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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th May 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • FIB STAB OF FBEEB01 S.4TU«»A¥, MAY 15, 1S5S.
    • Notices antf &i»toer* to ©ontgjjontiatts.
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      Untitled Article

      ' letters run woekixg mex . Xo . IV . —MaXHGOD SlTFEUJE . 10 Till : EDITOR OF THE STAR OF FREEDOM . Sin , —Iu my first letter I propped a means of ascertaining , at the uest General Election , the real sense of the country ; acd also that we should petition Egsiast e ! I members of Parliament who refuse to acknowledge the right of Mavlwd Suffrage . 1 Eliould have leea content to use the term Universal Suffrage , which is pretty generall y understood , hut for the great amount of quibbling \ ve have had about that tern :, under sill y pretences -of imieersoliae-iimi " — , . — . . ~^

      , vromen and children , as well as men . Literally , of course , it dooi ; and perhaps some of these correct phrase-mongers will tell us what tho ' whole people ' means , literally . For I find those who strain at this * gnat of universal ( all the while perfectly understanding the sense iu which the Chartists have ever ased it ) mate no faces at swallowing the Parliamentary Reformer ' s < camel' 0 / a garrison of ike whole people to Iceep out the million or so net included among the ' wholcpeople . ' But I will \ iso the term Manhood Su ff rage , as exact enough for the most logical among them . The question 1 now propose to consider is : why the sense of the country should Le taken upon

      that one point , and that one point only , when so many questions are supposed to ba agitating that very susceptible aad easily-excited boily which we call thepal'Hc' ? What are these qmstions ? Papal Aggression ; Tenant-right ; Eights of Labour ; Fieo-Irade ; Education ; and the suffrage iu a variety of shapes . —For tho first—Papal Aggression , the sanse of the country is not to le ascertained ; but only a vast heap of the nonsense of the country about religious liberty , and the rights of petty foreign potentates to confer titles and kick up disturbances in * England . Of course , in Ireland the French Bishop of Raaielias a rested right of dictating all those little matters of education , election-politics , &c , &c . For Tenant-right , it is yet only an Irish question . It must become English too , and then there will be some

      use in taking the sense of the country upon that . The Rights of Labour . "What hope for any attention to this ( which is indeed the most important question of all ) till at lowest the political equality of the latourer shall be acknowledged ? "Will the men who would keep down at least a million of the labourers by a Cobden 'garrison '—will they help you here ? And among the workmen , themselves the question must be far better understood than it has been hitherto—than it was even by the Amalgamated Engineers—before ire can pretend to lead the sense of the country . Important as this question is , it can never get eveu consideration , except through our first attaining political power . —Free Trade . " That is a question not for working men at all , unless carried much farther than the ' Free Traders' would like to

      aarry jt . ^ If it does not include all the rights of h ioar , it is not a working man ' s question . Let the landlords and the would-be landlords , t ' 10 factory angs , fight it out as they like . We were fools to meddle in it before . « O , but *' iiuk , ' says pot-bellied fcumbug , eo spruce 5 n Iris best broadcloth , think of the blessedness of cheap bread . ' Te 3 ! to men nut on Etrike , or out of work , to suit the market , with no means of buying even tho cheap t . Think of the blessedness 01 ' helping Papa and Richard Cobden to buy tread for pcDr ? Ut ! e chUdred , ' as little Hellen Bright advertised it in the 'Loagne * newspaper . Dear little unsophisticated dr " philanthropist ! Do not let that Manchester whine get over you again

      And then for Education—the intellectual means of labour , included among the rights of labour—the food of the soui , which also needs cheap aing for poor little children . What chance yet of doing anything thai vraj ? Par enough yet is the public mind from being made up on that ground . Between those who would have only education enough to fit men for slavery , and those who insist on the righta of ignorance , and those who would leave all to voluntary chance , because our Government is not trustworthy , there is little likelihood of any good there as yet . For that end , too , we must mend our institutions ; get tho political first in order . There is nothing to be done in tho way of Government till the Government machinery is set right . It does not follow that our work

      will be well done by the best machinery ; but it cannot be other than ai-done by bad machinery . It does not necessaril y follo w that when we gat the ' machinery we shall know how to use it , or what we might and oughttodowitb . it ; but it is certain , that until the machinery is set right all our knowledge of what could or . should be done , cau be turned to no account . It is for want of sufficient common sense to perceive this regular order of proceeding , that so much tiino has been wasted by us iu endeavours to mend our condition with tools and appliances that were not fit for work . There is no need to repeat the stupidity of BUpposing , that to have power in our hands is all that

      is required . Political power is only the means . How it shall be used must depend on ourselves . ' We may turn it to some account as they do in America , or make a present of it to some Louis Jvapoleon ( for which very offensive word , I apologise here to the mild speakers ) , as has been done in France , even under cover of the Ballot . Power of course is twoedged ; may be used or abused . But without power we can do nothing . So we must first Bettle this fcoveraraental question of the Suffrage . Well , that comes before us in many shapes ; the Ktuaell Suffrage Of tnalate Ministry ; the Rateable Suffrage of Hume and Company ; the Evidential Snffnira of our eood

      friend Mr . Duncombe ; the Manhood Suffrage of : Iie Uiutet ; the Universal ( man and woman ) Suffrage , of the BepuUic The Russell suffrage no decent man will meddle with , —no decent-looking may , dnce fVe Whigs are out ( out for ever , let us hope , at » 'l hazards ) . —Home ' s rateable suff 2 is already tacitly condemned . If u » i , let the veteran himself take the sense of the country . A far poorer arithmetician may tell him heforo hand a very proximate result . We may certainly calcula * e that the m ' lion whom he icould exclude wouid be opponents ; add to them ail others on principle opposed to exslud ' ao- million of their fellows ; and add again all tlLwho would not even extend the suffrage to Mr

