Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th May 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 7, Untitled Article

Page 7
Page 7
7 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • MmtM mmzmnt
  • Text (5)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      3 g ^ XSRATION . __ ADDRESS . . , ,. . The despots of the European continent , through their AL-fanatised for bloodshed and massacre , have not ^ crus hed political liberty , bat , in alliance with Popery , jesaiifen . and Priestcraft , are suppressing all religious ^ fn the rear of the armies of Austria a crowd of Jesuits vered Germany , dispersing themselves throughout all ^ ts of the fa therland of Protestantism , who now seek , frail their craft and wile 3 , to poison the hearts , and Xiissaish the holy flame of freedom in the people . These ljjlifpwrasof evilara not only suppressing , or perse--a ' iW the ^ Catholic congregations founded since 1841 , t \ y beginning of the Reformation of the nineteenth

      rsnarj , bat all enlightened Protestants who will not be v , s tools of Absolutism . The German princes are taking ftfjn these congregations their chapels , extorting large ; 3 i 5 of money from them and visiting them with the ^ jiit cruel and vexatious iuterferenee- ^ all preparatory s ;? ps io the absolute prohibit on of their -worship . In Austria the free CatUolie congregations have been solved sinca August , 1 S 51 , when the Constitution was jiraihitated . The preachers and presiding members have j ^ a exiled , imprisoned , or driven to the madhouse . Some jieSibers have even been publicly flogged , in consequence of the denunciations of the priests of Rome . The youth pf the congregations are not only deprived of the schools , * L : ca their fathers had provided for their educations , but . je farced into the seminaries of the Jesuits .

      In Hungary , the South of France , and Italy , the Protestasis are persecuted in a similar manner . In Transjlvania the Unitarian congregations are disced . h England , Popery and Jesuitism make daily progress j jsi , allied with the powers of Absolutism endanger not only s ; jj : ons . but political liberty . Even in the United States of America , the Catholic hierarchv interfered with the sii-rorernment of the people , and with public liberty

      Since the perjuries , treason , and massacres of Louis > "? . pok'Oi in Prance , the measure of iniquity is fulfilled on jse Earopean Continent . Right and Jastico no longer fore s-aj . but the arbitrary will and violence of despots Jesuitic counsc-llors leading the ministries bear rule , and imtal force is used against religion and progress . The pcpe and his hierarchy have consecrated the perjury and jjj massacres of the traitor Lanis Napoleon , have hailed 2 > b ) as the champion of the Catholic Church , and have &k 4 to catt him the Saviour of religion . The civilised jitioiis of Europe stand on the brink of a dreadful abyss .

      The terrible power of Russia , daily advancing toward in west , is mainly supported by Popery and Priestcraft , xnch enslave the wind of the people , especially the mind cftLe youth , preparing them for the slavery of political ab-: f , ! ni ; sm . There is so hope for the political independence of Earopeif wd do not at once break this yoke of Popery jail Priestcraft , and clear the path for religious progress . Iraaceand Italy can nevsr regain their liberties without jefoioiw reformation . Eat one people alone cannot break or resist the alliance of Papery and Russian despotism . The nations must join in a snira of solidarity for the final struggle with Popery and Trisicraft . We must have "Unions of all free-souled men , ta tie great principle of humanity concentrating the Intel-] j , ; : qj 1 and moral power of the people .

      There is the greater necessity for this inasmuch as disgahed Jesuits , in the Protestart churches have , seized with sae spirit of Rome , organised against religious political deralopsient and liberty . No time must be lost—we must sppose to thi 3 organisation of Priestcraft a mighty organi-3 ' jonof the intellectual and free religious communities , of foe fflnnicipalities , and the representatives of independent jsi &ee nations , yfe must struggle through the Press , aiironsepnblie opinion to establish institutions for free jfceation of the nations in progress and liberty . Intho Eonth of July last the undersigned commenced the work of 0 . - » siasatio !) , and a leading Committee was formed in iK'icm for the purpose .

      He sent forth an appeal to all free and noble minded men sid vromen , to join with this committee against Popery and jfealnlism in the protection of the principle of religious 'JKrty . English committees have been formed , and ladies iidgentleasentakepartin the work . The free religious Essregationsin Germany , France , and America , share in lie eood work of the religious reformation of the nineteenh jeatnrr . Yfe now make pnblicthe constitution of our union , and i ? pea ! to the liberal minded men and women of all countrie 3 wliorecozmsetaedangoronspoaitionofEurope . toioinmthis aEwee titamoUy . We call on all who believe that ad

      Poperr ; Jesuitism are the roots of spiritual , moral , ind social , evil , and the worst enemies of liberty and progress of religurasbondage , mainly depend on a perfect orfimsanon throughout tbe world , and consequent ability ijerever a free religions movement appears , to bring all Se power of such organisation , on one point , in order to crasnsnch movement . May we how learn to unite oar Jtatabmand Popery are united for slavery of thenaftWMdhmreh y-nottte Popery of Rome alone , bnt f ; lTrf a v ?™ t « tantStlte churches , and raise a snpeannble barrier against all the nower of darkness , Mil o , reugroas , in aninteUectnal and moral regeneration of tue cations .

      STATUTES . General liegulalioju . I iteBowB for protection of religious liberty and Re-/ . naatica will be organised throushout all countries .. . " , ? WB «« of this union is ( a } to protect the principle ^• ons liberty against Popery and Absolutism , ( b ) to laatra religions progress . v ' ?• Tie principles of the union are : ( a ) independence of sta ? meaioer with respect to Ms religious faith , ( b ) equal 4 ? icr » H members , of the development of the union acaay to progressive humanity . I ill men and women of every religious community , who saa to these principles and work for their realisation , -fixeraded m this as members . X Committees are formed from the members in each

      > As soon as a number of Committees in neighbouring sass ate formed , they unite themselves into a distrid - « , and these form again the union of a country , both treated by meetings and presiding members , elected by £ nettings , and all committees and congregations form ~«? jrregaie union represented by congress and a leading

