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Northern Star (1837-1852), 10th April 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      " " ELECTION INTELLIGENCE . Tower H * mlsis . —At a meeting of electors and non' ec r- ^ rs , held at the British Institution , Cowper-street , on the 30 th nit ., yr Wm . Newtox said the time had come when they liiraM d ° sPmerllin S more titan echo mere party cries . Thev reqn're < ' freedom in reli g ion , and freedom of education ; a" ** ' ahoTe a " - ' P ° '' tica freedom ; and he hoped that , be-ide ? , they wonld be able cilmly and beneficially to sj , cnsi » other snbj-cts nf the gravest importance to the lahnnrinff «* 'a « ses . lie helieved that the time had come whon rteV should strike out into a new and hroader path , and instead of struggling for the interest of classes , strive for [ he ad vancement and the rights of all . lie held the eoncictinn that that consummation must arrive , because hia-- " ELECTION INTELLIGENCE .

      ? prv wus'i t mm tnat through all the plmes of society the tenancy of power had always been toward the people . The ootrew ' of government had passed throush absolute inonarchy and feudalism to commercialism , and it did not jean 10 him possible that it could rest there . The House o f Common * was divided between the territorial and commer cial interests , but Still the people were gaining a conscion sness * i the necessity of sending men to support their cause to parliament , and of their power , even now , to do something i nward that end . Miserably limited as the fra nchise was even in the coming election much might be done by the non-electors . With reference to a remark which h ^ d been made by a preeelin ? speaker , he did not advocate or countenance th « idea , of exclusive dealinsr . or

      the threat of exclusive dealing , in order to influence tho elec tors . II « heM by the principle that all coercion waa both impnlitic and unjust . lie believed that men bad a ri « bt to the vote by virtue of the fact that they were men of sonnd mind , and nnconvicted of crime . Tho 3 P who had the vote had a right to exorcise it in the best possible manner ; and it was not for those who agreed with him to cosree any man into giving his vote hy nny course which iriflicted a threat , or created a fear of injury . Without that the non-elpc ' and the working classes irrneraHy might use tfceir lpsitimate influence , and show those with whom tbev dealt that the prosperity of both was inseparably connected . There were some nersons who . upon the question of the extension of tho suffrage told them that they bad tetter take what they conld get , and take an instalment

      in stead of nothing nt all . If an instilment wire really and honestly offered to the unenfranchised that mig ht be true ; hut the fact was , that none of the advocates of a limited . franchise offered what could be fairly called an instalment , Kone of the enfranchised classes were like a debtor who , nnsMe to piy , called his creditors together , and proffered to each a portion of his demands ; * hut asserting that they were unable to pay what was due , they gave all to a portion of those to whom they were indebted , and withheld every * thing from tho rest , and , to use a commercial term , that was not a fair composition ; but what should be called a fraudulent preference . And in the meantime , while the lahonrer was thus kept ont of his ri ghts , and all other classes were more or less represented , what became of the

      interests of the labourer ? Those few who spoke of those interests , instead of dealing directly \ iith them , did not profeatodoanymorethan to promote them by indirect meara . They said that by advancing trade and commerce they benefitted the worker . It was of course of no use to attempt to deny that in a time of good trade the condition of the labourer was ameliorated and his condition bettered but the benefits were very far from being co-equal with the extension of traffic—its trade increased , science progressed , and means were discovered for superseding labour—improvements in machinery mors than kept pace with the demand for ttaimfactnred commodities—and thus it was that the "Times" lately told them , in a leading article there were 100 , 000 human heings who did not rise from a bed , because they had no bed to rise from , but who opened their eyes incomplete nncertainty as to where they were to find a meal . And what did the " Times " tell them wa 3