      . Hume ' s limit . What chance have you of the country , Sir Joshua ? Give it up , like ' an honest man , and own your mistake . The numbers you have enrolled as members—nay , if you were ' to count as supporters all who have ever had the patience io listen to you and your twelve itinerants ( nothing like apostles)—members and hearers altogether would not oat-number the excluded million . The sense of the country has settled that dodge alreadv . Mr . Dtmcombe ' s residential i mpediment is so nearlv of the same character , would have so nearly the same effects , that those who refuse to he led astray hy Hume can hardly follow even the houester roisleader . Twelve months' residence as a isecp-ssarv

      qualification , and the town or district in which you work is the property of your political opponent . Mr . Duncombe used to sae more clearly ; even when John bright had not couacieutious ' . y enli « htene 3 us as to the way ia which masters can use their position . — \\ e come to the ehoi 3 e between Manhood and Universai touflrage . 1 mi to not merel y a preference for , but afaithm , the umvmal . I kno * no reason whv a nation should be split into two sections , under ar . v pretence of sex . I care little for the foolish taunt of you should enfranchise children fo . ' Unhewn !

      means every one-every one at some certain period of Me ; and if at that period , say at the a * e of tweatvone years , or any other age , every one came into possession of the franchise ; that would be Universal Suflrage . But this is digressing fn , m the point—tha choice between Manhood Suflrage , and the suffraoe for men and women . I give my voice for Manhood Suffrage under present circumstances ; not opposing the other , but simply joining tliat frr which I helieve the voice of the country would i-e « itcu Recollect the point I have in view ' is $ 0 as-en ^ u as

      well as may he , what is now the sense of th . j country tipon-the Suffrage Question . Now , iH the firit place . ' there ib no ready means of ascertaining the sense of ¦ women on this point , and iu the next there has been nomamfestationof any probability of women holding Sr ^ W ^^^ atapraclieafmatter . 'Ha ' . says «« ne Lobdemte ' you find you must give un principle i&ST ** ve d 0 - '" ; ts v « u d * Firstlv < Secondly ? aLS ° vf tbe ^ P le aS ^ r ]< V Sufira J " if ^ ll a Kkelv aiorcsu-at fi . r AVoman adTocateoiu 7 oI f Suffi * g * . I «™ M » o Wr

      « -, wu , UUU of T » my , o if l U LUtl liilJ'U-ieiK-P , wge , to propOSe my ^ Lv aslceJ < br the S « iThut about a mJllioulSr Uostruic of admitt ! :: 2 ait of tl-083 who had asked p \ - ' * " ' ' « ' btrtvf a » hrafat all .-W-r

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      — ¦ * A ... - 1 " up the ri ght of women , I propose that we shall ascertain what is the sense of the country on the Suffrage Question . As yet the largest numbers recorded- ^ oue million aud a quarter ? u Major Cartwright ' s tune , 1 , 280 , 000 in lim , and near -2 , 000 , 000 in 18 i 3-have been for Manhood Suffrage . 1 want to see it the same opinion holds , or what numbers , less or move , are to bo obtained for a national party . There is no other shap 0 in which the Suffrage bus heeu put tor which anything near those numbers have been goi , aud in 1830 and 1818 the question was accompanied with tho name and all the details of the Charter , which certainly reduced the list of subscribers . I tak <\ thereforethis form of the question—Manhood -. ——— m = ^^^ anrmr : m : mm

      —, Suffruge-io be proved to be the likeliest by far to obtain the voices of the country , and so to be the real question of the hour—the work of the hour for all ot us who agree with that question ; if we did not agree with it , it would be another matter . I will never counsel men to the dishonest compromise of making a power » y giving up a principle . But , as I said before , Manhood Suffrage has been numbered with details which have unnecessarily reduced the number of its combined advocates . I ' proposo , ther efore , Manhood Suffrage alone . Sot meaning thereby that I *™ a * . . ' ; k- ; s about < iet :. il 5 , or that I would not have others tlunis of thorn ; but I weald net allow , 1 detail , a method , a form , or any minor nutterto come ia the way of tUa broadest

      pos-, sible union of those who are in agreement on a principle . L « t us first find how many accord in the plain nuked principle ; then will be time enough for you ami me , or any one , to propose this and that desired method of procouure , this or that adjunct and completion of tho principle- ; and , if vc wise , to press them Ci > ly so far as shall not weaken tha bond uf principle . Ii ; must have much amused our enemies to see tbit whenever we have talked of union to obtain our freedom , vre have begun that union with some p . ' tty squabble about the manner of obtaining freedom , or the way in which wo would exercise if ; some trivial dispute as to whether the word 3 Feople ' s Charter , or People ' s soniothirg t ! so , should ha written on our banner , or whether we woiilu pay our servants , or how often we would elect them . The pavticular course of procedure should never divide men

      who have one common end in view—that is a question for tho majority of the advancing force ; the mauuei' in which the victory " should be used is a question only for the victors , not at all for U 3 , who have yet to struggle against a powerful and united enemy . Again ( and I cannot too often ropeat it ) , I want first to count the muster-roll of all those who are agreed upon , a plaia and uuoneumheved i > rinci }* lo . Tuo course to be taken by us may be decided only then . Only when the numbers are called over , and we feuow that there is such an army ready to march , having then to choose its leaders , and to determine its own course of action . Aye , to determine even the name thnt shnll b ; upon its flag . Surely we old soldiers of principle will not hang b . ick , bocause it may perchance be altered from that which led us heretofore to so disastrous a defeat . SpahtacuS .

