opposed to legislation on the subject ; but having pledged themselves not to introduce any measure likely to create any lengthy discussion , especially in tUe present state of the session , they do not feel justified in introducing any new measure of factory legislation . They will , however , appoint one or more additional sub-inspectors to reside on the spot where the act is violated , which , if not effective , will afford additional argument for the introduction of a further legislative measure in the first session of the now parliament .

      Untitled Article

      IRELAND . IITfi IRISn EXILES ASD THE VICEROY .. The cold and callous refusal of clemency to the exiles of ' 43 on tbe part of the Lord Lieutenant has called forth a very natural outburst of indignation on the part of the " Nation" and other journals ; The editor of Mr . Duffy ' s paper concludes a very severe comment in the following terms : — But there is one phase of this transaction which is characterise d by ineffable baseness . All through the preliminary negotiations the organisers oithememorial were absolutely encouraged fcy influential members of the government to make tbe appeal to them , some of them communicatiDg with the very committee . They were led to believe that they had only to solicit and that their demand would be granted . Kelvin ? ivith confidence on such assurances , they were

      certain of success , and were astounded to find themselves duped and insulted by the very men who up to the last moment spoke them fair . In all the dealings between this country and England we do not know any even which exhibits more insolence than this . Irish gentlemen , who would scom to ask anything for themselves , were lured there -with a petition which it wa £ predetermined to reject . It is a piece of deliberate treachery deserving of the treadmill and the knout . Let this reply of Lord Eglington's ia which we detect the venom and trnculence of the Orange Chancellor , he treasured in the people ' s memory . Let it be repeated at the hustings . Let it meet him next month in Cork , when he keeps festival with the country men of the " criminals" he has traduced . Let the mock knight of the mock tournament , who sees in the trne chivalry of Meagher and O'Brien only " Tanity , " here the Terdict of Ireland between them and him .

      THE ESCAPE OF MEAGHER . We take the following from the " Xation" of Saturday last : — We are rejoiced to tell the country that Meagher has positively escaped . The last Australian mail has brought to hand Colonial papers which treat his flight as a . fait accompli Our former announcement of the fact was formally contradicted in some of the Irish journals . The news seemed too good to he true . And some malevolent commentators , we understand , industriously circulated the slander that the report was fabricated in the "Nation" offipe for some political purposes . With a document in oar hands vrhich would have settled the dispute beyond question , we have been silent for three weeks , lest any further discussion might have damaged the fortune of the memorial presented to the English Viceroy on last Monday . But now it is our plain duty to speak . And we present our readers with a letter from Meagher to Mr . Duffy , written a fortnight before the date of the communication from Hobart-Town which brought the first intelligence of his night : — "Lake Sorrell , TanDiemen ' s Land , "December 27 th . 1851 .

      "Mi Deab Ddfft , —In great haste I have sat down to tell you that I am determined to withdraw my parole—throw up my' ticket of leave '— aad afterwards attempt my escape . * * * » * " I seek some land in which a useful and honourable career will be open lo me , and where , free from the galling restrictions Which beset and hamper me at every gtep , and the yet more galling indignities which intrude themselves even into the sanctuary of my humble house , I may find generous and creditable employment for whatever energies I possess through the goodness of God . " With fervent hope that , with His aid and blessing , I shall have the delight of writing my nextletter to jou under the shadow and protection of theflag of Washington , and with fondest remembrance to Maurice Lejne , and all my other dear and devoted friends , ' Believe me , my dear Duffy , ever to remain , " Whatever be my fate "Your faithful and affectionate friend . "T . P . MEiGHEa . "

      Thisnoble and characteristic letter disposes of the calumny that Meagher had violated his parole , and it proves that it was the incessant and intolerable persecution of his gaolers which forced him to break his chains . Wherever he be this day , his country will join us in the fervent prayer that honour and happiness may he his fortune ; and that She whom he has taken to his love andhi 3 home may yet witness the fulfilment of the noble aspirations of her Husband , in aland where his genius and virtues will command their legitimate rewards . " Under the flag of 'Washington , " a career awaits Thomas M eagher , which we preaict will confer glory on himself and his country . Thank God a second victim has escaped the brutal turnkeys of Van Diemsn ' s Land .

      THE EXODUS ASD T E KOMAS CATIIOIIC CHURCH . The following 13 from the correspondent of the "Times : "The letter of the Rev . Mr . Mullen , with its candid admissions of the gradual extinction of the Roman Catholic faith , as soon as its votaries Eet foot on American , soil , continues to create a perfect furor among thelrish clergy of both creeds . The Protestant party have had the letter reprinted and tircutated throughout several districts , as strong presumptive evidence of the decline of Pouery and of the progress of the principles of the reformation . ' The Romish clergy , from the " Lord Primate" on his throne down to the humblest curate , appear to he perfectly astounded by the revelations of the American missionary , and the whole machinery ef Mother Church has been set in motion with a view of checking a system which has led to such disastrous results as those vouched for on the competent authority of one high in the confidence of Archbishop Cullen himself . To stay the flight across the Atlantic is the first great object of the counter-movement ju 3 t now at work .

