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Northern Star (1837-1852), 8th May 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 4, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      No . Ill—The Sexse of the CorcraaY . i 10 THE EDITOR OF THE SXAE OF FEEEDCM . SlB , —Martin Luther has an admirable sentence I am for tearing off every mask , for managing nothing , for extenuating no ' thing , for shutting the eyes to nothing , that truth may be transparent and unadulterated , and have a free course . I quote this became I am told that offence is taken in ' all directions ' at mv ulain speaking—especially at my attacks

      LETTERS FOR WORKING MEN .

      upon fie Parliamentary and Financial Reformers . It seems that when I pointed out a lie , I ought to have called it an incorrectness : and when I saw fraud , I should have sjv « ken « f aell-intentioned error . 2 ? ov , I wish to h ? cwrect in my speech , even though 1 do not sit on Sundays under a doctor of politeness ; but I find tie first canon of correctness to be truih to one ' s awn meaning . When , therefore , I find a man saying he appeals to the * tvhole people , ' would make the ' whole reuple' contented ; and when I am sure that he knows that he does not mean the whole people , but a nulhoa less , it is not enough to call his statement incorrectit

      — -is a wilful incorrectness and that , without any circumlocution , is o lie . Or , a- * ain , when my Lord Lansdowne is found guilty of deliberately causing the death of the poor Irish boy , Denis tsnea ; wlen Sir James Graham ( bidding to be next in power ) has been proved to have aided and abetted in luring the Band-eras to a bloody grave—I find no words in our poor language so proper as those of murderer and assassin . I use them accordingly . I wish njy leaders , then , to be sure that , in emplo ) 'ing such extreme words , I do it not of haste , but from deliberate judgment of their propriety ; and I am not to be deterred from using them by any inanity of

      criticism ; neither shall I abandon my mode to follow the cant so much in vogue ( a cant proceeding from the ' peace ' moniers ) , the cantofhuntiug for points of contact « i h criminals of good intention . Let us get luck again to English frankness , so far as it can be done without virulence or ill-feeling . I will keep Out of 3 lauder ; but things and public men I must call by what may seem to me to be their right names A gentleman is not bound to keep his hands in ' kid , nor his tongue in silkiness . Mealy-mouthednesa is

      ' -ot propriety , any more than grandiloquence , or hasty or ill-mannered violence is strength . I trust to avoid both errors . But I may pass the charge of manner for something deeper . It appears to be a ' question in certain quarters whether I am , at any time ready to sacrifice the cause of the people to an opposition to the middle ctass , inexplicable and indefensible , * or only able to sing triumphant pseans on the death of Chartism , and then to sell the body like any old resurrectionist , to the aforesaid middle class , to which I am so inexplicably opposed . I suppose I must even go out of my > ay ; to set these matters right , that at least my own readers may know what I am aiming at . To the first accusation , then , 1 say , that I was not aware that the Parliamentaw . Reform gang —( well , now , really ! and- God forgive me for a naughty word J yet we sav a eantr of «

      mvvies' without any hint of disrespect)—I did not know that the Parliametary Reform Association was the middle class . This beats the three tailors of Tooleystreet out and out . I , myself , am one of the middle class—born and bred among them : certainly I am not one of the Association . And I deny that the Association even represents the middle class . It represents only that portion of the middle class which -S without political principles , or which is not over careful to act up to principle ; and this is one chief reason why I attacked it . Not for its power of achve mischief , but because of its pretence , which blocks up the way and prevents the action of those who are really honest in that class—and because I see

      men who ought to know better trying to persuade the people that their statesmen-like politicians are really the middle class , and that they have hit upon the very thins for which the nation ( or the ' whole people / as they prefer to phrase it ) is longing—the exaet compromise that at this very moment would best suit the humour of a compromising people—that they do in fact ( however little of public opinion has been expressed in their favour ) really express the opinion of the country . Because I know all this to be false I attack

      themthey are dead rubbish in the way of progress . But it 1 S sneer nonsense to c ; ill this an opposition to the middle class , though I am not inclined to conciliate a dishonest portion of that class by advertising the impossibility of Universal Suffrage , ' even as the catchbtle of a lecture—I oppose , as I opposed thirteen years ago , in the National , that portion of the middle class which stands in the way of a National Franchise . I will ever oppose them ; at the same time , I remit not m v exertions to obtain a real union ( cot the sham union o " f the people giving up their riahfs . on the tw . im-n «; tir .

      aU-on-one side and 'fraudulent preference' system ) of men of all classes for a national object For while one critic accuses me of an 'indefensible opposition to the middle class , another funnily cries out that I am selling Chartism to this same middle class . It wil take a far cleverer fellow than I pretend to he , to sel Uiartism to any one now , I guess . « Ha ! you exult at that . ' Not at all : it is ho matter of exultation or rejoicing that one has walked on a wrong road for a dozen years , that the same one loved is now only on a tombstone . But neither will I regret that I have

      however late ) found out that , tight as our aim was pur means were not calculated to obtain it ; that it is indeed better for us that Chart ismhas died out , because it was a Class Movement , and we must have more "jan a Class Movement to obtain a national object i * ay however much that failure may be regretted , it would be folly to waste in regrets the time which may Fet , Uwisel y husbanded , serve us to revenge our failure Dy success . Let us make up our minds that such