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      ^ aJEKiVS TSSK 4 . TKE . SOLE LESSEE—Mil . C . J . JAMES . AN MONDAY , and durin ? the week , the new Drama of FatU less \ J Fanny ; or , an Orphan ' s Trials . Harry , Mr . B . Green ; Teach , Mr . llurford ; BlinTts , Mr . Lingnain ; Jerry , Mr . Dean ; Sain Mr . Allen ; Spice . Mr . Phillips ; l ' ouncelr . Jlr . Randall . Fatherless Fanny , Mrs , jj . 11 . Lingbam ; Peggy , Jliss C . Gibson . After which ( Wednesday excepted ) , JHnnigreff . Cus , Mr . B . Green ; Eanac , Mr . Dean ; Edward , Mr . Mngliam ; Uawtrey , llr . Burford . Miunigrey , Mrs . Lingliam ; iladge , i ! rs . Pan y ; Agnes , Miss C . Gibson . To conclude r .-itii ( Wcd ; . cs 3 ay exwptjd ) , The Galky Slates of T , -Jloa . Claude Sapeile , Mr . E . Green . On Wednesd : t a change of perfoimancs for the Benefit of Mr . TV . Dean .

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      J . T ., Birltenliead . —We regret not being able to print your excellent letter ; nothing less than the utmost -press of umter sbould prevent our readew having the benefit of your valuable observations . T , S ., Blandford . —Our best tuaife for your good wishes , assistanca ami imentious . T . L —We are not aware that the M . P . was a slave-owner , but we believe him to be a thorough " nigger diiver . " < T . F . —According to the Septennial Act a Parliament can ait seven years , no matter Imw many sessions . J . II . —We should not like to mutiiate your capital address ; could not improve it , and yet have not space to give it ; so you see we are in a « fix . ' Iiekmjb writes , ' In the review of "The * Comic HUtwv of Rome , " in the "Star of Freedom , " April 21 th , the writer lifts had \ ho moral courage publicly to avow his opinion of "Punch / ' and I rejoice at it ; for "Punch" has become the frequsnt paudercr to bad taste , issuing articles which arc suovtrsive of morality ; it is , therefore , high time that " Punrli" should know that he has sunk , and continues sinking , in the estimation of those who are Capable of appreciating his effusions . '

      A Pjeo . v or Ton . —Received , with one sliillinj for' European Free , dom . ' E . IIowikd . —Yow request sbau he complied with . Ms . Stevenson —We do not know their addresses . Mb . Kidd ' s Tour . —Being invited to visit several places in the novth , 1 request all pwties wishing my services to write immediately and address to me , Norwood . Surrey . My discourses will bs confined at this time mainly on ' The Present Crisis , considered Socially and Politically- ' M . v journey to the chief towns between liOnGou and the northern division of Yorkshire . —S . M . K *» d , Norwood , Surrey . O'Cosscu Fcxd . —The Chartists of Brighton , per Mr . Tulitt , IDs . Cd ., recsivei by Join SeweH . AxTosr Basdrowski . —We arc glad to bear of the kind treatment y > u met with from fiiends , and your safe arrival iu Paisley . IVe trust you -will som obtaiu employment . T . F"ST £ n- —Tha book hus not come into our bauds . 15 , Q—We shail open oar Portrait Gallon- in our next with ¦ r :- : ^ i , the Rokax Tsibuse . Ilis rise ami fall . ' We are compelled to defer the letter ou the Tailors' Assoc ' at : i frjm press of urgent matter . A mass of Corref pondence is compelled to stand over from want oi ' space .

      Fib Stab Of Fbeeb01 S.4tu«»A¥, May 15, 1s5s.

      FIB STAB OF FBEEB 01 S . 4 TU «» A ¥ , MAY 15 , 1 S 5 S .

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      THE BRITON ABROAD . There was a time when tlie name of an Englishman was a word of hope , and a symbol of noble chivalry . There was a time wlicu " jsnglaud led the van of Frc lorn , and taught the wondering world that proud lessou , when she rolled the head of Dc . 0-tism ' s chiefc-st clij-v \ pion from the scaffold-block , i " iat the tight divine of king 3 was a liethencs . :-th and for ever . She v ; ou respect and reverence in those da \ s . She was a nation then , with a living heart beafng within her , which sent the i ' s 3 of Fuedoni

      v , Uh thu&der-throubiygs through the land ^ , for brave Jodx Milton then walked tho earth , and CEOM ' . vELT . " si e his martial word ? , and HAMPDES lived his sublime life , and the thunder of Biakk ' s cauuon , and the clash of the Ironsides ' swords , would have answered ail slight , and wron ? , and insult , offered to the Fatherinnd " no matter by what power , or however mighty . Those were England ' s brave , and heroic days . « nd tar children , \\\ w the age , were earnest , truthful aud mighty . And what is England to day ? What is the Briton jibroad ? Englishmen have shrank from the giant race that looms upon us through the mists of history , and like the earl

      large , y gods , into the dwarfs of expediency ! They are soulless , servile , slaves at home , aud England U a nonentity abroad . England , that once issued the grand decrees of the world , and was acknowledged the lawgiver among the nations , is now scarcely recognised at tha council-board of their kiags and rulers . Englishmen are insulted , smitten and scourged as they walk the a rccts of foreign cities . Englishmen are imprisoned ou the meanest pretences ; and nrnetimes without any pretence beiB « vouchsafed . An Englishman ( Edward Mukkay by name ) has just been sentenced to death by the Secret Tribunal in Rome . For three years he has been shot up and tortured in a horrible prisonand