      the remedy for that—why it said that while legislators were bniMin » workhouses and philanthropist s establishing map kitchens , those means were utterly inefficient , and it advocated a wholesale transportation to New Zealand . He believed that other means were called for , and that other arrangements might be adopted , and he should not shrink from expressing his opinion as to what they were—he ibonoht that men who held his views were not only called on to denounce what was wrong , hat to say what was nght , not only to indicate all evil , but to point to the remedy . They must cease to be mere destructives and prove themselves ready to construct . There were means immediately within the reaoh of legislators by which much might be done . They might make reli gion free , tearing it the eonseieutions support of all its votaries . They might make education free to all by unsectarianising and enlarging the nationi ! system , so that it might include all They might make industry free by abolishing those laws nf

      partnership which fettered the energies and limited tho enterprise of the people . They mi ght make association iree oy legalising , in a simple form , associations of workin ? men producing for their own interest , instead of tho interest of the capitalist . There were many other salutary measures to which he might advert , some of them favouring agricultural labour-such as tho aholition of the Game lAws . Some other thing 3 to which he would also allude bnt requiring more consideration and maturing . It was andent that some comprehensive means must be taken to d ^ nA tlut shto of « o «» e ^ whi . * , upon tho one band ? presented Urge masses of stagnant pauperism , on the other . mmense accumulationsof wealth / It was a question for ' the rich to consider whether property was or dmld remain fff ?_? :: wb . e ne town 100 , 000 people were without the

      • * " ?""* « tae barest necessaries of life—100 , 000 beings BO degreed b y poverty , that they recognised no morality , wonidnot shrink from any means to preserve life ? And Wat fearful mass was constantly increasing , Bwellin" up mm those to whom avenues of employment were shut--worn those whose remuneration for toil was totally inmffieient-from the children cast upon the streetsfortbeir educa-Tfr , n ™ WIns ! Dp withont moral or intellectual culture . inat 100 , 000 in London alone , were but types of masses in tie other towns of the empire , forming an outcast population , recognising no principle of order . It was not safe to s ay anything of higher consideration , to suffer this state of tilings to continue , and the time wa 3 fast annrnai-liintr

      wnen those who thrived upon the profits of lahour must strive to counter-ict these elements of the worst anarchylet them consider that since theXew Poor law came into ttMttOB 100 . 000 , 000 of wealth had been cast into the bottomless pit of pauperism withont producing any permanent result while all the time two great sources not only of nc . ies . iratori appinesa , were unemployed-land and lahour . aoi long a 8 they had uncultivated acres and men ready to ZL . ? mi ilioils of CaPital ^ remuneratively ex-EnTrt ™^"" fita tb » t they might adopt some other ! ^ . ! bffl «> at of wholesale transportation to stem off Er ; T , ? - ? render mencnmpulsorily idle , to earn an uooeat and mdenendent . Hvinw in o tt < . w »» , ;» k _ ... u « .

      3 THS * , r ? ^ y- ^ ga 7 / their sy ^ hie SaJTX * T ! rom their friends - There *** three £ h US * Tf V *^ inclnde a 11 the difficulties to be 2 lftl ? ' ° , who were willin S t 0 M »« »« fc STh £ t Hr - Th 0 SD wh 0 were disabled .-£ Tho ri ° . L d DOt work if theybad the opportu-SaJt ^ ^ belieTed ™ comparatively small tuJfn IT * obedea 1 t with-they were not Lropersub-P ? oper m C eSf ^ poor - 2 " » * «*«* laws were ? he PuSed « ? - deallng With «•«» . »» d they should be £ ndl « H mngag 3 iDSttlievreU-belng of »« &ty ; the ii ' f 54 ' 108 ? wowere nnahle to labourmust be