      2 KT * fY / rx Cee ( lin& calIed Chartism , is dead ; let us be thankful that we are no longer wasting time and hope and some energy in a false direction : let us look round upon our scattered forces ( we counted two millions some longyears ago , ) and try againhow many we can co' ect for new endeavour ; what allies also we can obtain , from no matter what class , even from among the patty of the « garrison , ' if they will give up their dodges . Of atruth , we know notwho is with

      us , what part y can be formed , what we can do for our purpose . All is scattered . Places that were thronged with UiartiBts in 1839 , have now not even a Chartist committee . And , as I said before , the 'National ' Parliamentarians have not even the beginning of a party . Yet from having some little money , a staff and impudence , they pass for representatives of the tense of the country , so far as concerns this most important question : the question of the Suffrage . I join issue with them

      on that point , what is the real opinion of the country , without distinction of class ? That is what we should get at . And my proposition goes that way . To repeat its substance , I want every large town , at the next election , to poll the members of those vho are bom fide for Manhood Suffrage , Without cumbering it with any details , and only » uardiiig ?* ainst mental resemiions of the expediency-men . Such aroll of names -would be the preliminary of fuinre action . we are without organisation now : and th « nM nfen .. f

      ConfereBces and Conventions of ourselves and friends mil not suffice . Bat get a muster-roll of those who hold the principle . I have said , do thb fora petition from each pkce to Parliament against the return of any member who wiu not accept our principle . One advantage in this motto « petitioning will be the placing in direct contrast the nnmuera ofvotcrsforaman and ' petitioners against time . «? J « ™ ? : tlie reviTal o £ local action , in place of tteaWl yviwsBFstemofagitaij from a centre . rtoJLS k J ^ ' not £ rom iu Yonr cen * *» U be easily 2 fw * f de ' n aUou from the localities when the localities have strength eaouahto back tw Mnmi ** t * ; o

      « no we getting b P Conventions ffll ttenT We haveail saajR ^^ ssysf s ^ rs 2 & ? FS&& * & 3 && ment » we have surely learned by this time | one HP and lam ' insxpJieablv' oppose * to tta JK JS ^ ment , being only a class movement . Give un for union ' s sake tvertttong except the wincMe TW * last the difference ' between * jmlC * t vSSi not sell you to the Parliamentary Iteformers , and tho < e who talk of moves « in the right direction , ' fraud ? , ent instalments , fenr loaves , Ac . They would riva un n , »

      principle for the sake of a compromise , in wLich , ts in the lolly of the Reform JJ 11 time , and in the foolishness of the Com Law time , the people would indeed le sola . 1 would nave no compromise , but an agreement npon the one « me principle— the only ground upon which a national partv can be formed-the ground of national equalit ? , national not meming 'fa wliole people' lets one \ million . Tie pomng of astrong majority of the people for Uiuverj ;; oonrago wonldpnt a stop to tbernbbish , which even some K ^ K f « dulge in , of the desire for the franca ^ Si SV u ^ Idbe the death bl ° * ot " the p « - * oS * blS ™ ^ ¦ ' instaJffien " » P <»> us . There more ou ° Serflu : ntlai or » t » We maiMBm-xs- ™ Sa fe 4 t 2 SS ° fbe ' - possibility of Universa l ° f «» o £ 3 ? SSZ ? lasii v -- ¦¦; the ' fmpnoticabilit }' « uu . uu * Mcl 1 is mis-named pwiey . And ever . £ i *" - ¦ " * - * -- — . - -- if * -

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      ^ ————— - tJoauua fc-inseit , wno is well-mea ! "ng , iiiougbt weaa , niigut come to blow a trumpet at our Jericho . So , spite of my harsh language , my' opposition'to the middle class , and my treachery' toward the people , you see me persistent in the old recommendation of a course I still hold to be practical—the union of honest men of all classes upon the broad ground of principle ( not of any dirty or fallacious compromise ) -the principle of a right to the franchise , which only may be the foundation of a national partv , which only can be the groundwork of a nation . * * Spartacos . ^ nm . n ^^^ IMB——nWT

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      i- - [ Advertisement . ] XOTICE ! DEPORTS having been propagated by malicious J-v persons , that the undersigned is Proprietor of the Stah of Fbeedom , Sotice is hereby given to the Printer , Publisher , and all persons engaged upon the said Journal , tbat the undersigned is not Proprietor , or part Proprietor , of the Stab of Fbeedom , and has no connexion , but that of personal fricnusMp , with its Editor , and will not be responsible for any expenses or liabilities that may be incurred by the publication of the said Newspaper . ( Signed ) Bobeet Ie Blond , wv * «„ = ( Ba ; . ; el Woxmm Item , Besses - ( IUl > nAEL LEvr _ May 7 th , 1832 .