      " Tt n -. s F eclal Regulations . 3 ' UidQn congregations form the basis of ;• - ^ * J 2 Ms emanate from them . - i ' es a fnnd Onmiittee and Cach 1 ™ WpOHaHoa estahif ^ So ^^^ aet lie d « cwt ° f Of nBW m 6 mberS **«« P kcc af ' « pa * . -Chraaoa of concurrence in the object of the ASti ; r S ttees , districfc and a conntry low » I ^ SwT S throu = ? utles and elect their presiding

      ^ JLSd ! Sg »> e" !*«« «««» t the organisation of ¦ t fhy 4 l lhe meet'ngs together . ^ ca ofS " % S ^ assembUe 3 Tn st ohtain the fee iZ t ° Y ommi « ees and congregations of the Union ue re laws of tiie Union . -, Ti ) ; , ra « Leading Committee , ^ ie 7 n ! ^ miUee is P anent , and new elected from ' ¦ ¦ ifa- c < JE B resa-= Sae £ uf * ill S * Courtof A PPeal the organised Ne » £ f ? £ * re 3 s an < * ? amPWet 3 in different lan-L ^ . I ^ 'astt he enemies of religions freedom andrelitMV *^? ' ( b ) it sends delegates into tho oppressed > jj , h « tc ) Jt treats with the governments , and seeks to vlr Iree people in favour of religious liberty in despotic £ ~ r > W )» t maintains a regular correspondence with :. } . ' * Of the Union , and represents the Union from with-^} it es tablishes a fund to which the sin gle corn-. ;^ ay a fixed contribution .

      ; . ;'; i faeieadin * Committee has the right to call together : * S » ss as well the regular as the extraordinary . ^ ^ responsi ble to the Congress , which takes place , ;! « _ r . r -4- ? ,- the first Congress could be held a Provi-; , • f ading ComiaitteD , formed ia August , 1 S 51 . V ^^ tBtes are t 0 be aItered or improve d , according -staaie of the Provisionary Leading Committee , I Joni-VXES Roxgs .

      Untitled Article

      ^ uLT PIOUS PUNISHMENT FOR THE ¦^ ^ ura . r r "^ ELERS . " ' '¦ "' ° « er I ? rnooa . a veI 7 novel and rather extraor'¦^^« . t ff llfd by Sir Richard Mayne . one of the : * * SDjierfy \ e Mel" > po ] itan Police Force , to the res-?" } o mi e-Sc i - 13 of the Tarious divisions , which has ' ¦ '¦ S 4 * 1 a ! i c-l « - \ dlScOntent """ rog ^ men . The orders " > at tue « ri s off duty on Sunday afternoon shall K- ^ iaff w ? SUfioa -h - ° « ses , at three o ' clock , and , fetfe diL 7 ' 2 <*?* , shall proceed to the nearest h * F « i £ &&P }? FT service , and that each hJt WH ^ Wfa who be

      ^ ^^ - ^ mayRoman ^ «* C 2 « : 1 T ' " * . ¦ £ *•! to attend their ¦ f * t > K X ( ? b ! order of the commissionw or not . ^ ' ! tf * 'mln ° l 0 atfend te the orders willbb « : ' . ^ r ^ - enmendents - T <> enable all the consta-:. ; - 'H ^ S a 5 i , trac ' ion . clergymen willattendat ^^ ' ^ rvronn , ™ , esd ? - afternoon in each week , . ° - * t ^ " » « Replace d at thei r disposal . Eren ; ^; | :, 1 those doing duty at police courts , ¦ - * -S-e ' aV ^ fr ^ . ^ a 5 . * enew orderswere " ' "trt ^ attid e dlVlslons « and aear ] y a 11 the men

      Untitled Article

      * * S 4 ! nS ° Coa"nons , it appearg that - ' J the nuS'lnn tlieUa » ed E ' Isdom were ^•^ s * at ., ! lx er > Go ° ere sa 1 ng vessels of ^ . f « StCam TesscU ' t ^ tonSgeS ¦ ^ S'TSS " cctin S ^ al 3 for - A ^ ofCte , ^" " * ' a Sflita - : ** & " illbe nf ^ S ' in Westmoreland , •"' ftlate . le of $ ™ h after the fashion of

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDst-The motion of Lord Rossu for appointing a beleet Committee to inquire into the operation of the Acts relating to Drainage in Ireland as administered by the Board of Works was agreed to . Lord GsmiLra asked whether it was the intention of the government to take steps for removing the station of iransatlantic steamers from Liverpool to Galway , as had been reported in the Irish papers when giving an account of a deputation which had waited on the Lord-Lieutenant with that object . Lord Derbt replied that the report in question had greatly misrepresented what had fallen from the Lord-Lieutenant , and that the government bad no intention at present of removine the station from Liverpool . At the same time the subject was open to inquiry , especially if the submarine telegraph were brought into operation between England and Ireland , but even then lie could hold out no expectation that Galway would be more favoured than Limerick .

      After some further discussion it was agreed , at the suggestion of Lord Claj .-kicaf . de , that the memorials addressed to the Treasury oa the -whole subject should be laid before the house . Some other business was tben despatched , and the house adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Several members presented petitions against the Militia Bill . Nejt Zealand . —Sir J . Paeixgios moved for leave to bring in a bill to grant a representative constitution to the colony of 2 few Zealand . He had been induced , he said , to undertake this difficult task , so soon after his accession to

      office , in consequence of the strong representations he had received from persons in this country who took a deep interest in the colony , and he had derived much assistance from the preparations left by his predecessor , from the despatches of Governor Grey , and from suggestions by the gentlemen to whom he adverted . He gave a brief outline of the history of the colony , and tho circumstances which led to the suspension ( which would cease in March 1 S 53 ) of the Constitution of 1310 . Ho dwelt upon tho progress and growing importance of the colony , observing that there was every reason why the colonists should now be entrusted with the privileges of self-government . Difficulties , however , presented themselves which distinguished this colony from almost evory other dependency of the Crown , in its geographical peculiarities , the

      modo in which it hrtd been settled in detached communities , the very high intellectual grade of the natives , and their extraordinary advance in civilisation . Upon this last point hir John read from the despatches of Sir G . Grey some remarkable extracts , and he then explained the scheme of tae Constitution proposed by the present government , PO' ^ ng out , as he proceeded , wherein it differed from that designed by Earl Grey . It was their opinion that New ™ » should be considered as onecolouy , and that it snouia be divided into seven provinces , each governed by a superintendent , appointed by the Governor-in-Ghief , with a salary of 4300 a year , each superintendent to have a Legislative Council of not fewer than nine members , to be entirellective