      ^ ' . ° , SS- f ? V J H * ^ * « lief unfetW by coBdu onswhich made relief disgraceful . It seemed to be no , S £ LtT'I P ; iI 1 P eri 6 m . ° y coverh'g t « e pau per , had « u } e became one - Wltb ignominy ; and that ~ £ ? nen an effect upon men of honest and independent ™ » Mfc , that many would sooner hide their mUery , and perfc-i , i , y lneir own cold and cheer ] ess hearth , than become ae inmates ol anunion house . To those who could not f , ? . ? PO « onght to be a recognised ri ght , and given so wat it mieht be received - without a feeling of shame . But tne first class and by far the most numerous—the compulsonly idle , was in the present state of legislation the

      greatest difficulty—the great question was what must be done with them , and in his opinion the best , the only true remedy , was to employ them upon the uncultivated land * ith the money which was now employed to support them in idleness ; and if it was said that that would not be sufficient , then he would reply that the money necessary to jJfansport men to theaniipodes would more than suffice to make them h > ppy labourers at home , adding to the re-«> arCeS of society , and increasing the strength of the natiin

      . . There were many other questions with regard to « e labourer which statesmen were called on to deal with , h * b ' aned tnat in tllis country all were equal before the fori . there was not one 1 &w for tbe ricn « aHd anotber toodi i " ' Xo *« ° eside 3 a practical inequality being not tr y the c 03 tl - v action of le J ? machinery , it was equal ii that In " ther res P ect 3 tne Jaws were always emplovpr ? W < i UW filve an instance in the laws relating to twoi men i ^ . . ? lu yed . A contract was made between . 7 . leU "J Which Onp linnnJ K ; . « = « lf t ^ «; | nkm ,, 4 l ,

      lawL ^ ri- ^ - The contract was bfoken . Was the when , TJ i uth P . arties ? Gould it be said to be so , We a - a " " »«•« » . e taken by a policeman , cited Pil'f . n _ . D 1 < 1 o lstr : « te , summarily convicted , and sent to aaeaVt Ulor the S 3 me offence the breach of the very Pen-ilrr r »' tbe master was liable only to a pecuniary Ue Punish ;?^ WJ * " * to him ? He did not say what tbeKt ** * be « bedid 8 ay tbat 't * onld be fcttt ttoJm * I ?" ? " *!?• aud that it was not justice to WrtT - ^ 21 n lnem » n as a criminal , aid in the Pre-eniL C'Tll offt > nce - lf ^ e labourers were really rel , T '\? ih w ™ 8 , « would cease to exist ; but ^ " liv 1 , ° " S elt WIth him that "otbing could be effec-Sfi " -oT ! ri iT U \ . ^ Wlde esten 8 ' " > n of tbe suffrage . « W 5 ? X nUsht he A don . ° even now - . ^ aH the con-Wtovonlu ™? ' aDd Ol fU * ed 8 reat Principles , and ' ^ SbShL ™*? ' ? t by the wuutiy . He did r » ^ r nder T tood tbat ^ ey should endeavour to % li . r t « t v CorD . ' Thpy would n ot make bread ^ tTv ^? VT , V 0 ] l ° Ihe la «« "ord , but they ar ' « 4 d £ i , f 2 dy ? trea " be carried out ; ^ necessarv \ i t tbA \ ^ terual cO" > petition formed 'tated 2 P ait f A r ? Free Trade- ^ h ad been ? a , ;— " there had latP « iioon « i-

      Tt 3 >< le as s f . manufactures , and that therefore Free **¦ B M tbe « lt ^ fewnwble to the Mlk-weav-°° dle a . Hrt I WeaTers were as badly off as they ^ WCS . ;« Po » erof thecountt , h « d so increased ° "i Kivi ,, ^ 5 sKlll « to increase tLe productions with-Shed . raf « to tho ^ e who were before unem . u * " » u . ore hui « Tf- ™ . at becau 9 e Mos 8 s Md ?* *« ated tailor ^ Ta ^ yea thun hst ' that the « fore tfc Ut ^ fl ; hntSf . Starv ' ng needl e * omen were tte faci **» , that competition Lad only ex-