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      OK EAT NATIONAL . STANDARD THEATRE , Opposite the Eastern Counties Railway , Shoreditch . THE LARGEST AXDMOST ELEGAST THEATRE IX LONDON . PHOrnlETOR—ME . J . DOUGLASS . ON MONDAY , and all the week ( Wednesday excepted ) to cominence with a New Drama , taken from Mat Gruaes ; or , the Yorkshire Brothers . In which Messrs . Savford , C . Pitt , II . Varies , H , Lewis , andJ . Gates ; Mesaames Hugh Camp bell , &c ., will op . pear . After-which the Tars of England ; or , ( he Sons of the Ocean . Characters by Messrs . John Douglass , II . Rignold ( as the Brother Tars ) , and the entire of this talented company . To conclude vrith Tla Camp Followers ; or , the Mystery of Twwijj ) Tears . Characters by Messrs . Lyon , Gaston . Rayner , Pitt , Licklold , Bafeer , I , ewiB , G . Pennett , Pearce , Dolphin , Gates , Bp . lier , and R . Honner ; Mesdames Hugh Campbell , Walcot , Pearson , and R . Honner . On Wednesday , a Variety of Novelties , for the Benefit of Mr . H . Regnold . Gallery , 3 d . ; Pit , 6 d . ; Pit Stalls , 8 d . ; Boxes , 1 b . ; Tipper Boxes , » a . Dress Circle , Is . 6 d . Stage Manacer , Mr . R . Honneb .

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      < iUEEX' -S THEATRE . GOLE LESSEE—MB . C . J . JASEB . ON MOXDAT , and durinj ; the week ( Wednesday excepted ) , The GatJky Slates o / Toulon ; or , tJ « Bidden Treaturc of the Cross . Characters by Messrs . E . Green , Burford , Linglmm , Randall , Phillips , and Dean . Mesdames Lingham and C . Gibson . After which ilinnigrey . Gus , Mr . E . Green ; Edward , Mr . Lingham ; Bawtrey , Mr . Burford ; Hanae , Hr . Dear . Madge , Mrs . J . Pariy ; Minnlgrey , Mrs . Lingham ; Agnes , Miss C . Gibson . To conclude vrith the Red Man . On Wednesday a host of talent , Mr . and Mrs . R . Honnor , Mr . G . Wild and Miss F . Williams , and Herr Erosso , with his wonderfr peirormance , will appear , bein ; for the Benefit of Mr . C . J . James , Lessee .

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      THE PARLIAMENTARY PRIZE-RING . HOW SHALL WE OUST THEM ? What a solemn mockery ! What an infamous juggle ! is this thing ca \ led the People ' s House of Commons . It is only a dodge got tip to gull the people . ^ It is a sham prize fight in a kind of national pugilistic arena , opened by royalty , to gi ? e eclat to the clap-trap proceedings , where a Disraeli and a Derby give the challenge to a Russell and a Palmerstox , or some other champion of all England , ' at their respective weights , and ' at ittheyg o . ' They appear to < pitch into' each other with the wildest

      ferocity , amid the mingled cheers and shouts of their backers . But don't alarm yourselves , good people , they don't mean it at all . They tako precious good caro not to hurt each other—all that passion is simulated—it is onl y a ruse to attract your attention . And there you stand , open-mouthed , gaping at them with hungry avidity . Meanwhile aristocratic black-legs , lordly sharpers , and whole locust-swarms of thimbleriggers , and profit-prigs , are going the round of the ring , that is the nation , and picking your pockets most unmercifully , and should you dare to protest and become uproarious , they keep a big bully , called

      ' Law , ' who immediately knocks yonr hat over your eyes , or , in slang terms « bonnets' you . That , friends , is as true a pictorial illustration as ever was drawn of our House of Commons . The Romans amused their hungry . clamorous mob with theatrical spectacles ~ and we have our Parliamentary prize-ring . We looked in upon this assembl y of the nation ' s collective rascality , the other evening and , were as muchedified , and a great deal more disgusted , than we might have been with a * set to' between the 'Battersea Bantam » and the 'Brummagem Bruiser . ' There were these rich rogues and reprobate revellerstyrants

      , and taskmasters , who live and riot luxuriously on the hard earnings of the plundered poor —many of whom squander that wealth with their pimps and parasites , knaves and courtezans , in the brothels , and hells , and saloons of the metropolis . There were they , wasting time and moneyand for what ? Labour was nowhere represented and if a noble sentiment were uttered by chance , it was received with groans and derisive cheers ; and if the power of the people was mentioned , it was scouted with hyena laughter . Petitions were presented from the people , praying the redress of certain

      wrongs grown insufferable—they might as well have petitioned the devil for the release of Pitt and Castlereagh ! And thus they have gone on , year after year , enrsing the land and pauperising the people , draining the vitality from the heart of the nation , and strewi ng their path through the world with broken hearts and desolated homes . Ah ! gentlemen of En gland , and lordlings , and aristagogues , you have much to answer for ! You are a sad set of scamps J Most of you have mounted to power from the shoulders of the people , aad tho moment you had obtained that power , down you kicked the ladder . Ob , for one hour of Cromwell and the iron men of the Commonwealth ! Or , better still , for that Cbosiwell the Second , Universal Suffrage , to burBt those doors ,