      -, pre vented from seeing mother , wife and child save through the bars of his dungeon . All the procc . edinc-8 have been conducted in s ; vet ; he has not been 5 " . loved to examine the witnesses , nor to concert auv p . n of defence . The principal charge l > rou « ift against Murray 13 , that duriog hi 3 service as ofiwer of police in Ancona , when the Republicans were in power , he associated with known assassins , and that a Count Sevekixo and another Papal pmiisan , were stabbed at night , while under his protc ; tioi \ Thi 3 is , most probabl y , a charge trumped up aga ' ni , ; him ; his real crime d-mhtless consists in hia being a k-puwican , and in League with the Italian Patriots . He is acc ;> :-. ira § jy ssat-ncad to death " .

      And our Governmen t locks on calmlv , without prombitioii or prot-st , nay , we believe the ' v connive atit , wherever Doir . ecracy is concerned . Our Aristocracy have saoni to " put down Democracy , and they would heartil y welcome a deluge of ( Wekism , to destroy us , ro < , t and branch . , so th « t they nrieht ro : l ia Insury and oujoy their robbers' spoils . The ury-rot ot Mavery and tb- just of Monev-grubbing have eaira ouiall the heart of the middle-class . Thev would enthrone that devil hoaited dog of Russia , or those spsntnal Thugs who strangle the souls of meuie Iioman

      CavdhiaU , if Trade did but flourish and tic g .-lden harvests of gain increased ! And the Worciiig Glasses aro gagged , and chained powerless arm voweless . England reminds us of a fins old oak tK owe saw last smnm er . The sap of two centuries ran m its fcraswbrs , u tossed \\ s giant arms—Ibat had wrcstlcl -. iiii the waiving v .-iuds eo long-into the r : ' , ow . •¦ ..-, M-. u » a » ie ; its leaves were green and beautiful , ; t i : a « wiiustoofl a myriad storni 3 and tempests , and it \ okcii strong and flourisliing as ever—but it was iyia-ii at the heart of it . Millions of insects were v r 3 . i 1 Jg its vitality , and eating away the life of it day

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      by day , and perhaps the very nest tempest may level it with the ground , And sucli is England . It rears its pro ud crest amid the surrounding nations , and glauces gaily in the sun of its glory . It has withstood the storms and tempests of a thousand years , and ifc looks hale and flourishing as ever ; but lo ! ifc is rotten at the core . Myriads of deadly insects are preying at its heart , and destroying its life day by day ; and perhaps the first hurricane of Revolution may upset ifc , and mingle its boasted glories with the dust . There is little hope foi England but in the young and robust life of its working classes ; and it is to them we ^^*^^^| t^—M——MCl ^ w , WBPMMfc ^ a > W '"^^*^^""" " . , _ .

      speak . ' With all her faults we love her still , aud would fain do something to revolutionise the tides and currents of her heart , put fresh life into her , aud make her a laud worth living and dying for . We cannot forget that it is the land where Shakespeare wrote , aud Milton switg , and Sydney fell , nor howrich she is in martyrs and heroes , hallowed associations , aud thrilling " memories . Aud wo would have the old heroic faith again rekindled , the old love of the Fatherland awakened , the old name a « d fame revived , and see her once more cast in her lot with the strugglicg suffering peoples against universal oppression .

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      NADAUD THE STONEMASON . The counter-revolution shall have indeed triumphed when there no longer exists iu the minds of tho peopie that spirit of ° devotion and self-sacrifice , winch has given so many martyrs , and has raised up so many earnest :, fearless , and unwavering workers for the holy cause of Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity . Indeed , whatever our enemies may say of Revolutionary selfishness and ambition , it must be clear to everyone , not blinded by ignorauce or prejudice , that the Revolution itself has sprung from tho utter abnegation of self , in the minds of the labourers in tho cause of Humanity ; for tho Revolution , like Saturn , almost ever devours her own children—at least the

      noblest and best of them find too often the scaffold , the dungeon , or the miseries of a friendless exile in a foreigu land . Yes ! ifc is over tho bodies of tho bravest and best of oar brothers , that our high-road to Freedom lies ; but , such is the power of a holy cause , that notwithstanding all the miseries and sufferings they could often foresee bearing down upon them iu the future , they have pursued the path of duty with a Christ-like perseverance aud uugrieviug serenity , which all the tortures of tho sworn enemies of human Liberty could not for a moment disturb . We cannot recall to life the numerous martyrs who have perished in our behalf ; we c-vn only struggle unwearyngly onward towards the attainment of those objects for which they suffered and died . We cannot burst the prison chains of our captive brethren

      , who now lie chained in tha dungeon ' ¦ of the tyrants , for that must be the work of all the peoples ' , when they have arisen together in the coming day of combat . But yet there is something we can do . We can alleviate the sufferings of those noble men , who have been forced , by the temporary triumph of Despotism , to seek a refuge on onr shores . By doing so wo shail prove to the world that the spirit of Bel f . sacrifice and sympathy between "" nation aud nation has not been extinguished within U 3 ; thus depriving the Royalists of their vain hope that the Rovolutiou is dead sind buried , by showing still alive the feelings from which it has already sprung , and from which " will again rise , with greater strength and vigour , to sweep for ever away f . om the earth all the tyrauuios that are now so cruelly oppressing the people .