      Untitled Article

      Stts in tS ° Ut bene ? 1 Uing the Purest class of con ^ K ^ ndndn ™ ? ' 'P 5 ? ^ bour this competition Scks of rf fLY ? 6 IlL What with ^ ulter « tions , and Stlt to Up ? , ' ^'"" e" » onld hardly afford to do SSdidrlJS " ? tomers . Neither upon the employing S ^ LnT th " ctlon of wages aud prices confer any permanent good One unprinci pled employer might take advantage of his men , and for a time out Jri his rivfc , but so fierce was competition hat others were forced into the same course , and soon all stood upon the same relative footing as before This competition transformed them all into belliaerents , by setting employer against employer , trader against trader , and workman against workman ; lorcing each to pull down the . other without conferring aiw lasting good upon himself . Such a state of tliinaa .. mrtft . ^^^—^^ tended itself without benefitring ^ henoorest Rus * f Z ^

      not to last ; but what was the true remedy ?—Sot to make ¦ bne land a great incubating machine for the rest of tlie world , but to develop their own internal resources . Let them see that their own lands were sufficiently cultivated ; and when that was done , then they might consider the propnety of resorting to emi gration . He bid said before that there wa 3 one law for the rich and another for the poor , and m addition to the law relating to contracts , he would instance the Patent Laws . The nrtizans were the great inv entors of the world , but the costliness of tho Patent Iaws prevented them from benefitting hy their ingenuity . Many an inventor was obliged to give up his machine to the capitalist for the sake of a situation to work it out , and wtien he had perfected it he wa 3 superseded bv cheancr l

      aoour what he asked for the labourer was liberty to benefit by his own industry , and then lahour would do as much for the workers as it ha . l done for other classes : hut or tne ranks <> f labour within the last half century nunulacturcrs had risen into immense wealth . They had overstepped their aristocracy , and had , through mortgages cot a hold upon the land . What the labourer had ifone for others he might do for himself , and would do if he were relieved from oppression . But before that could be done Wey must go beyond the political economy of the Man-Ji ! " ^ ** ' . ! icb . w ; is a » brain and no heart , which thought onlof

      y spindles and twists , and knew and cared nothing for the wants of the masses . If Free Trade as it is made bread cheap , no limited competition made fettered Jf ' , ™ 1 Per by means of the . action of machinery . He did not however intend to animadvert on the use of machinery ; he believed that to its proper direction the working classes must look for their permanent elevation : but at the present time , if 100 men were in a workshop , and if a machine were invented which woald enable five men to do tueir labour , the ninety-five were thrown out of employment , what provision was there fov them but the workhouse * l

      aeynugM , have before procured great wealth for society but then that would be their fate-was that teaching men properly ? If machinery benefits society , ought not a part ?» -j ? u g 0 od to be . C 0 Ilferrcd upon its former labourers ? A' \ % ?** notain 2 t 0 them ? He thought that they on , and that it was the duty of a government , seeking to ensure the happiness of its subjects , to endeavour to find tnem employment when commercial resources failed to ao so . It was clearly the obligations of those who ruled j o Protect the helpless . What were all good Iaw 3 , hut those which ensured equal justice to both strong and weak ? in the ahsence of such laws it was mere barbarism ; and what was it but refined barbarity where a good to general society was suffered to degrade thousands ? No one could deny that the Capitalist was individually strong and the workman individually weak . Where oppression was attempted or exercised it was the duty of government to interfere—and by seeing that justice was done , he knew that the trading classes would be benefi tted , because wherever the working man was badly off trade was stasnant ,

      whproever he was comfortably situated trade flourished . If instead of judging of the prosperity of a country by the information derived from Blue Books , as to the quantities of goods imported and exported , they would get the same of the labourer , thny would arrive at more correct results . Then instead of judging of the proeress of Society , by the splendour of an aristocracy— or the extension of its commerce , or the power of its government , they would draw their conclusions from the happiness or the misery of the masses of its people . But be was not forgetting while he glanced at these matters , great political questions—they ht