      Ana drive these wretched plunderers from their revel , And pitch them from our shou'ders to-the devU . Oh , you six million < free-born BritOBB , ' who have no political exietence at all—who are bought nd sold , like cattle , in the market of the world , and mortgaged , as the slaves of tyranny , even before this state of things be changed ! Were you of our mmd , this should endure no longer . Are they to taunt and spurn us , and tread upon us for ever ? Are they to be permitted to live in idleness as they . live and rob us as they ro b , and still scoff at our sappli ! cations , mock at all our pleadings , and laugh at the expression of our miseries , as thoueh thev we ™™

      delegated and delighted torturers ? Would that the next election might return at least a dozen of the true and honest advocates of Labour ' s Rights «!„ would startle St . Stephen ' s with the sternX wfih will one day burst npon a wondering world , to hurl our wrongs m the teeth of our oppressors , in words which Tyrants quake to hear , and tell them that if they wiU not go with us in changing this human hell m which the suffering masses are trampled , we must march over them , for change it we will . But , how shall we oust them . They have possession , and are the masters of the situation . Icdeed , the whole policy of their statecraft consists in their knowi ™ how to keep possession . k

      And we haye no parly representing the people , which is capable of gathering up its forces , ana ousting the present gang of the Parliament ^ Prizering . We are divided against ourselves , and fritter away our strength m innumerable sections and £ lated activities , to our utter discomature . If Char turn cannot be resuscitated , a 8 a watchword for the people to battle by tf it poSsesa not the necessary influence to rally the people , the principles remanT ti and still vitalit

      on , possess a y ^ h uoEer Sffer jng nor obloquy can kill . They are bapUsed in human smiles and tears , and are hallowed in the people's love ; therefore , let us gather tbem ™ l "J treasure them , and blazon them ff £ uZvlhll we carry into the future ; but that is not all he ( mly Revolutionary party mi ; st Unit ( J ^ g , ™ Jlepubncans , and Socialists , and gather ! thetlo > sands who have left our ranks discouraged , and the thousands who have fallen by the ^ side dis heartened . There ar 0 immense forces of CoV acy in tius country far in advance of Chartism and

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      l hese , too , must be reckoned in the party which shall represent the people . The grand aspiration of the age is for Individual Freedom and Social Co-operation , It has many manifestations , but no programme or policy . We await one , believing with Mazzini , that , we are not the Democracy , only its precursors ; and that our ' Star ' does But herald in a day which has yet to dawn .

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      NATIONAL DEFENCE . What has caused the recent warm debates on the Militia Bill ? The Tories—the intimate personal friends of Prince Presidents , and sympathisers with the blood-stained ruffian Kings of Em-ope—are suddenl y seized with a desire to raise a citizen army , and to place the country in a state of defence , in which it may defy every hostile attempt . And why do they do so ? Do they desire to awake in the hearts of the people a spirit of nationality and

      manhood ? Do they seek to roll back the tide of the reaction , and to build up a bulwark for Freedom here ? Do they aim at enshrining British honour in a national power capable of seeing justice done , and making the name of Englishmen respected in every part of the world by all lovers of honour , and justice , and Freedom , and a name which shall be a terror to tyranny , and to its soulless and merciless minions ? Would that we could answer yes ! But wo cannot . Their past words and actions declare them to be

      actuated by other motives—by ideas far less courageous and ennobling . . The y have never appealed to the nation . Forgetting all that delicate sense of honour , of which they have so long boasted , they came into office to equivocate and lie , and descend to unprincipled expediency , even as the basest of Whigs could have done . They have spoken of their intention to crush Democracy , but they have shown no symptoms of any ability or desire to do what Democracy proposes to accomplish —to end the selfish and unholy war of class interests , to conquer the anarchy that now reigns , and make ub once more a nation , with national views , aud a national will , and spirit to work them out . No one will believe sor an instant that their object in raising a militia is to defend Fr 3 ora . Their

      sympathies are ioo well known to allow of the existence of any such expectation . Whenever the banner of liberty has been hoisted , and tyranny been defeated , they have raised a cry of rage and grief , sympathising with thp fallen despot ; and when fraud and force have again raised the tyrant ' s throne amidst the Wood of the slaughtered people , they congratulated him upon his triumph over anarchy , and gloried in there establishment of their deadly 'order' of cossack

      From men who are thus dead to every feeling of justice and humanity it would be absurd to expect patriotism , or a high sense of national hoaour . It cannot be , then , that our rulers want a Militia to uphold the honour of the country . Have they not constantly dragged that honour in the mire Bince they filtered office ? Englishmen have been abused ! hl suited by the minions of miaerable petty tyrants : even Fnglish officers in their uniforms have been struck down , and maltreated by the agents of a tottering bankrupt power , and our chivalrous' Tory Government has replied to the insult by a remonstrance so mild , that it might well be taken for a licenee for further violence . It was not thus when

      the government really represented England . The men of the Commonwealth would not have answered such insults with diplomatic rose-water dispatches , but rather such insolenca from this despicable despotism would have brought the English cannon to the gates of Vienna . Not nationality , or freedom , or honour , do the Tories seek to defend . They see European liberty he prostrate , and they think it dead . They see the mad old governments arisen anew , bo they vainly think that the Revolution is over and hurried , and that now the robbers , tyrants w " recommence the oldgaim of shedding the blood of the nations in their 1

      attempts to obtain larger slices of the human spoil . Why , therefore , should not England become a military nation ? Why should not a bad militia be gradually transformed into a good standing army , and our rulers take their place at the Council Board of European Kingcraft a strong government—strong against the people ? Such are the men who carry their pretended scheme of National Defenoe , in the very teeth of their opponents . Such opponents ! The wretched peace humbugs , in their grovelling selfishness , see more than all the evils of war in any preparation to meet it , at least in the shape of a militia . They object to a large standing army , because they have to