      As well might he attempted te stop the tide with a pitchfork ; but the trial is , nevertheless , being made , with what success time alone can tell . For the last month the subject of emigration has been the theme of altar eloquence throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom , and arguments of all kinds have been used to dissuade the people from abandoning the " old country" and the religion of tle ' a forefathers . The text was taken up on Sunday last by the Rfeht Rev . Dr . Haly , the respected titular of Leighlin and Fern 6-a prehte who deservedly possesses the goodwill and confidence of all creeds and classes , but who upon this occaison has , I learn , failed to convince the remnant of his flock of the dangers they must be prepared to encounter should they persist in the resolution formed by msnv of them to followtheir relatives to their new homes in the western world . The emigration from the district over which Dr . Haly presides has been enormous , and the gross amount of the sums of money transmitted by the emigrants , either for the immediate re-UeforfortheBTirposeofdEfrayingaie expenses out of their friends in Ireland , almost eweeds the limits of belief .

      AN EXTENSIVE JAILTOB . One of the most extensive mercantile firmB in Ireland Messrs . Sinclair and Boyd , of Belfast , have been compelled to suspend payment this week , and unless some fevourabU arrangement . ma-le enabling them to continue their operations , the consequences muBt be most calamitous the connexions of the house boing very wide-spread , and their transactions most extensive . Their liabilities have been set down at £ 300 , 000 , £ 450 , 000 , and £ 700 , 000 , by various reporta , but we consider these statements to be greatly exaggerated , and that from £ 80 , 000 to £ 120 , 000 wiUbeperhaps nearer the mark . In accordance with a requisition presented to the Lord Mayor , a public meeting of the friends of tho Tenant League was held this week in the theatre of the MeohanicB ' Institution , "for the purpose of repudiating the aocusations brought against the Catholic and Presbyterian clergymen , for their zealous efforts to protect the industnous tenantry oT Ireland . " Tho attendance in the body of the hall was numerous , and the platform wasoocupied by those chiefly who have hitherto taken a leading part in the proceedings of the League . s *

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      STATISTICS OP THE WEEK . SLAVE TRADE . Return , as nearly as the same can be furnished , of the number of slaves embarked on the coast of Africa , and landed in Cuba and Brazil , in each year from 1842 to the latest date to vf hich the accounts extend : —

      Ccbi . Bbazil m £ K ^ ftr is ? ^ umbe « - - 181- ........ o , o- > 0 1812 .... . 17 . m 1843 8 , 000 ISiS .. lo ' flol 1 S « 10 . 000 Mtt $ '«• 1845 1 , 300 1845 I 1 ^ 5 ! S :::::::: % ! £ ? ::::::: 11 85 -::.: iS S ::::: " : 3 S Railway Accidesm . —On Saturday the usual return relating to railway accidents for the half year , ending the 31 st of December last , was printed . The number of passengers was 47 . 509 , 392 . The number of perBons killed was 113 , and 26 i injured . There were ei ght passengers killed and 213 injured , from causes beyond their own control ; nine passengers were killed and fourteen injured owing to their own misconduct or want of caution ; thirty servants of companies or of contractors were killed and seventeen injured from causes beyond their own control ; thirty-two servants of companies or of contractors were killed and eleven injured owing to their own misconduct or want Of caution ; thirty-three trespassers and other persons , neither passengers nor servants of tho companies , were killed and nine iBiured by crossing or walking on railwavs .- There

      was one suicide . The length of railways open on the 30 th of June , 1851 , was 6 , 698 miles , and on . the . 1 st December last 6 . S 9 O miles , being an increase during the half-year Of 192 miles .

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      MOKDAY , Mat 24 . IIOUSE OP LORDS .-PR . OPERTY Tax Cos hnuance Biix .-The Earl of Derby moved the second reading of tho Property Tax Continuance Bill , and having recalled to the attention of tho house the understanding that no measure involving any material political alter ation should he introduced during the present session , proceeded to Biv that he rested the continuance of thU ori ginally temporary measure , on its necessity for the maintenance of the public credit , as if it were repealed there would in all nrnh'ihiiitv bo a deficit at the end of the year 1 S 53 of five millions He should have been most happy to havo it in his nower to repeal or reduce this justly obnoxious tax , but in the circumstances in which Ministers wero now placed and which the prospect of a reference being made to the country at no distant period as to the general financial and commercial policy which the country was to adopt , he trusted that their lordships would not only assent to the second reading of this bill , but would also be of opinion tw n , Q

      continuance of it for one year was the only course consistent with the engagements which the government had contracted with the country . The Duke of Newcastle denied that tho Income Tax was . 1 temporary measure in the sense asserted b y Lord Derby It had been originated , as the noble Eavl , having himself been a colleague of the late Sir R . Peel , would recollect to enable the government of the day to deal with tho other branches of revenue in such a manner as that these revenues might eventually recover themselves , after which thia tax might be dispensed with , but it was not then contemplated that the revenue would recover itself so speedily as the noblo Earl would now wish the house to believe . With regard to tho state of the country , the noble Earl seemed to anticipate ruin from the continuance of our present policy but he ( the Duke of Newcastle ) could see no indications of