      Iu another part of our columns will be fouud an appeal from the London Stonemasons to their brother workmen throughout the country , in behalf of tho eminent proscribed patriot , Nadaud , We are confident that this appeal will not , as it certainl y ought not to be , made iu vain . The Masons of this country cannot feel otherwise than proud , that in one following their own calling there should have heeu fouud such a champion of the rights of LabDur , and of human Freedom , and progress , wlion eloquence , ringing through Europe , like the words of the holy Nazarens of old . Jraised visions of Liberty , Equality , and Justice in the minds of the suffering and downtrodden peoples .

      But it is not to the Masans alone that Nadaud ought to bs dear . He was not the mere advocate of the interests of one trade , or of the rights of one class of men , but of the rights and freedom , and elevation of all the workers . All the workers , therefore , owe him a debt of& / atitude , and no one of them will perform his duty who does not aid , as far as lies in his power , the noble work thnt has been begun of testifying to Nadaud the . ititude and sympathy felt for him by the working , nen of Britilin , and i ' n which the Masons have gracefully and appropriately taken the initiative .

      Let it not he said that British Democracy is false to the principles it j . fesses ; that one of the noblest champions of Liberty ' s cause—which is our cause ~ is allowed to suffer in our midst , while we stand bv careless and unmoved . The more so , when we see our enemies putting into practice , in their way those principles of fraternity which we only profess ! Jt is true they do so at the expense of the people ; but whose fault is that ? At any rate , they receive with the most cordial hospitality , and words

      of condolence and sympathy , every dethroned tyrant and blood-thirsty monster who is forced to seek a refuge here from the wrath of the people , when thev are aroused to vengeance by a sense of their many sufferings , and deep wrongs . Then , let not' vs do no Jess . Let us greet with corcli ; il welcome , and not with sympathy only , but r \ o with material assistance , those men who have fought our battle , and have defend , "i , in face of every danger , t ' . ie holy principles we cherish .

      It would be wellj did the masons exert themselves to have local committees formed in every town throughout the country , for the purpose of collectine subscriptions for Nadaud , when , v . e are sure , working men of every other calling would hasten to accomply , their duty , by aiding such a noble and generous work .

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      WORKING CLASS PRINCIPLES AND MIDDLE CLASS POLICY . nr-Tfi ^ ' ftccuse < 3 of 'indefensible opposition ' to the Middle Classes . This is unjust ; we do not so much oppose them , and rush into fatal antagonism with them , as we seek to show the working-men <¦ ' e difference of our respective interests , and to deir mstrate that Labour has to fight its own independent battle . Our mterc : ts are opposed to those of tho men of Capital . When Capital and Labour are combined in action , they are oue in interest , but when they are separated , and pitted against each other , they are opposite in interest . That is our present position > Ve have nothing iu common with tho Middle

      T \ a h by production , they exist out of that productwn b y various ir . othoda of barter , cheatimr , and chicanery , owurjted with the distribution of our produce , and , according to John Stuart Mill , there are nine times as mauy as are requisite iu London aloao , engaged in this work . The producers against tne whole world ! That is our position . And all who are not wuh us , are against us . What we have to accomplish is to become the masters of our own Labour , and the arbiters of our own destiuy . Ther « fore , we seek and need political power , as a means of consummating this Social Revolution , while they only seek further political power to enablo thorn to crush us , aud stave off the inevitable social change and if we stood on a political equality to-morrow our

      rutarests would be at issue immediately , all we should - ; ; o accomplished would be to increase our forces , and rnsargc our field of battle . The Parliamentary Ro . formers sjiv , it is expedient to accord the vote to four millions of the people , trcause that would but let in tour feet of Democracy , widen they could swim in gallantl y ; but by giving f . 10 vote to seven millions it would let in seven feet c" Democracy , which would swamp them inevitably 1 Now , we do not want a mere change of tyrants-wp claim the Suffrage as a birthright . We ask to have this branding-mark of slavery eiwcea

      , ana to be recognised as human beings , that wo may lift up our brows in Nature ' s nobleness and an acknowled ged equality of mankind j There again nf tf Iva ^ V H " ot so mucU against the policy of the Middle Class Reformers that we war even ( for perhaps after all , we shall have to accept what we tTriff ™ % £ iS tllU « t * bl » hmnnt of that teinble Middle Class Despotism-more fatal and uumuuig than the opaque tyranny of Feudalism . It is thls iuSt of gain-this sacrifice of love and chivalry and all fine feelings , at the shrine of Mammon-ihi cut-throat course of each for himself , and tho dovi take thehmdmost-this murderous competition which

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      crashes and degrades Humanity into the brute—this unlimited competition which is the beau ideal of middle-class freedom , and which sets every man ' s hand against his brother , and renders all our interests antagonistic . These are the evils ' against which we wa ^ e war , internecine war , war to the knife . And we might fairly presume that this were a ground on which the good and true of all classes could join with us in fighting the battle of our common humanity against evil circumstances , and had societary systems . We seek the deliverance of humanity from the tyrannies , the errors , the creeds and traditions of the past , too earnestly , to remain silent , while a slavery more damnable than all is being- perpetrated . That ie the sum total of what is termed our » indefensible opposition' to the Middle Classes . ¦ - - - - - - - _ !^^ ..

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      WE MUST HAVE NEWTON IN PARLIAMENT . This is the feeling at work in the Tower Hamlets , iwu \ if all means and energies are applied earnestly mid indefatigably , in all human probability this contest will end for the triumph of Labour . The working men could not have made a better choice . Mr . Newton has proved himself throughout the struggle of the Engineers a man of wise forethought and trustworthy experience , great e ; ood

      sense , and an admirable tactician . Himself a working man , he can well appreciate cmr wants , and speak out the thoughts which are stirring in poor men ' s hearts which yet iiw . iit utterance . It seems a pity to send so good a man , sueli an unsophisticated anil frank exponent of our rights and aspirations into such a den of rogues , tricksters , and shams , * but , it will be pleasant to see the least sign of health in that Hospital of Incurables ! And , moreover , it will be of the most vital importance to have one true and tried man thero in whom \ va can trust .