      B"b up a poriion or men- ill-gotten gains for its support j but it is a thousand times preferable to armin-r eV u ^} T the peOf > le < The y dre"d anything which shall have the effect of thinn ' ng the labourmarket by lessening production , and thus depriving them of a portion of their present unjust profits . But tar more they dread giving arms to those who may use them against the unholy supremacy of selfish capitalists . They know full well that m a musket and in a knowledge of its use , rest all the virtues of a vote Just think how horrible to the capita u st must be the thought of a strike by men endowed with arms and military trainings ! It is not to be thought of more soldiers if [ it must bejso , but no arms for our toilintr slaves ! °

      Mr . Cobden said :- 'He found that there was scarcely one of the representatives of the large commercial cities of the country who voted with the large majority—of nearly two to one , while he fonnd that in the minority were the representatives of Edin . ourgh , Glasgow , Manchester , Birmingham , Westminster , Southward , Marylebone , Tower Hamlets Fiasbury , Greenwich , Newcastle , Hul ! , Southampton , Derby , Oxford , York , Stockport , Sheffield , Preston , Northampton , Aberdeen , Canterbury , Dundee , Montrose , and other important towns and burghs ' True ! 0 soul of cotton ! You find the re . f he 6 l 0

      K 5 KFS ° f mpyerS and 8 h ° P ^ eping rabble of these places are against any Militia or inning of the people , for profit is their religZ ml iSttrmi * ° me 80 f the ^ tion , ofo ? tSr fatherland , f they are onl y allowed to stand peaceor rob the toilmg millions of the produce of their in dustry . But have you asked the workers-those who m spite of all their misery and sufferings , Z \ love mST ™^ i deSire l ° ° free Sk happyou& ° f \\ r . to be the soidiers «? 8 * wTn ? t litffW , tb 61 r CCmntry hadacause ~ and M « f V themselves , a mere matter of profit and ossto those Manchester « philosophers' wfcn ™ nM

      W ' 0 U *? ^ ' y ° uwi 11 find « iem true of hear scornmg alike your selfishness and cowardness and the whiggery , and ambition of others . When the day arrives that sha . brin * aoverouratv no strtv sl n have a mmtia ^ K $ i ^^ t L % ^ ational Defenc 3 /¦"**

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      THE COMING REVOLUTION . The political world seems hushed and still in a grim calmness , but it moves for all that . Its anparent stillness is but the calm of invisible speed , like the spinning top , which seems to stand sleeping when its motion is tho fleetest . It is but the pause of bS between two Revolutions . The clouds are thickening believe they are charged with Ue 8 siUgS ' for the Pe oples . It . u the lull before the storm which will

      soonbu , st on the battle-ground of Europe ] On on 3 flnJ ! T -S ? TOM ° f tyraUn ? ' *™ k * Ub blood mil ? St * ' l fv- Theyaresecureinti » e an £ ™ * ™ , bayonets , and , like the French army on the night before the battle of A gincourt , they forc es ^ ° ly reV 1 e ! ' On th 0 other « »« ^ forces of Democracy , like the English on that memordSn ° CCaSl , ° ? ' W ** but trustful > a « d to n ^ SL ^ 23 ?^ l alliheir " y defeats and murderous

      ; 7 \™> «» A ' ast is brooding in their hearts , but flS n fl- rVS rlin 8 intheir ° J'es ! Theydonotrfnm t ? n / S ""^ ' ° r >'' Wait tbe bour ! Suffering has ripened them for freedom ; the cause they battle in inspires them with the prescience of Victory , and thciihearts beat up to the heroic level of their glorious S rti , i v ? . ™ " have our martyrs gone down to couttrv * , ° 5 V baV 0 al 1 the « e fcs oTtLir country , and these redeemers of humanity been driven into exile , Not in vain have the friends of Free-

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      domheld on through sorrow and suffering , even to death . Not in vain has all this seed of blood and tears been sown ; it was all necessary , and has worked its mission well ; and we know that- the seed must be sown and have time to rot in the ground , before the new life can germinate and ripen into the harvest . What ! you calculated the strength of Democracy was exhausted ? Nay you but robbed the peoples of their strength for a time , but , like Sampson ' s locks , it will grow again , and with that growth , ye tyrant Philistines ! will come the crowning catastrophe . Since 1848 tho forces of Tyranny have gained immense advantage over the gonorous and

      unsophisticated peoples ; by forco and fraud has it re-wrested their hard-won and dearly bought rights , but it cannot re-establish itself on its former . foundations ; great hopes havo gone down , proud expectations have been destroyed , but there has been such a ripening of spirit , such a surging onward of Mind , from that struggle , that Tyranny can never undo the work of 1848 . France is not dead ; she does but slumber to gather new strength . Never fear but she will drove herself worthy of the hopes we repose in her , and of the part she is destined to play in the redemption of the time . Yet again shall she call the nations to battle for Freedom and Right , and the redemption

      of poor struggling , but glorious humanity . Italy is not yet driven into the sea by the hated Austriansshe has not forgotten her martyrs , though they sleep in bloody shrouds , or die out slowly beneath the tortures of tho Infernal Inquisition . And yet , again , shall the Lombard , aud the Piedmontese , and the Roman gather together at the rallying cry of ' Vive el Popolo , ' and the Republic shall be enthroned in the capital of tho CiESARS . Germany and Hungary are not erased from the map of nations , they bide their time , brood over their wrongs , and meditate the hour of vengeance . Poland is full of heart and hope , and eager for thecontest . The rear-guard of