      ruin , but , on the contrary , increasing prosperity , in spite of the remission of taxation to the amount of £ 12 000 000 The noble Duke then went into statistical details as to ' tho reduction of the duties on corn , as to the influx of gold into the country , as to the increased consumption of sugar and as to the repeal of the Navigation Laws , and concluded by warning Lord Derby that however much be might desire in the next session of Parliament to repeal or modify the Income Tax , he must not attempt to effeot his obiect by reimposing import duties on the food of the people The noble Earl had put himBelf forward as tbe champion against democratic innovations , but the noble earl was only one among hundreds in that house and in the other house who would resist democratic innovations of a dangerous character , of which , however , there were at present not tho slightest indications in the country . ( Hear , hear . ) He

      oeueveawe could not stand Btniwwiout danger ; bub of this he was still more certain , that if there was anything like an attempt at reaction , then , indeed , the noble lord would forfeit the character ho assumed , and he would though unintentionally yet assuredly , be promoting that onward progress of democracy which he was anxious to resist . A conservative polioy was a policy of progress—to stand still was dangerous ; but a government of reaction , however slow , was a government of revolution : ( Hear ) After speeches from Lords Berners and Wodohouse , the one m favour of Protection , and the other against it Lord GRASvaLB wished to know whether it was or was not the intention of the government to continue the policy of the late Sir Robert Peel , for up to the present moment the country was quite in the dark on that point , though liOrd Derby had made a speech in which he had said that

      the present system was mischievous , and that the maintenance of a duty on corn for purposes of revenue was necessary . The Earl of Derbt . denied that he had said that a duty on corn was necessary , but that it was a desirable mode of relieving the agricultural classes . The Prin . e Minister continued as follows :- " I also stated that whether relief was to be afforded to the suffering agricultural olasses by the imposition of a duty on foreign corn was a matter which was to rest on the opinion of the constituencies . In no case did I say that it was a matter of necessity , but that , m my opinion , it was a desirable mode of offering relief to the agricultural classes . I hold that opinion still , but I state again that is a question to be left to the constituencies of the country ; and moreoverI mav addif it

      , , . will give any satisfaction to the noble earl , my opinion is , from what I have since heard and learned , that there certainly will not be in favour of the imposition of a duty on foreign corn that extensive majority in the country , without which , I Btated to your lordships' house , ib would not be desirable to impose suoh a duty . " ( Loud cries of " Hear , " from the Opposition benches . ) Eirl Grasvillb was glad that a mistake of hiB had drawn from the noble earl bo decided a statement , which would give the greatest satisfaction to the country at large ; viz ., that there was no likelihood of re-impoBing a duty on foreign corn . ( Hear , hear . ) The great question that the price of the people ' s food was not to be enhanced by artificial scarcity was at last and for ever conceded . ( Hear , hear . )

      After a discussion as to an irregularit y in taking a disoussion on the second reading of the bill without summoning the Lords , in which the Marquis of Clan ricarde , Lord Derby , and the Duke of Newcastle took part , Lord Grkt returned to the debate , and implored Lord Derby to escape from the ambiguity in which his policy was enveloped , and to shrink no longer from expressing himself in a strai ghtforward and manly way on the Question of Free Trade . H The Earl of Dekby replied in a speech of great length ; in the course of which he observed , in relation to the Sugar Duties Question , that the noble Earl ( Grey ) was in error 5 n speaking of the slave trade in Cuba as either being put down altogether , or as being in course of diminution . The fact was that the slave trade in Cuba was at this moment on the increase ; and he hardly knew two Bubjeots upon

      which there was a more intimate connexion than between the freo labour cultivation of sugar in the West India islands and the slave trade in Cuba . ( Hoar . ) While our West India interest was in a state of deep depression , it was a fact that steam machinery was boing exported in large quantities from Jamaica to Cuba . ( Ilear , hear . ) That was to say , it was being withdrawn from the cultivation of free labour sugar in Jamaica in order to its being applied to the production of slave-labour sugar in Cuba . ( Hear , hear . ) There could be no doubt of this fact , and although there might be an increase in the production of some of our colonies , yet Jamaica was in a Btato of deep depression and distress , not arising from a diminution of production , but from the unremunerative prioa of produce , which diminished price was in turn being aggravated by the increased exertions necessary to compensate

      for the reduced profits of production . Nothing seemed to him more clear than that in the long run it was not possible for free-grown sugar , accept that grown in certain favoured situations , to compete advantageously with the ilave-grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil . ( Cheers . ) Regarding the Income Tax , he said , he was perfectly ready to repeat what he had stated before , that it was desirable to reduoe the Income Tax . He would have done so then , had he been in power , and he would do so now had he the moans of doing it . ( Hear . ) But subsequently to that declaration the late government , having a surplus at their disposal , thought proper to abolish tho Income Tax , and thereby rendered the abolition of the window tax impossible . Regarding Free Trade , he would not follow the noble duke or the noble earl into their discussion of the general policy of Free Trade . To a portion of that policy he was a