      y e , the franchise of the electors ( natives not being excluded ) to be as follows .- -a freehold worth AaO , or a house , if in a town , worth £ 10 a year , if in the country , £ 5 a year , or leasehold property , with an unexpired term of three years , worth £ 10 a year . The question whether members of these provincial councils should be paid wasleft to the Central Legislature . Sir John read a list 01 the subjects , amounting to fourteen , upon which the provincial councjls would be restrained from legislating The duration of these councils it was proposed to limit to four years . The Central Legislature would consist of the Governor-in-Chief , as headf and of two Chambers . In the scheme of Lord Grey the Upper Chamber was to be a representative body ; but there was no precedent in any ior

      co-ony an elective Upper Chamber , and tbe present government recommended thai the members of the Upper Chamber of the Central Legislature should be appointed by the Crown during pleasure . The Lower Chamber was to be elective , tho frauchise for the constituency the same as that for the provincial councils . The number of mem . bers for the Upper Chamber of the Central Legislature was to be not less than ten , nor moro than fifteen , at tho discretion of the Governor-in-Chief ; that of the Lower Chamber not Ies 3 than twenty-five nor more than forty . Five years wa 3 intended to be the duration of the Central Parliament , the acts of which would override those of the provincial legislatures . It was proposed that there should be a civil list ; that £ 12 , 000 a year should be retained , out of which the salaries of the superintendents should be paid , and that £ 7 , 000 a year should be reserved lor native purposes . All arrangements resnectin ? tha town

      lands to be iathe hands of the general Legislature . It could not be expected , he observed , that such a measure as this could be final , and changes would be introduced into the bill whereb y the local legislature should have full power , from time to time , to enact changes in the Constitu . t on with the consent of the Crown . It was for the house to decide whether this bill camo within the category of " necessary measnres ; " he believed it did ; but if the house was of a different opinion , tho altetuatwe was , it beinc highly inexpedient to allow the act of 1846 to revive to suspend that constitution for another year . Sir R . Ixgus suggested certain questions , and was of opinion that this was not quite one of the " necessary measurs ? .

      Mr . Gladstone had not the slightest hesitation in considering that the measure embodied most valuable principles and believed it would be hailed with gratitude bv the colonists . Mr V . Smith , Mr . Hume , Sir W . Molesworth , and other msrabers , made cursory remarks upon the measure , which Lord J . Rcsseix trusted would not meet with any consideraole opposition , being willing himself to give it every assistance . * After a few words of reply and explanation by Sir J Fakisgion , leave was riven to bring in the bill .

      THE MILITIA BILL . « - ? - * n- ? , rder of the da J S oil ! g into committee on the Militia Bui , iJ ^' n . CoBDB ! ' moved , as an amendment , that a return of the effective force of tho royal navy on the 31 st of March last be laid upon the table , and that the consideration of the bill in committee be postponed until after the production of such return . Taking exception , on the grounds ho stated , to the division upon the second reading of this bill , and adverting to the numerous petitions and meetings against it , he insisted upon his right to provoke a reconsideration of the question , and to urge the opinion , entertained outof doors , that our navy oughtto be sufficient to protect the country against an invasion . From tbe only source to which he had access , he foand that we had 500 vessels of

      . warbuildmg , in ordiaary , or afloat . He ( Mr . C . ) had served twelve months on the naval committee , and the conclusion he had come to was that those ships which were sent to foreign parts ostensibly for the protection of the trade of the country , were never at hand when they could be of any use . The forei gn stations were seven in number-viz ., . hast Indies and China , the Pacific and the West coast of America , the south-east coast of America , the south and west coast of Africa , Jforth America , and the West Indies , and the Mediterranean . In 1 S 37 the number of ships of war in the East India and China waters was ten : at present it wa 3 nineteen . There were , to be sure , three of these on the coast of New Zealand ; but after what had passed that night , respecting the new constitution for that colony there would ba no longer need of more than one in

      mat quarter . The war with Burmah mishfc be made a pretext for bringing ships from China to the Bay of Bengal ; but it should be recollected that the East India Company had a navy of their own for the protection of their own snores , and that the British fleet in those seas was for the protection of the commerce of Encland with China Comparing the cost of that fleet , however , with the value of the protection afforded to that commerce , it would be * u * £ !? tbe one was whoUy ^ proportioned to the other . The only danger in those waters was from pirates , wno always kept in shoal water ; to employ largo vessels for the purpose of keeping them in check , was like planting a battery of cannon , for the purpose of repressing pickpockets . Sot long since 10 , 000 of these people had been destroyed by the English arms , and £ 100 , 000 head-money had been paid by tbe conntry for the , same ; but every man of them was destroyed by small ships , and moreover not a single hand was lost on board their vessels

      A considerable number of vessels might therefore , in Ms ( Mr . Cobden's ) opinion , be withdrawn from lndiaand China for the defence of this country . The next station , the Pacific , showed a large increase in ships since 1 S 3 S , and in consequence of the Oregon question . There was also a lar ^ e increase in the fleet on the River Plate , arising from the war between Bueno 3 Ayres and Monte "V ideo . For six years there had been no fewer than 10 ship of war in the Plate , and yet they had effected no good whatever , the war bein ^ brought to a conclusion without their interference . Sow however , General Rosas was a fugitive tho war was all over , peace was re-established , and there was , therefore , no need of a fleet of ships on that river . Six of the larger vessels could consequently be brought home without inconvenience to the trade of this country ; the remainder would be

      suffiwent . or all useful purpsses . Tho weit coast of Africa was the next station , inclusive of the Cape of Good Hon » and here the number of ships had been nearly doubled since 1 S 3 C . There were now 22 on that station . He ( Mr C ) would bring home every one of them which tho country was not compelled to keep there by treaties with other powers ( Hear . ) They did no good , at least on the west coast of Africa ; and if their operations were extended to the coast of Brazil , he feared they did but aggravate the evils of slavery rather than check its course . At the Cape of Good Hope there were nine vessels , which he would not remove until the Kaffir war was terminated . On the North American and West Indian station there were thirteen ships ; " thou"h it was perfectly preposterous to keep a single ship there at all In fact it would be an insult to the UnitedStates to send a ship of war into its harbours to protect the trade of England while , as regarded tbe West Indies , so long as this countrv