      Freedom ' s army ! she is unexhaustedby the late struggles , and all the better prepared to stand her ground in the coming crisis , Milan—though trodden beneath the iron heel of Radetzky—that grim old champion of Despotism , and hoary murderer of the young life of Italy — is silent , but it is the breathlessneSB of Revenge—Revenge of those mothers and wives ravished by the side of dying fathers and husbands-Revenge of those babes held up mangled and quivering on the red points of the Croats' bayonets ! And when this struggle begins — when France , that beating heart of tho world , whence emanates the electric thrill of Freedom that pulses along the veins of the nations—shall rise , and Italy responds to her cry—when Hungary shall shatter the Austrian

      empire to its rotten core—and Poland shall marshal her scythemen to beard the grim Giant of the North —when they shall march heart to heart , and nation to nation , for the overthrow of their mutual oppres . sora—shall we , Englishmen , look calmly on , and see noble nations crushed and murdered as before ? Shall we permit the spiders of the Court of St . James , to weave the same web as those of the Elysee , St . PeterBburgh , Vienna , and Rome ? When the nations are stirring in the cause o our Freedom and fighting our battle , shall wo remain motionless , aud lag behind in the wake of the world ? Or shall we too be prepared to do something for the triumph of Democracy , and free this old land of ours from the plague of Tyranny and the curse of slavery ?

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      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . THE BUDGET , received with such wonderful unanimity in the House of Commons has met with a less fortunate reception out of doors . ' Thick and heavy have poured the jibes and jeers of the Free Traders upon the devoted head of the Caucassian Chancellor . The Protectionist papers have essayed a feoble attempt at defence . But in vain . The 'Times' has well said that' the scourge of Peel and the opponent of Wood made a speech which either ?!!! ^ bave beea , P ™ ° ' - ' Y ^ , the great Prtetionist who

      oc conjuror , was to restore the ' good old days' of dear corn , or , failing that , was by some fanancml hocus pocus to relieve landlords and farmers from 'tho burdens on land , ' has cooll y turned his back Upon his clients , and left them to chew the bitter cup of disappointment . Our new Chancellor so prolific of Budgets , while addressing the yeomen of bucks , is content , now that he is in office , to maintain the statugixo bequeathed him by his predecessors Ho asks for a renewal of the Income Tax for twelve months , and to be allowed to maintain all other taxes for the present . There is a very considerable surplus in hand ; but there is to bo a large ouuuwnai

      ouuay on account of the Kaffir Warbesides which a heavy sum will be wanted to meet'the ' cost of the new militia . Tho reader may remember , that on the ^ occasion of the late debate on tho Taxes on Knowled ge Mr . M . Gibson was induced to postpono pressing his motion to a division in consequence of the urgent request of the Chancellor of the Ex - 3 ? ' 0 Uted J U Such terms as ka the member for Manchester , and , indeed , the country generally to entertain the idea that these odious S « T ? i ° CC $ y . P rominent P ace in he Budget , Si ?** t S ni 3 ter W ' ° ' afc least > " P'oposfto abandon the Advertisemen t Duty . But not so Benjamin Diskaeli , like most preceding Chancellor ; ot the Exchequer , clings to—The gqoa oW way , the single Dl . in . 6

      SlKSKSrS ^^ 8 J ? }?? y S . ? 1 ha 8 bGea tb 0 P «« cipal Th 2 nln Sflf M T . ^ H 0 U 8 e ° " ™« The men of the Manchester School have struggled hard to throw out the Bill , but in vain . Great S . nties have determined that a Militia shall be re-called into existence . While penning these words the Bill is passing through Committee , and in its original , or K 7 ft ? Will ) undoubte < % , become ' SlTj ! t 2 ft'J ^ ' s 8 P ^ h-a capital cut of the at

      up ' peace--any-price ' m 7 n-. ; h rve have fully reported , is well worth perusal . Of course many sensible observations have fallen from < the othei sale . ' But both sides fear to assume a bold and honest position . A nation ' s best , and only sure safeguard must ever be found in a people free con tented and ( f ? r 8 elf . } ^ J ^'* » . * of the use of arms . The Parliamentary factions knowthat the people are not free , not / ontentef therefore they prefer a standing army . Moreover * the men of the Manchester School live a Si reason against training and drilling the wo £ classes-it would derange trade and commerce The Mihtia proposed b y the Government , will , n effect i ^ Tzy ^^ -in ^