      willing and conscientious party . He had willingly concurred in the proposal of Sir R . Peel to reduce the amount of differential duties upon articles of import , which would place the foreign and home producers upon a footing of real equality , which would introduce a fair and lonafide competition , and give a fresh stimulus to the industry of this and other countries . But it did not take him by surprise when he wai told that by proseouting that diminution of duties so far as to ruin the producer , you might make good the whole loas to the revenue which bad been caused by the diminution of the duty , he had willingly and cordially co-operated with Sir Robert Peel in Home of those reductions , and he was ready to admit that , it without loss to the revenue it was possible to give the ' greater part of the community a greater command over the luxuries and comforts of lifeif you would obtain this amount of revenue without acting

      unjustly to other classes of the community—then it must he matter of rejoicing to every man that these articles of comfort and luxury had been brought within tho reach of the consuming classes'in thiB oountry . Nor would he deny that a great boon had been conferred upon the community at large by the reduced price and inoreased consumption of sugar . ( Hear , hear . ) But the question was —and it ought aever to be ^ Jost sight of—that it was not singly and Bimpl y whether a great advantage had been conferred upon the consumers or sugar in this country , but whether that advantage was ; not bought by measures of spoliation and injustice to others , involving in ruin large classes of our fellow-subjects , ' : who , on the faith of acts of parliament , had embarked their all in this description of property . ( Hear , hear . ) It was possible there had been an increased consumption of corn in consequence of the

      lowness of price , but that that increase had been in the proportion stated by noble lords opposite was contrary to the fact , and was grossly exaggerated . They talked of an average increase of 10 , 000 , 000 quarters of corn to the consumers a year . Well , that had been taken upon an average that included the years of famine . He knew we had imported very largely . [ A noble Lord . —'' The highest average has been 11 , 000 , 000 quarters , and the lowest has been 7 , 000 , 000 quarters . " ] But did noble lords suppose that all that had been introduced had been consumed ! In the first ; place , the average importation of corn previous to 1846 was 3 , 000 , 000 or 4 , 000 , 000 quarters per annum , and that must be deducted from the 10 , 000 , 000 quarters , which would bring the amount down to 6 , 000 , 000 or 7 , 000 , 000 quarters , not of wheat or wheat flour , be it observed , but of com of all descriptions . Had there been no diminution in the corn heretofore supplied to this country from Ireland ? ( Hear , hear . ) Did not the noble lord know that

      there was a diminution of wheat from Ireland during thelast few years ? When you reduced the amount increased to 6 , 000 , 000 quarters , and then further reduced this amount by the diminution in the supply from Ireland to this country , which amounted to 2 , 000 , 000 quarters of corn of the different descriptions imported , it would be seen how exaggerated were the statements of noble lords opposite . He would not say there was no increase in the consumption of corn in this country , but say there had been an increaBe of 10 , 000 , 000 quarters was a gross exaggeration , and ho believed this calculation to be nearly fourfold , what had been the increased consumption of this country , notwithstanding the fall of price . The noble lord opposite said he would pass over all that ooncerned the landlord and tenant , but that was rather a summary mode of proceeding . ( Hear , hear , ) It was very well for noble lords opposite to say that they couldj afford these heavy losses , that they sareetill'left with fortunes sufficiently large to maintain

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      ^ them in comfort and luxury . Bud wliat would become of that very large class who were luniilords : md tenants com bined—of thoso small proprietors who cultivated thuir own land—upon whom tho recent changes had fallen with double weight and severity . ( Hear , hear . ) What would become , also , of that largo class , so many of whom had been driven to seek a refuge in other countries from tho distress which they experienced at home ? ( Ilear , hear ) IIo believed that the labouring classes of this country wero in the enjoyment of very considerable prosperit y —( cheers)—and he would bo the last man to deprive them of any portion of that prosperity . ( Hear , hear ) But the prosperity of the labouring man must ultimatel y be dependent upon tho prosperity and position of tho employerand if he was deprived of the means of ex-^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ¦ —«*

      , istenco that sooner or later must fall upon the labourer . Ho did not know what had been tho effect of tbe late astounding discoveries of gold ; but if it had not been for this discovery of gold , and for that large influx of the precious metal which had for some time been flowing into this country , he thought we should have seen a very different state of commercial affairs in the last few years compared with what we saw at present . ( Hear , hear . ) And , although the amount of our exports and imports had largely increased , yet he very greatly doubted whether the balancesheets of our commercial men would show that this increase in their operations had been accompanied by a corresponding increase of profit . ( Hear , hear . ) On the contrary , he believed that , notwithstanding the larger amount of trade , there were few years short of those of absolute panic in

      which there had beon less of profit to merchants and traders than the year just passed . Noblo lords opposite wero fond of quoting the diminished number of paupers as compared with 1818 . But was it quite fair to take that year ? When it suited the other part of tho argument coble lords said that ISIS was an exceptional year , that all classes were then involved in absolute ruin , and that there was nothing but anxiety and distress in that year . He could not admit therefore that the pauperism of 1818 supplied a datum upon which we could fairly calculate our increasing prosperity . But it would be correct to say that with all the prosperity of the country and the diminished prioe of food there had been expended in the relief of each individual pauper , and the maintenance of pauperism , an amount exceeding that which had been expended in 1845 and 1816 . ( Hearhear . )