      ougto know what were his views upon those subjects . Leaving out of sight minor questions , he would say that the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets ought not to ' elect any roan who wa 9 not ready to go for Manhood Suffrage , and who would not only vote for it , if introduced , but who would introduce it , if no one else did . If their representatives who said that they agreed in the principle did believe it , they should press it upon the attention of the legislaturebut the fact was , that while they used the arguments applicable tq universal suffrage , they voted for minor reforms , Mr . Disraeli , twitted them , and Lord John Russell reproached them with that fact . When he with the chairman

      waited upon Mr . George Thompson , after a division upon Mr . HumeVmotion , Mr . Thompson said that the reformers in the house were placed in a curious position . So they were , and so were all men who asked for less than what they believed was right . He would accept anything he could get , but would not limit his demands to anything less than he thought himself entitled to ; and it was the duty of real reformers in parliament , whenever a minorreform was brought forward , to move an amendment , and lay down the principle of Manhood Suffrage . There were in parliament eighty-nine men who , in the room , proposed to agree to that principle—who used the arguments which would support it in favour of other measures , but while their speeches went that length their resolutions fell far short . What prevented that eighty-nine from uniting to demand juBtioe ? And if they did unite , and had , as they would have , the people at their back—if they urged their opinions without equivocation or trimming—if they did not attend meetings at Chesham-place they would soon form a party strong enough

      to carry the measure . If they had only twelve determined men in parliament , really representing labour , and acting together , much would he done . Those twelve , speaking with the voice of the people , would make themselves felt . He believed that they were justified in asking both electors and non-electors to exert themselves to send auch men to parliament—men who would stand forward for { -reat political rights—men who would deal earnestly and fairly with the lahour question , and endeavour to inspire real order upon the chaos of our social system . Now there was the opportunity of doing so , and he called upon them to seize it —to do something to elevate the condition of the worker , to whom society owed bo much , and by doing so make England deserve the boasted character of being the greatest , freest , and happiest nation of the world . [ Throughout the speech , Mr . Newton was listened to with great attention , and carried with him the sympathies and opinions of his audience , and at its conclusion he was enthusiasticall y cheered . ]

      Untitled Article

      Liverpool . —On Saturday the supporters of Messrs . Cardwel ! and J . O . Ewart , the Free Trade candidates for Liverpool , held a meeting , which was most numerously attended , when aresolution was unanimously passed pledgingthe meeting to use all means to return Messrs . Cardwell and Ewart as members for the borough of Liverpool . A vote of thanks to th- chairman was then passed , and the meeting broke up . Sir Thomas has announced his intention to retire from the representation . Weils . —The progress of Liberal opinions may be judged of hy the fact , that in the episcopal city of Wells , the sitting Tory member , who has held his scat for many years , has announced to his constituents his inten tion of retiring from parliament . This has brought out Mr . Sergeant Kinglake , who . in a manly and spirited address , has declared his determination to contest the seat ( if necessary ) on Liberal and Free Trade principles . It is rumoured that the Tories have solicited Mr . Tudway , a resident gentleman , to allow himself to be put in nomination , but hitherto he has declined the risk of a contest .

      KiDDSRjiissTBR . —Mr . Best , tha sitting member , who has always hitherto been regarded as a strong Protectionist , has become a sudden convert to Free Trade . MoKuorin . —At the close of the poll on Friday , the numbers were—for Mr . Lindsay , 534 ; for Mr . Bailey , 771 . Majority for Mr . Bailey , 237 . Great excitement prevailed , attended with rioting and turbulence unprecedented here . The windows of inns and other public places frequented by the respective contending parties , have been smashed . The carriages , containing both Protectionists and Free Traders , were assailed with showers of stones , and many were injured . Mr . W . S . Lindsay , liberal and unsuccessful candidate for the representation of these burghs , has published a letter , in which , after premising that he had determined to incur none but " legitimate" expenses—viz ., printing and advertising and a share of tho polling booths , he proceeds to say how ho sped when the day of the election arrived : —