      did not interfere on beliali ot tue savage King of Mosquito the trade was of the character of a coasting trade on the coast of England . In any case , however nothing could be more useless than a line-of-battle ship among these islands He would , therefore , withdraw four out of ' the thirteen on the station , and he would let them bo of the larger size ( Hear , hear . ) The last station was tbe Mediterranean * . There were nineteen ships on that station , though Sir George Cockbura had stated that six frigates and one Vme-pf-battle shipwere as large a force as would be requisitc there in time of peace . There were now five or six line-of-battle ships in those waters , and a number of frigates and smaller vessels . Admiral Dundas however , who commanded , consequently the largest concentrated British fleet at present in existance , was by the last accounts sailing from Malta to Cephalonia and Smyrna . Could the dread of invasion , then , toe considered as sincere

      Untitled Article

      SwJJ ? f ^ -TJ ^ ' . mile 8 - "ese shores doing notmng ? Admiral Dundas was ^ sunnmg himself in the Medf terranean ; and yet tbe house was told the Channel was undefended . Ten of these ships should be brought home and nine left . This would be three more than Sir George Cockburn said was necessary . He ( Mr . Cobden ) did not ask that they should be dismantled or paid off , but simnlv that they should be employed to repel the invasion which hon . gentlemen pretended to fear , and that they should be stationed at Spithead , Cork , or Plymouth , rather than cruising idly in the Mediterranean . The country was told that it was liable to war with France at any moment ; but the people did not believe it , In fact , history proved ' that every war between the two countries was preceded bv a long admonition . In 1702 , for instance—though the English ambassador at the Court of France had been withdrawn in August upon the death of the French King—the French

      ambassador , though deprived of his official character remained in England until the following January , makinw every possible effort to avert hostilities ; and it was onlv in February , six months after the rupture , that war was declared . Again , at the time of the treaty of Amiens , though no one believed it would last , yet , not-withstanding that on the 8 th of March , 1803 , a Royal message was delivered to the house tantamount to a declaration of war , and although on the 13 th of March Bonaparte publicly insulted Lord Whitworth , the English ambassador in Paris , it was May before a collision between the two countries actually took place . It was noc a light matter to rash into hostilities with such a country as England . It was said , however bv some that the present ruler would rush into any foo ' lish scheme to maintain his power . But if success was the test of merit , then Louis Napoleon had not shown himself a fool Whatever might be said of his moral qualities , tawing

      blockhead . ( Hear . ) Louis Napoleon had a larger revenue than the Queen , and , therefore , more at stake ; and vet they were told he would peril all , by an attack on England ( Hear . ) He had written to a French gentleman for facts ' to confront what he considered to be the most silly panic that had ever been raised . His answer was " if £ ' ou } s Xapoleon made war , and succeeded , his generals would eclipse him—if Im generals failed , they would ruin him " He could add nothing to this—it spoke for itself Wo had beard of much astute diplomacy with one power and another by Louis Xapoleon-did that show that Louis Nanohon senseless

      was me DiocKiieaa which it pleased some parties to represent him ? He had heard , with amazement ? Se rienced statesmen talk of the probability of invading this country from Cherbourg with 60 , 000 men . So wS Lord Derby found it necessary to rout out the old statesmen , and put others m their atoad . If he were upon a committee on our national defences , he would call the ^ offio hnSfr lf ef 0 Se ^ ^^ tquipment-iould 00 , 000 hostile soldiers require who were to come over here in the face of our navy ? What number of horses would be required-where were they to be found or oa . riit . 3

      numoer of cannon would be wanted , and how to begot over here ? It was mockery to talk of an invasion . ( Hear ) But it waa said that steam had made invasion more £ Why , what country had received so much benefit from steam as England . No country had gained an advanE from steam to the extent that England ^ ad . I [ ffigTt invasion was given by steam , it also gave Enelsnd the power of invading hostile coasts and blockading foreln S £ P 0 rts i iJta * ' *®*) This was an advantage whS sailing vessela did not possess . It was an advantage wS So * Tk ^ ^ ™ fading ttjr iSwh coasts . We had a larger power of steam than all tho Continent of Europe put together . We were \ uildX tK many 8 te r ers a ? a 111 ^ Continent poSS The hon . member here read several extracts to prove tho arge amount of steam-power possessed by England which in case of need might be made available for the defeJceof the country . One of the extracts Btated that as we had ten times as many steamers as Franco , in a few monthaafter war was declared there would not bo a single French mer-?^ -T * w T ? ul 4 n ^ be our Prize- Did " ° n . members think that Louis Napoleon was ignorant of these facts ? It was , therefore , absurb to say we must tmf . n ,, mi » s

      under drill for a militia , because steam bad given France such an advantage over us . Ko greater absurdity could Be heard than fcnat , and he hoped it would be properly scouted in that house . We had , he verily believed twenty-horse power of steam for one-horse steam power possessed by France . Then we had a complete chain of railways , which would very much facilitate tho transmission of troops , and would render invasion more difficult and dangerous . What would have required twenty days' march in times of turnpike roads might now be done in twelve hours by the aid of railroads . He was ashamed to pursue this topic farther . There was scarcely a man of sense out of the house who placed any faith in the statement of a French invasion . ( Laughter . ) Hon . gentlemen might laugh , but ho could answer for the facts he stated in the circle of

      society with which he was beBt acquainted . He begged pardon of the French nation and the English people for dwelling on this subject , and for treating it seriously . ( Hear , hear If ships were to be brought home , he hoped they would not be brought home in such a way as to give just alarm and offence to France . He did not believe that the statements of the progress of peace doctrines weremere olap-traps aa Borne nad said . Ho had a full and complete conviction that the tendency of the age and the country was towards poace , and he should oppose the Militia | Bill by all means in his power , because no facts had been brought forward to convince him of the necessity of it . He hoped , therefore , tho house would agree to the return for wbiou he moved . The amendment was seconded by Mr . Akdbrson , who dwelt at some length upon the resources to be found in our mevcanUlo steam navy .