      , Since he had entered that house he had seen from a return that a larger sum had been expended in increasing the workhouse accommodation , in building new workhouses , and adding to the size of the old ones than in any former years , whioh did not look like prosperity . But say that pauperism had diminished , Was it a great proof of prosperity that the hone and oinfiw of the country ware flying from the distress at home , and seeking bettor employment in . other countries ? Had the recent wholesale emigration from this country produced , too , no effect upon pauperism ? During the present year there had been sent out 17 , 000 paupers at the expense of parishes alone , without taking any account of the voluntary emigration whioh was taking Slace , and which from England and Ireland amounted , uring the past year , to between 600 , 000 and 600 , 000 soul ? .

      yould an emigration to that amount go on without having its effect upon the condition and diminishing the pauperism of those left behind ? [ A noblo lord here made a remark , and we understood the noble earl to correct his statement , and to place the number of thoso who had emigrated at 335 , 000 . 1 It was difficult to ascertain the precise amoun b , but the greater part of these emigrants wero probably persons from the poorest class of the community , and it was not astonishing that with this kind of emigration going on ho should be shown a decrease in pauperism in this country . The noble earl said , — " What is the polioy the government mean to pursue ? Do they intend to reverse the Preo-trade policy of Sir R . Peel or not ? " Now he ( tho Earl of Derby ) had stated as distinctly as he could , and some might think more distinctly than discreetly , that he had no

      intention of reversing the policy of Sir Robert Peel , understanding by that policy the policy that had prevailed from 1842 down to 1846 . He had no desire to reverse the policy of Sir Robert Peel as evinced in 1846 by the reduction of the duties upon the importation of foregin corn . Ho should desire , and herein he concurred with his right honourable friend the Chancellor of tho Exchequer , in wishing to see a moderate duty upon the import of corn , beoause it appeared to him to be the cheapest . and most effectual mode of giving relief to classes who were now unduly suffering from our legislation . But he would repeat what he had said , that this was a question upon which tho country must decide . He was glad he had given the noble lords opposite such satisfaction by what they had called tho important declaration he had made to-night , that in his belief the

      reBult of the approaching elections would not be favourable to the imposition of a duty upon corn by Buch a majority without which he had previously deolared ho would not submit suoh a measure to parliament . ( Hear , hear . ) But when noble lords opposite said he ( the Earl of Derby ) had abandoned all wish or intention to do so they went one step too far . He had already deolared that he would not submit such a meaeuro to parliament without a considerable majority in the other HouBe . of Parliament , and he had intimated to-night his opinion that he was not likely to have such a mnjority . ( Loud cheers . ) But if the senso of tho country should bo different from what he expected , then he still held his opinion that in no other mode so unobjectionable could the government provide relief for tho suffering olasses to which he had referred as by a moderate duty upon corn . ( Hear . ) He ( the Eavl of Derby ) had by no means said he was prepared to abandon protection altogether , and to seek some

      other mode of relief . Not onl y had he not Baid that , and not only would ho not say it , but that was the precise opposite of what he had said and of what he would say . What he said was that whether opposed in that or in the other house , it was tho purpose of tho government to seek to afford a just and equitable relief to those classes , who , for the benefit of the community at large , bad been the victims of the recent ohange in our legislation . ( Hear , hear . ) What was hia intention , and the determination of the government , was to direct their attention to the best mode they could devise for the benefit of the whole of tbe different interests of the country . The extent of the relief which they might be able to give to individual interests might not be what they couid desire , but to afford that relief he declared now tbe intention of the government would be directed , and that they held it to be their paramount duty in some shape or other to afford relief to those classes , which had been suffering for the good of tbe rest . ( Loud cheers . )

      The Duke of Aroth . denied that the agricultural classes had boen placed in suoh a position as to make parliament regret in tho slightest degree tho benefits conferred upon the other classes of the community . ( Cheers . ) The bill was then read a second time ; and The house adjourned at half-past ten o ' clock .

      COLLIERY ACCIDENTS . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Mr . Catlky wished to put a question to tho Home Secretary wkh regard to the dreadful calamities which were so frequently oocurring from explosions in collieries ; The attention of the right hon . gentleman was called at the beginning of last week to an explosion which occasioned the loss of sixt y lives ; and on Saturday a report appeared of another calamity of the same kind , involving the sacrifice of forty lives . He ( Mr . Cay ley ) begged to aBk whether the right hon . gentleman ' s attention had been called to the last accident , and whether he would sanction the appointment of a committee , at as early a period as possible , to inquire into the causes of these deplorable casualties , with a view eitlier | to their prevention or to their less frequent occurrence .