      " Every thing seemed in our favonr till the night before the electien , when our committee made their last rounds . Many vottrs who had promised could then not be found ; they were either out of town or stowed away in some mysterious place . The morning came . The colour of the Oonaervahves was blue ; that of the Liberals red . Polling commenced at eight o ' clock . A whole street of small voters , who had distinctl y promised to vote for the liberal cause , had , before ten a . m ., polled for tho bkes , and various others who declared they would stick to their colours and vote in accordance with their conscience after two p . m ., unless they got upwards of £ 20 per head , polled for blues by half-past nine a . m . Votes appeared to be dear in the morning , but , contrary to the usual customand when it

      , was found the red party would not buy , their market value fell in the afternoon , for at one p . m . an express arrived offering me the votes of 100 ' free and independent electors for 20 s . a head , and at half . past two other four very respectfully offered themselves for half-a-crown each ; and when this was declined , they were willine to support Free Trade for the low charge of 3 d . each , the value of a pint of beer . While all this was going on , the scene in the town was perfectly indescribable . Windows were smashed , houses gutted , carriages ove rturned , reds trampled upon by blues , and blues , in their turn , trampled upon by reds . Noses were bleeding , eyes blackened , heads cut , and ribs and limbs broken . Barrels of beer were rolled into blue houses , and red and blue vagabonds were rolling , and

      fighting over them , lells or Bailey for ever , ' and ' Lindsay for ever , ' rent tbe air , leading to the most desperate fights . Many lives would have been lost had it not been for the most admirable management of a bod y of the Glamorgan county police , who were often oblige d to clear the way with drawn sabres . The town was full of athletic men from the hills , of determined characters , and for what purpose they were sent there you may imagine . One important fact reached me , and to his sbame be it sniil , that a county magistrate , nephew to my opponent , brought by special train fiflO to 700 miners from his works armed with sticks , bludgeons , and life preservers , and lodged them , at eight a . m ., in a larye inn earned the ' Parrot . ' These men , as tho peaceable liberals came to the poll , assaulted them , and drove them away . This naturally so exasperated the town

      Untitled Article

      "—* ' '"— ' *^^—PBMII 11 MIIW people , who were ohiefly liberals , that they in turn attacked the inn drove these fellows en masse from it , tow dow ! 52 doors , forced out the windows , and so dSmanflld the house , that when I passed it this morning , there was no 83 ? S . ^ ° walls ' ? fc ; ittered Wm ftfg ' wK mis was the commencement of tho manv dnoranofnl = £ S'S ^^ s ^ irS ^ XZ ^ Sl SSu ^ B ^ URKE . Nwicn . —A requisition , sinned by upwards of fiftft t o MrPe ter R olt : v r "f V ^ ^^" n presL ed Mr Rnui > 80 l : 5 , 8 him t 08 tan dtbrtUe borouRb Mr . Rok has consen ted tobecorae a candidate uuruilBn . SuFFOLK .-Sir Charles Blois hug addressed a letter to the ejec tors declining to come forward . Mr . Long ! of Hurt ! Hall , has announced his intention of coming forward . Harwich Twte . ^ , ^ . u ^ -i : i . ^ i . l . ' ^^^^^ -

      —In accordance with the requisition presented to him about a month back , the Solicitor GenerJlS ? SJ roy Kelly , has d-eWed himself a candidate for he vacant Beat , and reached Harwich on Monday evening for theTr pose of maUmg a personal canvass of the electors . As the wntwas no * received till lute on Monday afternoon the eleenon will not tike place till ( tllis day ) Saturday * bomb . —Mr . Donald Nicoil , a county maeist ' rnto * nA ^ T Steiffofl ^ on Mdteddlei ^^ SI ^ Sf . date for the representation of Frome . Plymouth . —A fourth candidate has come forward in the person of Mr Charles Mare , ship-huilder , offikwlll He is a candidate in the . Dgrby and Protestant interest Hants South-Sir George Staunton , Bart ., who once represented the constituency , is coming forward at Kit Ijenenleleobon for South Hants , on the Liberal inte . S The Conservatives , it is believed , will set aride Lord Charles Wellesley and will bring forward another candidate as colleague of Mr . Comnron .