      Mr . Stafford , protesting against Mr . Cobden ' s mode of explaining away a majority of that house , replied briefly to his arguments ; and , with respect to the amendment , which he opposed , observed that it had been repeatedly brought forward , in different shapes , and it had always been held that to grant such returns would bo highly detrimental to the public service . Mr . Cokuv , though ha agreed thatthe question of our military defences against an invasion should not be separated from that of our naval force , could not concur with Mr . Cobden that a militia bill ought to bo postponed til these returns

      un were furnished . From a comparison between the navies of England and France , their respective force and distribution , he inferred that we should not trust exclusively to our ships for the defence of our shoreB . It was for this reason that he supported a militia bill , whioh he preferred to an increase of our regular army . At the same time , he hoped that a respeotable squadron of ships of war would be maintained on the home station . Mr . Carter , in a maiden speech , supported the motion ; lifting up his voice , he said , the first time in that house , in fivour of peace and against the large establishments , whioh had been too long kept up .

      Mr . Boldero said , the amendment pretonded one thing and meant another . The information could be got from the " Navy List ; " the real object was delay . He examined various suggestions auxiliary to the bill , and assigned several reasons why the regular army should be increased by 10 , 000 or 15 , 000 men . Mr . Bright maintained that the object of the motion was not delay , but to place before the house facts whioh would enable it to decide upon the expediency of any further expenditure upon our military establishments . The bill , he contended , was hostile to the industry of the country , injurious to freedom , and there was no interest which the country cared for that would not be prejudiced by a militia , unless it was proved to be absolutely uecessavy to the safety of the country . If there was any new danger

      where was it T If they looked back at the events of the last thirty years in France , they would see that there had not been : the slightest manifestation of any hostile feeling on the part of France . Even under tho most recent change --tne dictatorship pf Louis Napoleon , not a shadow of suspicion could be cast upon the acts or proceedings of the French authorities ; nor had there been the slightest retaliatioa by the Fr . ench press upon the daily attacks of many months past that had emanated from the British press . He would admit that Louis Napoleon was shrewd , cool , calculating , and unscrupulous ; but he was approved by the people of France in the belief that he would secure to that country temporary repose . He would even admit that they did not like the government of Louis Napoleon ; but that repose which tho French neonle so much covevted

      would not last an hour after he had expressed an intention to head a marauding or piratical expedition to England . Either there must be a war of invasion or . a piratical ni ° ht invasion in contemplation . In the former case there must according to the usages of civilised nations—if any nation going to war could be civilised—theiro must be negociations and preliminary arrangements , so as to give timo for preparation for resistance . Tbe noble lord the member for Tiverton , on the contrary , had assumed that Louis Napoleon might land 50 , 000 or 00 , 000 men on the English coast in the course of a single night . He asked whether there could be glory connected with such a piratical expedition as they appeared to fear ? There could be no glory to induce the French to attack England ; and surely no one could for a moment entertain the notion that there could be

      any thing like the hope of conquest to induce them to make war upon England . Was not the panic created from such an anticipation , therefore , the most senseless and unfounded ? Tbe noble lord the member for Tiverton , when he spoke of 60 , 000 Frenchmen landing upon the shores of England , made a statement which , coming from a statesman like the noble lord , was utterly incredible and unworthy of him . But even admitting that there was the smallest danger of this piratical expedition , how did they think thei r proposed militia could contend against it ? Why , they appeared to forget all their historical glories and characteristic gallantry when legislating on such a subject . If they passed this Militia Bill , they might rely upon it they would have to make greater reductions in their expenditure . Thev

      were taking a course which they would never dream of taking but that they were uioved to it by a panic which had now nearly subsided . He believed that the country was indebted to the noble lord the member for Tiverton for this bill . The noble lord was no authority with him ( Mr . B . ) on questions of this nature . ( Hear , hear . ) The house might think the noble lord a much better authority on this subject than he was . ( Loud cries of " hear , hear ' " ) The noble lord appeared to have the power , as he certainly had the disposition , to bully or cajole some party or another . ( " Oil , oh . " ) He might be sneered at as one of tho " peace party , " but , nevertheless , he would offer his moat strenuous opposition to every stage of the bill now before them .

      Mr . MicGireGoa moved the adjournment of tho debate , amid loud cries of " Oh , oh , " and " divide . " Mr . Whiteside , in replying to Mr Cobden and Mr . Bright , observed that no apprehension was entertained of tbe French people , who might be satisfied with their ruler ; but it was , as declared by Pitt in defending the Militia Bill of 1802 , because the French were essentially a military power , and that power was centred in one mani He vindi-

      Untitled Article

      cated with great spirit and animation the policy of this measure , which wag , he said , essentially peaceful and in tended solely for self-defence . ' Mr . Macoreoor again moved the adjournment of thn house , but the motion was negatived by 291 against 68 The proposition being still pressed , tbe Chancellor of the Exchequer gave way , and the debate was adjourned The other business having been disposed of , the house ad journed at one o ' clock . TUESDAY , May 4 . HOUSE OF LORDS . —The Colonial Bishops Bill was read a second time , on the motion of the . Archbishop of Canterbury , Jewish Disabilities . —Lord Lyndiiukst moved for leave to introduce a bill to abolish certain disabilities imposed by the statute of the Oth of Geo . I . He had been induced to consider this question on general' grounds , but public attention had recently been drawn to it by a decision of tho Couvt of Exchequer . Lord Campbell having expressed the pleasure he felt at the motion ,

      Lord Dkbbt hoped that the house would not be led away from the general question into a discussion or . Jewish disabilities . Ho did not question tho right of Lord Lyndhurst to introduce such a measure on general grounds , but ho thought it unfortunate that he had chosen the present moment for bringing it forward , when tho particular case to which he tad alluded was still unsettled . With respect to that case , the government thought that , if Mr . Alderman Salomons presented a petition representing the grievances to which he was actually subjected after his appeal was decided , bo would be fairly entitled to an act Of indemnity . The Marquis of Lansdowxe hoped that Lord Lyndhurst would bring forward his bill at once , independentl y of all allusions to the case of Mr . Alderman Salomons . After some farther discussion the bill was read a first time . The house then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —After the disposal of some minor business the debate on

      THE MILITIA BILL was resumed by Captain Scobeli , who argued that the command of the sea gave the nation which possessed it ample means both of attack and defence ; and he suggested , if the apprehension of invasion was real , that an addition should be made to our navy of twenty-four large steamers , to be manned by 8 , 000 men from line-of-battle ships , a class of vessels unfit for the purpose ; and that steamers should be distributed along our coasts- this , with the completion of our harbours of defence diverting to that object the sum required for

      , the militia , he contended , would secure England against invasion , with the present means of France . Sir H . Vernby , without underrating the efficiency and power of our navy , insisted that it was absolutely necessary to be prepared if an enemy , by any misfortune should effect a landing . He denied that a militia was , aa had been alleged , hateful to the people of this country , and he disputed the estimate given by past speakers of military morala . Mr . 6 . Berkeley supported the measure as a most constitutional one , and as providing a most appropriate force .