      Mr . Walpolb replied that he had received information of the last accident to which the hon . member referred , and an inquiry on the subject was now in progress , So far from objecting to the appointment of the committee suggested by the hon . gentleman , he should be very glad to see Buch a committee appointed . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Catlbt gave notice that he would to-morrow move the appointment of a committee . ( Hear . )

      CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL . On the question that the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill be read a third time , Colonel Sibthorp considered this a bill of the most dangerous and democratio kind—a trap set on the other side of the houBe , of which the present government ought to beware . The Star Chamber was a farce to the tribunal here proposed . Commissioners—briefless barristers—were to go down into the country , like poachers , and lie in wait to endeavour toentrap the innocent and unwary—persons less likely to be guilty of corrupt praoticcs than the noble lord himself ( Lord J . Russell ) , whose name was on the back of tbe bill , and who had just issued an address , making a great display of what he had done ; but what had he done ? Not one single thing for the good of the country . ( A laugh . ) And therefore it might well be believed he would not do any good hereafter . It would be well to Bift what

      took plaoe in the purse in the pure and immaculate city of London—how muoh money was paid , and to remember , qtiifacit per alium faeit ptrse , as well as to reoolleot tho warning reBpeoting " the mote in your brother ' s eye , and the beam in your own . " What he ( Colonel Sibthorp ) had hitherto done , he meant still to do , in spite of the noble lord ; but he defied tho noble lord to show that he ever bribed any man , or ever controlled a tenant . After some further observations , which did not reach the gallery , the hon . and gallant colonel concluded with describing the bill as inquisitorial , unchristianlike , dangerous , delusive , a claptrap , a snare for the innocent man , and an encouragement to perjury-slaughter)—and said he would therefore move that tue third reading of this iniquitous bill be postponed for six months . The motion was seconded and supported by Mr . Hudsoh aad Alderman Stdnbt , but , on a division , was negatived by 281 against 6 . "

      Mr . Ansibt moved an amendment of the first clause , which was opposed by Sir A . Cockburn and the Atiobhbt-Genbral , and negatived . Mr . T . Ddhcombb wished to know wh y the provisions of this bill should not be extended to counties ? It was at present confined to oities and boroughs , He believed county electors were quite as corrupt as , and certainly much more dependent than , voters in boroughs . As to treating , ho believed there was more of that carried on in counties than in boroughs . The hon . member ooncluded by moving the insertion of the following words , — " in any county or division of any county . " The amendment was supported by Captain Harris , Mr . P : Howard , Mr . S . Crawford , Mr . Hume , Mr . Bright , Lord R . Grosvenor , Mr . Wakley , and Mr . Horsman ; and was opposed by Lord John Russell , the Chancellor of tho Exob . equ . er , Sir A . Cookburn , and Mr . Ployer

      Upon a diviBion , the amendment was carried by 109 against 71 . . Another amendment , proposed by Alderman Sidnbt , to include the Universities , was also agreed to . Mr . Staspord said , it was not so much the poorer olassee lie blamed , but be was astonished when he saw the middle and the higher classes giving way to these influences ; and

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      ' ic . then , also , he saw ready to play into their hands wealth men—men honourable in every sense of tho word except aelections , but who then had convenient consciences . ( " Ilear , hear , " and a laugh . ) He believed that in counties there was not this bribery , but in boroughs it was universally known that no hon . member ' s seat was a permanent one unless he was prepared to bleed most freely . ( A laugh . ) ihese things were not openly talked of , but lion , members ! ,. * . oHo v » ce one to another ( and particularly just about h « L '' " How » w you getting on in your borough ; I navo a very awkward customer " to deal with in mine ?" aonW ™ dEU PP ° se this " awkward customer" was hll " f ? on wno was exorcising a legitimate influence ; Moon ^' in Waa i a 11 Probability like the "Man in tbe otW , n n som r Place , or tha " Man of Sovereign-alley" in Bvatem ™ h i I' Stanford ) did not mean to adopt this genenl ^ Tect , he f A t r ^ " ^ « W ? thtahonsofSm ' h&h W ] ? ™? man coming into sentiments Zd Jte nde , P ^ nciplea to speak his own , WinD . /„ ' „_? . fi ri } tu tously to disRharrrn thn laborious ,

      ^^ V »^ . ?* ffi ^ ^ of . « li ; one ,.. Why . at Cambridge , that to feM ^ He rora embered , when harm-falaue 1 ) -l * t *! „ \ w ° , * P rootor wa 8 thought n 0 in other cases , with regard to ' iffl , ^ ° suo ' ^ were made almost a 54 % ^ the items of conversation wero wih a , Sw . " mI grandfather spent £ 16 , 000 at such an election " "SnThS such a man almost ruined his famil y by election « nm ! £ » and « I should be a much richer man than I K mv If ii ? d not C 0 I ) tested 8 UC !» and such a borough " . Mr . Waklet said he had listened to many queor ' sDoechos in tho house , but tho spoeoh ho had just neardTaaThe thought , one of the queerest . ( Hear , hear . ) IIo oould not

      understand what the hon . gentleman meant . All he knew was that tho hon . gentleman had been lecturing them at some length . How was it that tho hon . gentleman had just lound his voice in that house ? , How was it that he had jusfc discovered what his duty and tho duty of the houso was ? ( Hear heav . ) The hon . gentleman had told them to do this h u j ' had aS 8 « ined that all tho members of that ? ™ f"J negated their duty , and yet in the same breath www them that any hon . member who came there and Hpoke nis own sentiments purely was an ass . Surely / tI 1 ; gentleman did not mean to call himself an ass ? monf I ' rL Did the hon - number speak his own sentiments ? [ Mr . Stanford . — "Yes . " ! Then what was he ?