      M ? nT tf ' ~ »? r- Lidd : llisth f Tory candidate against Mr . Uutr , the sitting member , and Mr . Walters . The absence o the former on the occasion of Mr . Hume ' s motion appears to have given great dissatisfaction . Lancashire , South . —Mr . John Clieetham , of Stalevbndire has at length consented to become the Tree Trade candidate for this important constituency , and has been approved of by the leaH . n ? Free Traders of Manchester Liverpool , and the surrounding districts . Leeds .-Mt . Beckett has retired from the field , and it is now almost certain that the two Liberal candidates-the High Hon . M . T . Barnes , and Sir George Goodman-will be returned without a contest . NoTTiNGHAM .-TheRiLMitHon . E . Sfrutt has consented to stand m the L'boral interest . Mr . Walter has issued an address to the electors , in which he pledg-g himself to Free trade , and to advoi-ate tliose measures which obtained the common support of " moderate Whigs and moderate

      Con-WiscHKSTER . -Mr . Andrews , the popuhr mayor of Southampton , who resides at Winchester , is mentioned as a candidate for the Liberal interest for this city lonK .-Mr . Robert Pashley , of the Northern Circuit , otters himself as a candidate on the Liberal interest .

      Untitled Article

      THE IRISH ELECTIONS . tn f ^ " - -: '? I omas , nenry Barton , Esq ., has addressed Tall ™ m S BTOe > m "PP 08 " *™ » o the Hon . Cecil LordDwhy ° n 18 a 8 Upporter ° f Oie" principles of plp 5 f « F « "" -Colo £ el Ch « w « rt ° n has addressed the p ™ £ ? 5 n l f ! . c < mnty- The gallant candidate declares for Protection to the native producers BELFAST .-The "Mercury" states that Mr . Davidaona moderate Copemtive-will stand for Belfast . Lord Naas has been mentioned , and it is not unlikel y the electors mav put him forward . The Hon Thomas Vesey ( PeelHo ) retire * from the representation of Queen ' s County . Sir Charles Coote , Bart ., has declared his intention of asain coming forward . Mr P . Lalor , and Mr John Reynolds , M . P . for Dublin , are named ai candidates b y the Catholic Defence Association . Mr . lhomas Meagher . M . P . for Waterford city , has addressed a etter to his constituents , stating that it is nnt tm intention

      to seeK a renewal of their suffrages at the general eleotinn . ( VMi rjeant She 0 faas responded to the call of the electors of Kilkenny county . The demolition of tho established church is the great feature of the learned gentleman ' s electoral address . Down CoDNiT .-From tho notes of preparation sounded by the northern papers it is clear that there will he a keen contest for the representation of tho county of Down , ihe admirers of Lord Castlcreagh still insist that llislordfillip and Mi . Sharman Crawford will bo proposed as candates when the proper time arrives . Cablow . —Mr . Sadleir will be opposed in the borough of Carlow by a resident gentleman friendly to Lord Derby ' s government . Antrim County . —Mr . Macartney , of Lissanome Castle , is spoken of as a candidate for this county . Clare . —Mr . Cornelius O'Brien has addressed the electors of Clare .

      Sir Ralph Howard has arrived in Youghal for the purpose of canvassing . Mr . Oiway Cuffee has addressed the electors of Kilkenny as an out-and-out opponent of the Whigs .

      Untitled Article

      THE ELECTIONS IN SCOTLAND . Ayr Burghs . —Mr . Campbell , of Inverawe , hag withdrawn in fa vour of Mr . Boyle . Ayr County . —Mr . Hunter Blair has issued an address to the electors of the county . —Sir William Miller has declined to he put in nomination . KiLiURNocK Burohs . —It isreported that Siv John Shaw , of London , is to be brought forward as a candidate for this district on the Conservative interest . Some of the Ayrshiro papers say that Mr . Bouverio will have a close run for his seat . —Edinburgh Advertiser . St . AsoREw ' sBunons . —Mr . Edward Ellice , jiin ., is again a candidate for the representation of these burehg .