      One unflinching , uncompromising champion of the rights and interests of Labour would make tyranny tremble even in its triumphant car , and send the pulse of hope through the heart of the trampled poor of this country . Men of the Tower Hamlets , you are engaged in a noble work—a great and glorious principle is involved in this struggle . You must do the utmost of human possibility to get this man returned . It is not merely a contest in your district , it concerns the whole nation , and you are fighting the battle of Universal Labour . The country is alive to the importance of your cause , the eyes of the country

      • ire upon you , the heart of the country is with you . A non-elector ' s committee is at work ni ^ ht and day , and on its behalf we hereby make appeal to all who are interested in this struggle , but , especially to the men of the Tower Hamlets , to contribute what funds they can toward carrying the election of Mr . Newton as the representative of Labour , at the coming election . We shall lie happy to receive subscriptions for such a noble purpose . Once more , men of the Tower Hamlets , we exhort you to leave no effort untried , no means or appliances unused , to send into St . Stephen ' s a "Working M-: n and a champion of Working Men .

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      THE MARTYRS OF FREEDOM IN EXILE . Suffering and Persecution constitute the natural inheritance of the champions of Freedom , and the aoliliera who do battle in the cause of mankind . Ifc has ever been eo , it is so to-day . "W hen will this long and murderous martyrdom cease ? When will the see-saw of Power go up at our end ? If a man would devote himself " to the cause of the people , he must be prepared lo sacrifice his interests , his time

      , his homo , his country , his life , and his all , for these are the costs which may at any time be demanded of him . Ho will nead tho faith of the martyrs , and the Kee , lofthe apostles of old—tho spirit that blenches not , and the heart that wearies not . If he possess not these , let him slink from the contest , for his heart may break , his faith may tire , his brain may grow sere , and iu the day of trial he will bo fouud wanting . But Freedom finds no lack of auch heroes to stand

      up in her name , fight her battles , and give up all , to follow her through the world . Meu , who will work wUh heart , hand , and brain , and drain out their very life ' s blood in tho crucible of Martyrdom , to coin it into words of flame , and thoughts of . fire , n-hi ^ h shall permeate the universal heart of Humanity . Many such aro among us who have staked their ail on tho side of the People and lost , who have been driven from the country of their love , and severed from the dearest treasures of their lives , and the sweetest joys ° l tl n , . g' Who llavo luwi the tendered tendrils ot ailection torn from bleeding hearts , and gone forth their

      on cheerless , cold , thorny , and desolate way , as wanderers on the face of the Earth . These meu have been driven from every nation which took part in the glorious , but fatal , struggles , of' 48- ' 49 . They come to us as brothers in the same family , children of the same father , and soldiers in the same holy cause . They cherish our principles ; they have iought our battles . Aud though we could not lift up the arm of strength to aid them when they were dying in battle-though we had not the power to strike a blow for them , when their gallant numbers were wasting beneath superior forces , yet we can do that for them now which shall prove we aro with

      them , and that all our sympathies fight for them . Ho that giveth but a cup of water and a crust shall havo his reward . The good deed shall bo treasured up and remembered in tho great day of the Future , -he Refugees at present among us , aud in need of our assistance , do not ask to live idle upon indiscriminate alms ; not they , they waut to work , aud we rejoice that a Committee has been formed with the mtentiou of appealing to the country ou behalf of our suffering , uufortunate , but noWo , brethren , But it will not onl y make appeal for funds which are necessary , and which must bo gr . iiored immediatel y , to be of avail-it also proposes tho organisation of Local ommittees

      C in most of tho important ci ies and towus of Euglaud and Scotland , with the view of procuring employment for the Refugees , and of aidii ^ them to their own self-help . There are , at this mo ^ ment , hundreds of them suffering all the horrors of indigence in proud silence , others barel y subsist on humiliating charity , while others are robbed of their labour , and get in return but the scantiest pittance ; Working meu and Democrats ' . this ia our work especially . However small our means may be , we ought to share with them . And this is not only a political question-it is a question of hutnanitv ; and on that ground should we appeal to others , who . ' thoudi not

      tognting with us m the advanced guard oftlie world , yet have hearts and sympathies , and rejoice in the name of Freedom . We have received the glorious chiefs of Democracy with beating hearts , brightening eyes , and eloquent shouts . We have welcomed them with manifestations , which have sent the thrill of hope pulsing to the heart of dowiUroddon nations , « nd made the despots of the world gnash thoir teeth in impotent rnge ! We welcomed them moro WoX-vTJ - ^ KiD S and Empe rors . and H If 71 * dr SSinS 8 ' toar 8 > and «™» Pk I " dt VaS Wel 1 do . TO > Proved that the mint of toZTt EnglE

      anftairr ^ i ^ n " Sotfb ™ . X ' f"f ° S ( onth ' « si ^ for them , H us Sh SdiW ° lie 13 wh 0 llaV 0 fou ^ ' a the domlnnnf > ' l 0 Ugl 1 nai ^ ess , yet plead with the fc f ?»? andaowi . This 5 s a work that mi . ht JS K f' and let us d 0 ifc with aU cur rwSln brave will not always be conquered . but et a Sm i ? ' battle g ° ea BOl ' ely a * us TheloriV ? ! , ' aud ^ 0 shall be the conquerors , and wiJ . ° i ever be g ° verned with bullets ? hea 3 ~ T deinaud 8 an ° th < logic «^ n that of i t c ! ft our L """" I * ^ only a question of ouTs ' uccess US b 8 ° De in our auffe ! 'in g' * nd ono in