      wh « nTif t 8 htei < - ) He ( Mr . Wakley ) understood that ™> mJS \ on . 6 entlen > an was elected for Beading he G AT ! himself ™* y closely with a iady » ° - hiS 35 j „ ' b ° rou S h . but that he had not redeemed forhPhfilL ^/ 01 " !^ the hon - gentlemen , however , not hlmi Wi faulfc was not his ° * n- He could as tiiTSw * ! , ^ y / o r nofc unitinS ^ rsrif to such an animal faulhtPM V ? vT \ S , mb 6 r had Ascribed . ( Shouts of ' * J Mr - Wilk'ey ) presumed tho hon . gentleh £ L ^^ "g kave of Parliament and his friends in that !™ ™ X Heal > u henr from Mr Stanford . ) If so , the fc ? h * af ) mighthaveboen more civil ^ his language . The bill was thon passed .

      POOR LAW BOARD CONTINUANCE BILL . BoKonTnuanSif " » OOmmittal ° f tho Poor LaW ? w *? , - SlDAM moved an instruction to the Committee tdat they have power to make provision for amending the ? w »• the , r of moving in the Committee a proviso , that the jurisdiction of the Poor Law Board shall not exff" ^ - Pa ™ , the management of whose poor is re . gulated by a local act . He argued that it was not the in-™ &l » f thoframers . of the original bill to include suet fffi ™ , i " 13 motion was designed to mitigate unconstitutional powers which had been denounced 1 > y the prosent Ministers when out of office . He ( Lord D . Stuart ! 25 1 ° ™ ft ! Mi ^> - ow the riB »» t « on . gentleman could support this bill in its integrity , and so continue to trie loor Law Board those powers which he had so often denounced as unconstitutional and oppressive . Ho ( Lord D . SUart ) considered thnt , under the administration of the Poor Law Board , the poor wero freouentlv exoosed to vew

      great cruelty and oppression ; that tho system of medical rohef was very objectionable ; that in many instances the poor suffered grievously in consequence of the enormous size of tho unions ; and that the inmates of workhousesespecially the aged poor—were treated with much unnecessary rigour . Ho felt so strongly the importance of this subject that he should think it his duty to press his motion to a division . Sir J . Trollops said the bill was simply to continue the Poor Law Act for two years , and it was most inconvenient to raise a discussion concerninc tho whole codo of -fche Poor

      Laws upon a continuing bill . With respeot to the objeefc of Lord Dudley , he put it to the house whether it would be right to exempt one-eighth of the population and oneninth of the expenditure from the wholesome supervision of tho Poor Lair Board , and thereby give scope to evila whioh the act land 5 William 1 Y . was intended to remedy . Horead roports from medical superintendents of the condition of the workhouse poor in certain parishes , in order to show tho nocessity of stringent rules and authoritative control . Under the local acts there would be no system or uniformity of relief .

      Sir G . Pkcuell supported the motion . Mr . Baises Btated that the reasons why he felt it to be his duty to resist the motion , which went to declare that parliament had erred in the original Poor Law Amendment Act , the intention of which , there could be no doubt , was that the authority of the Commissioners should extend to parishes governed by local acts . There were 375 parishes in England under local acts ; but a great majority had been for a long time under tho regulations of the Poor Law Board—many of them upon the application of the guar « dians themselves ; and tho effect of adopting tho proviso proposed by Lord D . Stuart would be to undo all that had been done in thoso parishes . This was too important a provision to bo engrafted upon a Poor Law Board Continuance Bill .

      Mr . J . A . Smith supported the motion , not in a spirit hostile to the Poor Law . He wished for an explanation of tho principles upon which tho Poor Law Board introduced their orders into some parishes under loaal acts , whilsfe others were exempted . Mr . Hume suggested that thoso parishes not yet under Poor Law Board regulations should oontinue exempt , until a majority of the ratepayers desired to be placed under the Board . Sir B . Hah , and Mr . J . Bkll gave certain explanations respecting the parish of Marylebone . Mr . Henlbi should vote against the motion , seeing no reason why there should be any exemption in favour of parishes under local acts . Mr . Waklby urged that the government , if opposed to the motion , should relinguish the bill altogether ; the act would not expire until the end of tho next session . Mr . W . Williams spoke in favour of the motion . Lord Ebuington pressed the government to look into the state of the metropolitan workhouses .

      After somo remarks from the Marquis of Granby , Lord R . Grosvenor and Sir De Lacy Evans , The house divided , when the motion for the instruction , was negatived by " 112 against 33 . The bill then passed through the committee , after somo discussion . Certain other bills were advanced a stage . Mr . Stafford obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the Act 11 George IV ., c . 20 ; and Mr . G . A . Hamilton a bill to alter and amend cortain . acts relating to the . woods , forests , and land revenue of the Crown . v The houao adjourned at twenty minutes to two o ' clock .