      STiirA - ^««* v « w u * New Zealand is at last to h ave a Constitution jaa ss ^ ds sure to be productive of mischief . By that constitu ion tho natives of New Zeolanfl-a / h ' telC tJSd high Bpmted people-were tobeexchaed from the dvil passed to suspend the

      constitution , and u Jondedi has been ever since . 'Sir' Joira PtrZ V now introduced a new constHuLn li v \ ^ r ^ s ^^ B " ,: the colony and &Till * 1 ? ° Usion bokween

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      7 EN «^ Ni 5 M ^ S ^ HIS BUDGET RAE 5 ^

      TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAH SiE , _ It was reserved for BiSeV * ^ the age of chivalry is g ( me . tW j ° P * elab « . aomists , and calculators ha stL //? C ? t so it is , ' the age of chivalry i 8 S ^ ' A ^^ highly ' ehivalrous'Earl ofDerb | Z / ^ V ^ cellor , who polishes up the & . ^ a Ch ? P aces of an ex-Chancellor , himSf Jpid ' <» V ' of unfa homablo Whig caleu atorS ^ ) ' JS * incapacity has passed into a nat 0 ' n " » \ ? » tarn as the < Woote Cff fe »* U ? most dismal of all the very dismal fin ^^ t been he misfortune of even h 0 \ vr DCievs -U f ! lr iaane ' imbecii * > ^^ yap ^ r ^^^ i ^^ C

      kicked the beam ; ^ dlo wSh « W A ° abo ^^^ to be above all « chivalS ? K ^ ™ 5 l with them to talk of « old Enghi * l h 4 mission to re-create old John Bull and t Was « 4 ¦ pint within him . The Church \ ^ i \ m » £ nursing mother' to the people ' I j ^ ^ a the aienated multitude ZeZ ' tf ^ f ^ Christian fellowship . their affections « £ ^ i side of national institutions . Bu £ L , X ? «* were to work together for the com ! T J ^ aristocracy of England were to becoZ g r ° dl The discharge of their social dntuT affi ^ ° duties were no part of < Young EnskS- , wi tli ° ut Us regenerati ^ power the . 2 S&& 5 ^ t hold it m trust for the good of all LP 5 * * to elevated position the ftJefloS oTfigHS * thei ' magistrates , who would administer the ^ V- ' J bu m . ldly , remembering that error I ct Shlc % all ; and in their persons the high nam Of < ^ to h » hgentleman' to ha « vL " rr of > ED 3 U 0

      was , _ . and honesty . "" ^^ ^' ^ oZ t ^^ tvezxis ** of its theory-that of ' privilege 'Si as no P « t own . The poor were tSb Id J fT ?" «* claims of Labour were to be g cknowwli WelL ^ fair wages and ' sober cerSy -ft ?' and ^ that ' plugplots' and rioting should ^ T osed more . That most sturdy hnSf 6 ard of no animal , called ' O ^ ' ^^^^ l improved workhouse diet . The b 5 ki » ed by au defenders of the constifo ^ ional r £ fT t 0 ta tbe the Crown the guardian of all e masse ^

      The commercial policy of < Young EnfflanA > w 'P ^ jsS z ^^ t FiA ^ ofSh b •?¦ U 1 ^^ SSt ^ tft floatedAn dh / ' ?™ \ M ^> « M'Culloeb ! ttwted in dim shadows through the brain of Disrai JS j ^ ?? ^ stance in the speeihefoft S v ? eorge Bent } nck . It was condensed k he bwgrapher of that nobleman . TheaxS of Conrnngsby , ' of the life of 'Lord Geovg Boa tinck , ' pronounced the Bentinck policy to be com . Si ^ iA ^ iz ^ :

      SSrr ^^^ Si ffJ MSi- ^ S ^ X-Sft SS ^*? = si SKIT r / vben Penitentially , but coS S 7 Sr ' Di ^ ptweiwJUf I T ^ r ^ ^^ to Sir Chad * Wood and with clear and

      , a distinct voice , read the bum PoXZ T" ? eecl T' P-tesWions , LS M , S v » * ° - ' , in what is the first o % mgo £ buutf / If ? life ^ markable ? In nothing WhLt « n . V tbe ^ terred % bones of ®^ aWLV-an fg ; :- jmrtn-r ; SS ; f i * . the ^ t year , the income and Property Tax is to be continued and fhe estimated expenditure is as follows -

      Charges on the Debt .. „ . * „ ,, , Clwges ontheConsolidatod Fund :: " " Ifcffl asa ^^' Brt . ' :. ks The Civil Service 2 - ' . ^ Kaffir War .. \\ « . J « . «» Theililitia M > " 350 , 000 XOtal i , ,. lt % t ti ci inrt nflij The estimated income of the year : —

      SSf . ; » Am Stamps li , COt , 0 « 0 Taxes .. " e . 8 *««> IncomeT « ]' . \ 5- - > Post-office .. a $ i"Wooas and Forests it'Z , Miscellaneous ! . ^ . 00 ow stores .. . ' . \\ -. ;; ;; ;; ;; JJg

      tj . ftnl . ,, ^ Otal 51 . C 60 . U 0 tt « n , ni ? , « t ° e 8 til » ate 3 prove correct , the smplus of income over expenditure will be £ 461 , 000 . hpSJSrt * * I ^ e renj arkable in the Budget , not 1 « n i - t 8 bein 8 second ^ - Thereis JSpS i i " cultural labourer who will drink un « ai tizan who m \\ pay a shilling less of indirect t « e& ZIf T * ± *> " F ^ e especial clien ts of the