      Sir Ds Lacy Evahs explained some statements he had made , which had been misunderstood , and reiterated his opinion'that our regular military force had been underrated and that of France over-estimated . He argued that the French available army did not amount to more than 100 , 000 fighting men , without allowing for indispensable garrisons he did not believe that France could spare more than 30 , 000 men for foreign service . He still thought the force proposed to be raised an illusory one ; but of the two bills he preferred that of tbe late government . Major BEBESFonn , in reply to Sir De Lacy Evans , showed from official returns that he had exaggerated the amount of regulars we could brine into the field to renel an invasion ;

      thatthe infantry and artillery numbered 34 , 143 , or deducting one-fifth for non-efficient , and adding 7 , 750 pensioners , 34 , 280 rank and file ; that 28 , 000 must be deducted for garrisons and dockyards , which would leave available for fieldservice only 6 , 280 , and adding 4 , 284 cavalry and sappers and miners , 10 , 564 rank and file only to meet an invading force . In the present feeling of the house , an increase of the regular army could not be maintained , whilst , in point of expense 15 , 000 regular troops would cost £ 600 , 000 the first year , and £ 525 , 000 afterwards , whereas the estimate for tho whole cost of the militia was only £ 350 , 000 the first year . There w sb every chance , he observed , that this species of force would prove very available , and so far from its superseding the regular army , it would be , as it had been , a nursery

      Mr . Macorbgor opposed the bill , conceiving that a militia force was unnecessary , looking at the state of thelcontinent of Europe , where all the military powers were diminishing their armies under the pressure of financial embarrassment . Our home force might be augmented by 12 , 000 troops from the colonies , whilst our steam and sailing ships of war would defeat the naval armaments of the world . If an additional land force was required ,, it would be better to increase our regular army , Siv F . Barino could not vote for the amendment , first , because he objected to the returns moved for on the grounds assigned by Mr . Stafford . That , however , was not tha r ^ al

      question ; Mr . Cobdenjhad avowed that his object was to deteat this measure . The real question before the house was , whether our defences were sufficient ; and his opinion upon that point concurred with the opinions of the present and past governments . He admitted that it was the interest of every country to remain at peace . He might admit all that had been alleged by Mr . Bright , yet he was afraid he could not derive much consolation from his assurance that it wa 3 impossible that France could have any notion of invading us under any circumstances ; and he would much rather rely upon the fact that we were in a situation to defend ourselves .

      Mr . Humb supported the amendment , the adoption © f whien , he admitted , would postpone tho bill , which it was nis object to do until the unfortunate panic had subsided , the ground of whioh he had sought in vain when the first bill was introduced . In common with Sir . De L : icy Evans , he considered that the disposable military force of France had been exaggerated , and our own resources for defence , military aa well as naval , under estimated . He endeavoured to show , from figured statements , that we had a force far greater than England ever had , and , as he maintained , greater than it ought to have , there being at present not leBB than 180 , 000 men in arms , regulars and irregulars , ready for service .

      Mr , Charieris expressed his astonishment at tho selfconfident manner in which Mr . Hume and his friends promulgated their opinons upon military matters , as if they possessed a monopoly of professional knowledge . He ( Mr . Chartoris ) had not the same confidence in his own judgment m these matters , upon which he deferred to military men ; and he believed , moreover , there was a strong feeling in tho public mind that our defences should be made more secure . He hoped , therefore , that the house would go into committee on the bill . Mr , Miichem , denied that there was any indisposition on the part of thehousoto grant an increase of our regular force , if necessary ; if , therefore , an augmentation of our

      military defence was called for , it should be done by an addition to our standing army . He should give his determined opposition to this bill , which , as he alleged , would work gross injustice and oppression . Mr . Cowper observed that very high authorities , both French and English , had declared that invasion was not physically impossible or improbable , ' and the Duke of Wellington had required 150 , 000 trained troops to make the defences of the country secure . Although he had full confidence in the valour and skill of our navy , he would rather not trust to one mode of defence . There was much in the bill of which he did not approve , but he supported it in order to obtain an addition to our land defences , thinking that theroby he should best ° malntain tho interests of

      peace . Mr . Cut said , the first question was whether there was any danger of invasion , and he believed this country never was so far from such a danger as at present . The second question was , supposing there was any reason to fear suoh an event , was this the best method of defence , and he had not heard any one who pretended that it was . Lord Paimerston , having been alluded to frequently during this debate , could only in reply to these allusions , meet assertion by counter-assertion , and opinion by opinion . The hon . member for Manchester and the hon . member for tho West Riding aro firmly convinced that an invasion of this country by the forces of France is utterly impossible , and , believing that to be impossible , they think it tho height of absurdity for this country to mako any to

      preparation guard against an impossible ovent . I think , on the contrary , such an event in certain cases possible , to use no stronger word , and I think it the duty of the country to make preparation to guard against such a danger . ( Hear . ) Tho country will judge between those hon . gentlemen and me . ( Hear , hear . ) If I am wrong , and if the advice I give is followed , at all events the country is safe . ( Loud cheers . ) If they are wrong , and the advice they give is followed , tho country may be ruined . ( Renewed cheers . ) They dispute authority ; they will not receive the opinion of officers of great experience , of sailors who understand their profession , of men who hare practically faced the danger , which they call on this country to provide against . These gentlemen , whose habits of kf l . ^™ ^ , rsa nt * l" > «» P ^ ccful arts , with manufactures and who

      industry , know nothing of war or the chances of war- ( cheers ) -who know notaing of tho means by which war is carried on , or by which it is resisted-tbese gentlemen wish to lull the country into a feeling of security , and to prevent it from takin" any means to provide for its defence . ( Cheers . ) But the ? have disputed the English authorities . We havi heard just now from an hon . friend of mine thatthe opinions of foreign authorities correspond exactly with those of the Englh authorities But 1 have heard an opinionexpressedlya very high foreign authority bearing upon th i SJn . I have heard , and I . believe it , that the late KiSgo the French , when he visited this country after that dispute which arose upon the question about Tahiti-and it is not inopportune or irrovalent to remind the house that upon h l' ° l ca i l ! 71 ^* °° ™^ ™ on the point"