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      vernme S' f ^^ EFEA 1 ' ' ~ Our ble 33 ed " Provi 3 ioDi' 1 Go ' Oi ? SZLv ^ ek encoun «« ed a moat decided defeat . Sto 0 Sh > Dl 6 RAEU mo ^ for leave to bring ia a Ahm »« VJV , ff " 8 Tacantb * the disfranchkemcut of St . opposed Xl « r divi 4 ion « " Lancashire . Mr . Gladstone L hPi , i ° " al triples , - and therefore peculiarly unfit ZS . j a ljy * " moribund Parliament , " and pro-I ;?\ l p " , araend « Bnt that the house pass to the oilier orders Mipi ' iifr'M Q . : isiotl 'vas immediately lakeu , ar . d the of e iMitv' ''I "' . 10511 "" was rrjccifd by a majority of upwards RP « iL ' a ( ieteat must he ^ en the conclusion of the ?? an consequentl y the advent of the general election which must immediat ely follow

      . nl . 1 ' ? iLlTlA & «¦ droga its slow length along ; every ciausi . uenig fierce ) Conte £ ted < We have given in another column a list of •• the flowing majority" who voted agsinst

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      ^ iS ! - ° " h " ^ S Ihs Taxes on K > , WLEDGE- tlle mimt . " nduded -remain untouched , umliS ^ ' dm " standing they operate a obstruct *! barX !? , " 4 * prtr ^ s ^ S" ? : People ' s Candida tes . -Ws ire hn . n . . ^ Newtok , , working man ' s cam t ' 1 / to le" » th tio , of the Tower a . W , "i day by d- ° « 1 ^ ^ i Of his pledged suppers . \ V » LLr * ?? S to 1 , 5 thattlwDanocraV , of the W ^ 5 , ^\ muc ! l i £ * determined to brf c * forir ^ . fc . ' . Wu > ,.

      IPSS' ^

      Ilira on ' ' fumbers ' ^ s fortunate ¦• •» ' T ^ ne live on loots , weeds , and mirb ; ii ? e 1 ,. " „ Me , Slice d ! against tho p rcs 8 Win » K , it > AlX tll ° ' 4 ? ^^ tfs ssssHS ^ SSrofiis-S'Si ™ ° nt tonrrwt » ud iriiw vMssJ- uteI « "S ; 5 ^ sy ^ - ^^ sss fiL ~ S ^ sS ?« ft gq » nt and legislature to , £ Cfc £ ? *• mo id most disgraceful . We m- » c the n iVn > utl ° « Oi their apathy , ami domandfromlL st ""^ ^» 5 SP ^ A ^^ ssa

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      FACTOHY MOVEJUBJfT . TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAR 0 P FBCBDov biB . -. Sorao years ago , when John FicliUn ^ s T Hours Bill received the sanction of Pttr i S ^ the signet of Royalty , we supposed th-. < I l ^ rf Factory regulation was sot at rest i ?**** parsed , and wo presumed that tho Uuty of ^ Z The Factory Question had worked ik » .-.. » public ^ tln-ough the press Stu !;^ ment , so slowly and so systematicall y , over ? Sj ground being contested , and hy the finds of fa 0 regulations won , that , when wo , after a quarter of I

      century spent in agnation , saw the names of Ra « d | and Macaulay heading a majority in tho Conmw anu that majority strengthened b y a weeping 2 . nty in the Lords , ' we conceived that thebaftiaT over : humanity had triumphed over Mammon S we naturally concluded that forthwith our dutfo would not me hide among their number a renewal oi Factory agitation . 0 I

      John Fieldeu ' s Factory Act was considered bvM a complete act , practically regulating Factory labour so far as wo meu and young pcreons were couccraed ' to ton hours per day . Shortl y after John FieMen ' i Act was passed , it u-as discovered that a previous act known as Sir Jamea Graham ' s Act of 18-W , pumtou ' tionally allowed the owners of factories to work them by relays or shifts . ' Tho Sir James Graham Act was passed expressl y to put down the system of work-» ng by shilts , ' aud from the timo of its enactment to the passing of John Fielden ' s Act in 1047 was

      effi-, cient for that end . Tho wording of the act , however was loose . A few refractory cotton-spinners . resident in and within a few miles of Manchester , had discovered the imperfection , and worked theirmiii ^ bv T \ ^ - ^ he Pactory Weetora appointed miuer John Fielden ' s Act , and tho friends of the Factory causo generally , complained of the aggression . After much deay and anxioty the Jud ges decided that il was legal to work by shifts , ' That decision ve ; given in the spring of J 850 .