      ~ . present Chancellor of the Exchequer , might , for att Wi ?! TO bave been " ^ reliovedb ? ^ Robert Peel himself . Young England has dozed ln-Dowmng-street , gone to sleep under an official root and awoke to political life as completely encased in red tape M if Sir Charles Wood had put it to bed , and the late Sir Robert Peel dressed it in the morning with garments cut and fitted under his own

      immediate inspection . Ai . Th del ) at , thafc flowed the financial exposition of the Chancellor was one after the old fashion . The opposition was complimentary . Sir Charles "Wood concurred , ' Mr . Joseph Hume ' grumbled , " but was thankful , Mr . Gladstone anal yzed , ' and Bright spoke . Prosperity , ' was the keynote of all the principal speakers . Schedule D . The unlucky schedule showing a falling off in the incomes of persons engaged in trade , as proved by the Income Tax returns , was explained . The tax under schedule D was said not to be an , index to actual incomes in so far as it was not

      assessed on the profits of the current year , but on the average of the three years preceding , that in which the return was made :-Thus the Income Tax collect *' m the year 1851 is not estimated by the net 1 >«* J mo A ^ n ' w ^ a W P rofits oi im t 1849 and 18 oO . We cannot allow the Chancellor oi the Jixcliequer to ride effin triumph on his new horse ! Candour' Come , Mr . Disraeli , stand forth anj answer our case . You acknowledge that schedule D m the Property and Income Tax returns , repr esenting the profits of persons engaged in trade , shows a falling ofl . To prevent mistake , we will quote your own words , lousaid : —

      iJth ™™^?' " - , ^ thc diminution iriiici . has occurred m the amount of duty paid into the Exchcouer Tlie diminution SRCtt ? dleMa U - ^ tile ^ -tar S a great diminution ? ilClHa Zl ? a again dl ' ° PP ed t 0 £ 1 » 5 S 4 , 000 ! but in Sol < on thP snhio t d , ed r t 0 £ 1 > 593 , 000 . I am sure I bars no pn » " ** Z oninS f ' " ? , ara boui > d t » «» y . that as far as 1 can io ^ ' , n ,, h ? S m On i- tlle iut « niation laid before me , there cau tci uo folclv t o ? h ^ f » dHniTOtton 1 liavc minted out must b « «« . «»» boldj to the UBhappy commercial year 1817 .

      Firstly , —Why was the year 1847 an unhappy cuWt metoial year ? Because of the ill-judged gambling ot previous years — mainly that in railways . Since UW tour clear years have elapsed ; the increase of scientific , chemica ) , and gmechanical power has been very

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      So CortcsyontJcnts , We regret not being able to make room tfc . s week for correspor - dence from Brighton , Birkenhead , Manchester , Birmingham , Bradford , Nottinghfm , Newcastle , Han-Uton , Northampton , and many other paces . The O'Cossob Few . —Heceived from the Byron Ward locality , per Mr . Sweet , 2 s—Acrington , 13 s 3 d . Names of subscribers in next Saturday's " Star . "

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      ^ aiuiuiAI ) iIUi . lt 9 , MOaVt THE STAB OF FREEDOM , SATURDAY , MAY 8 , 1853 .

      Untitled Article

      " The Star op Fi ! Fir-nnv » v Freedom" ( as the , ^ Sh ~\ ° w , ? ^ " Star of has been anno unced Mr fcff t I 8 D 0 ^ t 0 be called ) been purchased by midX ' r . wf i i * es statcs ih ^ ^ poses . Mr . Jon / s SJh tt bo S ? ^ f iddle class pur ' make facetious coffiL ? Tho g f . ged by . Pwich" to of tho " Star" are to be Mr n throe princi P al W 1 ' itera Mv . MwEey-thMeVritia So 5 nraoy ; - Mr > Linton ' sacrifice then . selves and tho SSa Ju Ume ? ° , t ldy l ? have dose more or lesO ?« I » 0 0 * the people as they all class , inexplicable anti ^ iniefena ? ble PP 7 ^ ° the middle petltow in this impractiS i hey havo uo com " Mr . Jones himselfTSftllJ | . **** Mi - O'Brien . Anvil 28 ih . e by thei 1 ' side .-r / m Rmoncr oiGhas

      a 553 SS ; 22 ft ? S ^ f } ? ™ $ ™^ terest for this boro ^ h fi ' ° - , ^ Radical inself active amon g ? tho Cn Jn ^? ° ' ] - ' 1 ( ie '" I " " and has been ibvemost in hV « P ' JT 0 bo ( lle 8 generally , fov the engineovs the Soncral sympathy expressed whMffieSiJfi . Sf - r al GmH at Naplc 9 - diedatKnplesonihoSd ° T ' onilsClJ in . tho events of 1818 ,

      Untitled Article

      4 , THE STAR OF FREEDOM . i ^ M i i —II ——^ ii-i ^^ - I I , — IIIMJJH ¦¦¦¦ I «—¦——¦— ¦ ¦—MIM——II—I— I II ¦ ¦¦ Mil— ^ I Wt A Yr -v

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 8, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1677/page/4/