      > being engaged totally unprepared in war , that the men who were . he loudest in those declamations that were likely to bring on a rupture were the very men who are now preaching pawe-fnreat cheering from the ministerial side ) ,- have heard , I » y , that upon that occasion tie King of the French , rejoicing in the peaceful termination Of thai dispute said however , thatlJSS bin toWX ^ sKSSKs : ' ^ swrAsfi s ?/? f £ S 4 a ia . « ssa &S ™ £ thatth ? JF ? liaTe ^ the Channel a force stronger than we could at the present time muster there .

      Untitled Article

      My honourable friend did not state that . What he said , I apprehend , was this—that the French , by the means they have of easily transmitting from the Mediterranean either the crews of the vessels they have there , or the ships themselves , would have the opportunity and moans , within a very short period of time , of placing in the Channel a superior force than we , in the outset of the war , should be able to collect . ( Hear , hear . ) I have beon supposed to say that the expenso of 15 , 000 regular troops would not be Si than that of SO . O 0 O militiamen , and I think my to m ? v , ft ? who made tnat allusion just novr , seemed w hat t o ^ i Wlth th . is question tho expense of the ballot . ^ 0 Oflrt mi if this :-That the annual costof maintaining thev 21 ? . / S the twenty or twenty-eight days than the exin M and esercised would » ot be greater lSooo 3 " f that nii « ht b 0 incurred of maintaining opinl wc X « l ? ' f , J ear round - and Jt wa - l means of deC w ° ntnbute better to our contingent S 0 . 000 men w n ,, v w ? had the power of calling out regulaX ^ bn | T m ' ^ n by Adding 13 , 000 to the mn t / v „ i . r- .. r " my honour .-ihlp fripnrf ohnlloncrnH

      the fore ' VS hoVo ° vSm o d f r t SCd t 0 ««> G ° = n t defence of the eSnS ^ Ki ° g \ t necessary for the yielded to those very ene 5 S ^ i this house has not my honourable tril ^ SZhSh ^^^ from rfh wwwdnoefceverj lfi ^^ sufficient , from timo to time , for the \ mmeitot *™ ™™ t been no invasion , and you ought no longer to conwh « n an ex P ense » wll , C" experience has proved to be wholl y unnecessary ? " ( Hear , hear . ) I have the greatest possible respect for opinions which are sincere and are founded upon deep conviction , and therefore twn ^ rom thkkla S with anything like disrespect of those opinions which I believe to bo at the bottom of much OI Cne ODPOSltlQn Whlfth hns hom mwnn fn ft * ™ w ;« Z .

      , h ? f « lT * T- Hoar- ) Whose opinions and convictions fc *^ fully and broadly stated by those who have £ »'? this debate ; but they have been broadly and not « S * L" P- D ) P ' I hold in my hand , and which is fl . n * or . tny tho consideration of gentlemen who have Slv wri& atte . " t 5 on to this object . It is a - pamphlet SnvS nP . T " ^ evidfintl y vm a dee P and serious SttltW"' tht > rein laid down-that it is SaT ^ J ? Cbmtifm reli S t 0 d 0 ™ ° c to any JSphte thVwT" * ' ^ ' > The object of thft thU S , I * show that ifc is the Christ an duty of laug er W i be - T . ^ Fl > ance' Cheers and g £ amE . ? W m th , ° flha P e of a d ' ' aI <> eue , exceedingly thedutv ' nte gentlemeneD g ^^^ club oi . in but on / nf . ? n s r - ry odd duty of 80 ldiers « Mta « nlyclZtiSiiTf" m this . dial J oe « e PainUin very vivid grant vou ^ aS J &n un ° PP 0 Sed invasi ™ - He says , » I Si » 7 ' ?? ^ may come ovev f" « n Franco to this bnttt 7 wi . ifi f « - hat ° 0 >?? ° or C 0 ' 000 men « ight come , put we writer of this namnblot rmoi . f ™ hovnnA Jt «» i » .. i- '

      K « ; 1 W » H »« he eaVs , " thoy will come ^ op ' pos ^ they will take possession of London , they will seize the Bank , where they will not find JBlS . dbo . 000 , bnt they wU ? Vi T ^^ « ° tllB inhabitants of London-I ~( . iau gnter ) .-Parliament will bo swept away ; the courts ed £ u' °° - ^ Shed ; thD Pi > ench e en ^ l 3 will issue ? -iL thel ? r e a new Parliament , consisting of ShSfc w ( r l \ r 8 ? f lauShM-the Code Napoleon will be SnS fr rlhe la * - of England- ( laughter )~ tho Sove-S £ \ Ie llke a P » 'ate individual in Scotbnd- ( greafc laughter ) -the government of couvsewill be annihiated the country will be entirely srovomert hv t . w . vJ ^ TZZl

      wjo , so invade i ; but" says the writei ^ " w a oeV ft nfnf / - ^ * lau e fWo shall goon working our mills- ( great ironioal cheering from the Ministerial side , and counter-cheers ^ we shalf stand behind our counters and sell our wares in our shops- ( cheerag continaed ) - people must eat , tliey will want clothing , we shall supply them with their wants , and wo shall go on making money . " ( Great cheering and laughter ) One might sav , if that event should ever happen to those gentlemen who made money they might find an unhappy application to themselves of those very well-known