      TUESDAY , Mat 25 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —The Earl ofDBRBY . in reply to the Marquis of Breadalbane , declined to lay before the houso confidential communications received from military men as to the defences of the country . Lord Cbanworth moved the second reading of the Copy , hold Enfranchisement Bill- , and after entering into a detail of the absurdities and inconveniences of the existing sys » tem , oonoluded by stating that the object of the bill was to enable lords to compol tenants , and tenants to compel lords , to enfranchise under certain modifications , which would not operate with hardship upon either lord or tenant . The Lord Chancellor admitted tbe great inconvenience resulting from the existing system , but thought the bill ia its present shape could not with safety be allowed to pass , and therefore proposed that it be referred to a select com * suttee .

      Lord Campdell had hoped that the bill would have become law during the session , but feared the speech of tha Lord Chancellor was fatal to it . After some further discussion , in which the Lord Chancellor assured the house that the government had no intention , when they proposed that the bill Bhould be referred to a select committee , of throwing it over for another [ session , the bill was read a second time , and ordered to be referred to a seleot committee . Some other bills were also forwarded a Btage , and tueij lordships adjourned .

      MAUOOTH COLLEGE—ADJOURNED DEBATE HOUSE OP COMMONS . —The order of the day havinff been read for the resumption of tho adjourned debate on Mr . Spooner ' s motion for an inquiry into tho system of education pursued at the Roman Catholic College of Manootb . Mr . Sergeant Mdrphy who opposed Mr . Spooner ' a motion , not , he said , because he resisted inquiry into the disoipline and mode of education pursued at the oollege , or , into the morals and habits of the professors and students , believing that any such inquiry ( the moro stringent the better ) would only redound to tho credit of the college and anow that it had answored its original purpose ; but because the motion had not originated in justice and good faith ; bec&uso ample light had been already thrown upon thesubjeot ; and beoause he believed it had been suggested by a mean spirit of retalliation against the Roman Catholics of the Unted Kingdom in ' connexion with a recent

      transaction . He further opposed the motion for reasons assigned in an amendment put upon the notice paper b y Mr . H . Herbert , that ample visitatorial powers , ordinary and extraordinary , being already provided by law , an inquiry by a Parliamentary Committee was superfluous , and would create distrust and foster a spirit of religious bitterness—reasons which furnished a sufficient answer to the motion . Mr . Murphy entered into an argument of some length to demonstrate that the college had [ u Q 0 dt i gree swerved from the object of its institution , to provide a home education for the priesthood in the tenets of the Roman Catholic faith , and which had been oarried out bo as to repudiate ultramontane dootrines , the cw-AMm impress it originally received having never varied . The verv fact , he observed , that no inquiry was instituted , or even suggested , m 184 a , when Sir R . Peel made the grant permanent , wag conclusive in favour of Wa argument . He replied to the allegations of Mr . Wpoje , \ S t ^ H \ nm

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      X ¦ ¦ TA ® , m ^ - _^ == !——^ -- THE star qf FRE EDOM . ^" " ^ ' ¦¦¦^^^^^ ¦>—¦— m————h——»——**——^—

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      WEAVERS' STRIKE AT BARNSLEY . Messrs . M'Lintock . and Co . ' s weavers have again struck * ork , and thrown themselves upon the sympathies of their fdlow workmen for support , until such times as the Srievanees of which they complain be redressed . The principal ground of complaint is , that Messrs . M'Lintock pay daily wages , instead of paying by the piece , according to the manufacturers * list , and in conformity \? itb . the general rules of the trade . By this means a tyrannical and unendurable system is introduced , against which , the trade generally , strongly protest , and are taking measures to bring it to w end . A meeting of the weavers and the employers of this firm was held a few days since , to take the subject into

      consider ation , and after considerable discussion , the following resomtion was agreed to :- "That we , the weavers of Messrs . Joseph M'Lintock , and Co ., do unanimously agree to work no more under the present system ; we tarthermore take this opportunity to state , that we intend to be paid by the manufacturers' list of prices , and upon no JHJier terms do we intend to work at the Old Mill Factory . " in ? above resolution was communicated to the weavers of a « T- J \ Ct 0 rieS ' 8 nd the * rade generally , when it was femea right to convene a public meeting of the workpeople bMn ^ Ai » nd / e ' Sllb . . nrhood - . A meeting was accordingly tM 1 on Monday night week , in Pickering ' s large room , J « n it was resolved ,- " That the weavers of Barnsley and H » neighbourhood , both Bteam and hand loom , nftpr h ^ ntr

      " * determination of Mr . M'liutock ' s men , do unani-! H 7 ! to BI'B ? e 9 r * ssJ 3 tance in their power until » ur fellow labourers obtain their very reasonable demands ;" ™» . to carry the above resolution into effect , a committee was tsere apon appointed . The committee have issued an » pal , m which , they state that thecause oflMr . M ' Liutock ' s "farers is the cause of the whole industrial community , and |« J " trust that the trading and Bhopkeepingpublic will K p&ce see that it is their interest and duty to render every ^ stance io their power to prevent any reduction in the *« ges of the weavers of Barnsley ; as it must be evident to Er one that the pre 3 ent paltry pittance is insufficient to ficore that comfort and happiness which all families are en" tied to receive in return for an honest industry . "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 29, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1680/page/7/