      The Factory Question was once move opened—parliament waa applied to to make good its inistak" Indeclaring shifts ' to be illegal , and John FieldWi b actones Eegul ^ tion Acd ' the onl y law . Tho dutv of Parliament was so evident , that iu ordinary circumstances it would have vindicated its own Jiouour by rectifying its own mistake . The truth was , lwwera , that Sir Goorge Grey had for some time contemplated a different course , as subsequent events fully proved . A compromise was entered into between th refractory millowners ( the law breaker :- ) and tte « r \ -m « , \ ^ - .- v ~ 'vu > av \ ,- > . v | UUU t » 'U l

      nussecabinet ; a compromise unequalied in the history of political treachery ; a compromise disgraceful to all concerned in it . And who were they I Lord John Russell , tho Earl of Shaftesbary ( ilia Lord Ashley ) , and . the 'Times' newspaper . We will never forget the treachery of Shaftesbury . He had built a reputation on the Factory Movement , ™ ° r £ ' Sadher Fielden , Wood , Walker , aud ' the UldKing' found tho money and did tho work , and Ashley had the honour . The traitor sold tlw factory cm dren at tho shrine of expediency . The ' Times ' will its

      regret tergiversation , and may make amend . ' . Lord John Russell , should he remain long in opposition , may own his error . The heart of Shafoabory is eaten up with vanity—hard ened by constant hypocrisy . His very li ps are covered wi th caut ; lie ' will never repent . Shaftesbury was the leading actor ina morally criminal compact . We write advisedly . bnaftesbury had no authority to enter into a compromise . In the hour of trial he bartered the weak io please a few millowners , and to suit the convenience ot a truculent minority . The deed was foul , treacherous vile ; it was not the result of a sudden

      emergency , arising from unknown or unexpected caasM ! it was not an endeavour to gain a benefit for tbo « whose claims were doubtful . Ashley hud but lo be farm to secure that which was just ' ; be was false . and the fruit of his treachery was ' disappointment -d suffering to thousands . Well , a ' compromise' wascarrieiliuto effect . A leu and a-half hours c Factories Regulation Act received the sanction of both houses of Parliament ; We have now ' ascertain how the « com br omi » has worked . Has the result proved satisfactory ? fcromthe reportsof the Factorv Inspectors , ve Bin that the ' Factories Regulation Act , ' ( tho compromise act ) is habitually and openl y violated . M f - Homer , Factory Inspctor , reports a continuou s a >» systematic violation of the Jaw bv certain AvelM < BOffn

      persons . That in cases whore 'lie additional time is gained by a » " !« $ ' . ; i ri , " . theft 8 in t ! ie C 0 l" -se tf thedaj . tlicreiwnjw , raiile ( liiboullies to tlie inspectors niakinff out a case that tut ) « take mto court with any iiope of obtaining a conviction- ' tueroavo three periods of the day wheo the steam engine s « - mid thvee when it stops . That thus there are sis oi »« ort « ni t when five minutes may be stolen , or hall an hour each « ' }' | T the msr-Jctor , if he came unnoticed , might detect one ot tli « ^ thuts , but very pood care would bo Ueii that lie shouls . 1 ^ other e : « e on that day . That if we take into account t » J ^ atWecx . iusesth . t would be made , such as irregulari ty '' '; . > the mistake ot the encineman , &c- lefences tint lmveag- ' ' . ,, again been made , notiiiiij , ' short of its beine made clear to Oie b ^ tmteS til fit If . IVfiR n nrtni' / . f > t n ,... t » .-n * V nmtumt HI O \ C * " ^ 1

      would induce them to convict . Tliat the difficulty of ma )» f \ ( 0 clear case is great , for , in those places which have ac quire u .. nety for overworhiug , there is an t ^ imiscd plan for « "' ! ,. ° rtU' " at the mills ot the appr . : ch of an inspector ; anil he ha *« , „ for behevins that servants at railway stationo anil »'»"" ° * V ' ployed for this purpose . That until the workpcol * '' '" :., d »' whoareillegalljemploj .-a , can bo induced to come « X ' < y finesses , it must always , j n the present state of tl "" . ^ ,, ^ difl . cult to obtara convictions . ne adds tliat the nwf {"' ^ i , no as they usually do , inflict the lowest penalty ^ Mm * hut fine the offender in such a sum as will censiiWablj dum tliu profit obtomed b y the fraud . . „ Mr . Hou-ell complains of ' nibbling' still bej practised . Those statements are quoted from a J ment issued by a committee of Factory Opera- and signed James Malkliou . . « .. ^ rt

      It is remarkable that tho violation of & \} TJ& Law ia moat common in Lancashire . In ^ . . the law is rarely violated . Iu Scotland it is «»»| torily adhered to . Then , where is the spiri t 0 hellion rampant ? Iu Lancashire . Among ^ whose ignorance , insolence , and prido are pvov . \ Ve could uow write the names of at least u ,, dozen 0 ? those very men who are gnftty oi ^ thefts , ' five or six times a clay . They are mo * , great 'Liberals , ' enlightened Free Traows . , of thorn ' most devout Dissenters' —vel'g ious g . ; tis iy They were all « compromisrvs '—tho men to < , whom the factory day was lengthened . iC a ))( i y were not satisfactory . A compromiso U \ w > ' ^ half was their covenant—ten and a-ha" ' ' , ' cii 0 »> t £ ^ i » n 1 1 . 1 . __ . Ainnnti tifnlVP . U * . « t ie

      "" 6 sausiactory--graniiiiieiu «» uu , nww- > u ] , iiii " hours labour out oftlie twenty-four , t « ey « ; . . „» « ven then be Batoned . What they really ues ^ abro ^ tiou of all Factory Law ; and a » y ^ ji * wise' short of that end will bo to t hem factory .

      Notices Antf &I»Toer* To ©Ontgjjontiatts.

      Notices antf &i » toer * to © ontgjjontiatts .

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      4 THE STAR OF FREEDOM . M ™" ***^*^ & ^ mtr - - rwm f ^^*^^ a ^^ a ** t * l' 1 A * !< t t ? M *^^ " ^^* —^< t—»«» ' ¦ " 1 - mill lUlllliiW uiM ¦"**¦ A » J , IX * O

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 15, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1678/page/4/