      lines" Sic vosnonvohis mellifioatis apes , Sic vosnoa vobis veHeva fcvtis oves ;" ( "hear , hear , " and laughter)—and the sheep would not fail to be eaten up by tho wolves . ( Hear , hear . ) Then this pamphlet goes on to say that that state of things would astonish the whole world . ( " Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) At first the French would think there was an ambusb . laid for them ; they would creep on . no ambush would bo discovered ; and then there would be among those 250 , 000 men , some of Christian feeling and deep reflection , who would begin to think of the wonderful spectacle of a nation without resistance to a foreign foe ; and in tho eourso of time , after some fifty or more millions sterling had been removed from this country to France , tho French would

      do so terribly ashamed oi their position —( great laughter }—of the very ridiculous position in which they had placed themselves—that they would all go back to France and leave this country to its own resources ; nay , so deeply would the sense of their ridiculous position be impvessed on their niindB—and we know that the French people are most susceptible of ridicule—that they would offer to send us back those £ 50 , 000 , 000 sterling which they had taken from our bankers , merchants , and tradesmen ; and then they would be done again ; we should show them a more glorious example—wo should magnanimously refuse to take it . ( Roars of laughter . ) Yet I firmly uoliovo this is written ia sincere and sober earnest , and not at all in the spirit of ridicule . ( A laugh . ) My hon . friend may l . iugh . but , if he

      will read the pamphlet , he will see there is throughout a tone of sober seriousness , which convinces mo that those who wrote it are , in point of fact , that party at whose instigation much of tbe opposition made to th ' is measuro is raised . Now , then , the house and the country are to determine between two alternatives—whether they will , aa required by the party from whom this pamphlet emanates , voluntary submit this country to the miseries and iniquities—for those are tho words used—of a conquest by France as a just atonement for the sin 3 of this country has in formor times committed by waging war—for that is the

      ground on which this proceeding i 3 urged —( hear , hear )—• the country and Parliament , I say , are to determine whether they will become the victims of that system of submission , which is required by those whose organs , I must suppose and believe , are resisting this measure ia this house—or whether they are still sufficiently wedded to their ancient notions of independence and sslf-v indication which would lead them to resist a foreign invader and provide all necessary means by which , if that invasion of the country should every happen , it wight bo sufficiently repelled . ( Loud oheers . )

      Mr . WAKLEr was astonished that tho noble lord , with his gigantic powers of intellect , should have descended toquoto suoh despicable trash . ( "Hear , hoar , " and laughter . ) Tho noble lord had not told them who was the publisher of the statement he had quoted , nor by whom it was written . He ( Mr . Wakley ) suspected it was published at Ilighgate , where there was an admirable asylum for idiots . He begged tho noblo lord to maintain his hitherto exalted character , and not to descend for one moment to give credit to suoh monstrous absurd statements as that he had given them tonight . When the noble lord spoke of the working of the mills , there was a loud cheor opposite ; and there was no misunderstanding it . It was an ironical cheer at tho word mill . Why , there was sometl-ins moro powerful in the operations of the mills than some of them gave them credit for , What had they done ? Why , they had ground the party of Protectionists into a body of Free Traders

      ( Oheers and laughter . ) They might make wry faces about it , and the alteration might havo been remarkably disagreeable and torturing ; but , nevertheless , it was a fact . If they wanted any proof , he would point to the budget of Friday night . Yes , it was the workers of the mills who had done this , and who , he believed , had in a great measure saved this country from convulsions . ( Hear , hoar . ) Why , thoy did not repudiate their master and teacher , Richard Cobden , a greater man than any of them . ( A laugh . ) There was not ono on the other sido of the house who would feel that to be an offensive remark . ITo ( Mr . Wakley ) said Mr . Cobden was one of the greatest men that ever lived . ( Laughter . ) And now that they were nig discip ! es-- (! aughter and cheers . )—he did not expect this of them ; ho did not expect that they would be ungrateful . Don't be unmindful in future of your teacher and mentor , Richard Cobden . ( Loud laughter . )

      Col , Thompson cautioned the house against being misled by the pamphlet to which the noble lord had alluded , for it was by no means certain that it was not by the authors of " Punch . " ( "Hear , " and a laugh . ) Certainly , thoamiable and honest supporters of the doctrines of universal peace would never have written anything so caculated to bring discredit upon their views . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . H , Drummond congratulated the'house on the chance of having moro ' Punches" in the house ; for the printer of the pamphlet to which the noble lord had referred was now a candidate for the vacant seat of Mr . Fox Maule , at Perth-( Laughter . ) He ( Mr . Drummond ) had no love either for a standing army or for a militia ; and he should have been better pleased if the noble lord at the head of the

      government—having been sitting six weeks upon this egg , which he had only half-hatched-had given them a measure of defence better suited to the circumstances of the country . ' But this was the only measure which those charged with the national defences had proposed , and the only question was whether they would accept it or remain undefended . ( Cheers . ) If the Peace Society would enter into a treaty with the President of Franco only to go up the Mersey instead of the Thames , ho was not quite certain whether he should not be inclined to voto against the bill . ( Loud laughter . ) We were much in the condition of a great , overgrown , spoiled boy , of whom one said , "I wish somebody would give that fellow a good licking . " ( Laughter . ) newas inclined to

      think that a good licking would do us a great deal of good . ( Laughter . ) He thought that the first time an invading army got near London those mills which had done such wonders would ceaso to work . ( Cheers . ) Tho hon . gentleman ( Mr . Wakley ) said they must be guided entirely bj tho great constituencies . He ( Mr . Druraraond ) wished we oouM , however , have a great exhibition of morals . In whai a situation would the City of London bo ! He said nothint of Finsbury . ( Cheers . ) Had the hon . gentleman nevei bought a bit of coffee , of tea , of butter , or bread iutuil neighbourhood ? ( Loud laughter . ) The hon . gentlemai had shown that there was no city in Europe in which ther was such a vast amount of fraud as j amongst the tradesme of their enlightened constituencies . ( Cheers . )

      Lord J . Manners urged the house to reject the amem ment . If this mitigated measure were reiected "thn tM m litia Bill must oome into operation . ' » t iao m M Lord Jobs Rvsseli . could not vote fw ^ ,

      Mmtm Mmzmnt

      MmtM mmzmnt

      Untitled Article

      May ^ ISo ^ STAR OF FREEDOM .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1677/page/7/