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      MURDER Ol ? MR . BOYD . LATE OF THE STOCK EXCHANGE . The fate of Mr . Benjamin Boyd , late of tho Stock Exchange , which has excited so much anxiety in the City , has been fully ascertained 'beyond a doubt . The unfortunate gentleman , it will be recollectcd , was on a tour in his yacht , the Wanderer , from California to Sydney ; and when among the group of Salomon Islands , in the South Pacific , was attacked by the natives , and met with a horrible death , as also a companion . An impression has been circulated to the effect that Mr . Boyd would be found probabl y to have perished on board his own vessel ; the truth , however , will be best gathered from extracts from the ship ' s log book , which details the whole circum'tances , and is at . tested by the master and crew of the Wanderer : — " Wednesday , October 15 th . —Early this morning many canoes were alongside , without any trade or warlike weapons . At

      about half-past six Mr . Boy ! arose in usual pood spirits , and taking the small boat , with one native of Ocean Island went ashore to shoot game . Tho boat was seen to enter a small creek , and was immediately out of sight of the ship . Mr . Boyd fired one shot soon after . Many natives were seen standing near the entrance to the creek . About seven O ' clock another shot was heard , but nothing transpired to excite suspicion . " The details of an attempt by the natives to obtain possession of the ship , in which they were lioaten off with great loss , are then given . " We now manned the boat and went to seek Mr . Boyd , but all the traces wo found were the place of struggle and tho marks where he had fired two Bhots . From the marks ashore , and the situation of the wadding of Mr . Boyd ' s gun , it would seem as if he was attacked as soon as the fioat got out of sig '^ t of the

      ship , and was killed after a struggle in the water , as wag also his companion , but what became of the bodies God only knows . That the natives should have attacked us in the face of so many large guns may seem strange to many , but , by their motions , they evidently thought that the fire was the only thing that could hurt them ; for when a musket was levelled at one , he then put np a wicker shield and came boldl y forward ; and , in fact , one canoe came up receiving a two-pound char « e of grape . That we should have beaten them , unprepared as we were , was more than we expected . If they had come up in a body , the tale would never have been told , for what could be expected of four men to two hundred well-armed savagrs ? As it was , it was a hard fight . " The document concludes with an account of some other futile attempts which wore made to recover Mr . Boyd ' s remains .

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      Legal Caution . —We are instructed to state , for the benefit of such of our country clients as may now he visiting this Metropolis , that tho " Cheap Conveyance Association" they may have seen announced on some of the Ilolborn Omnibuses , has no connexion whatever with the Society for Law Reform they may have elsewhere seen advertise ! . —Punch . _ Wet nursing , always surrounded with many dangers , and expensive withal , lias been superseded by Du Barrj ' s Rcvalenta Arab ca Food . We cite three out of 50 , 000 testimonials : — 'No . 50 , 034 . — Grammar School , Stevcnngc , Dec . 10 , 1850 . —Gentlemen , we have used your delicious fool for four month 3 , and found it admirably adapted for infants . Our baby lias never once bad disordered bowels since taking it . We had a nurse for her for the first six months , but her bowels were constantly out of order . Had we known of your food before , we should have saved tbe heavy expense of the wet nurse , and our child would have heen more healthy , —It . Ambler . ' Cure . So . 2 701 . —I consider you a blessing to society at large . My little boy cries for a . saucer of your food every morning . —Walter Keatinir , 2 , Manning-place , Five Oaks , Jersey . ' '

      Testimonial , No . 4 , 876 . —21 , Qucen ' s-terracc , Bayewatcr , London , 22 nd November , 1849 . —Mr Dampier will thank Messrs . Du . Barry and Co , to send him another canister of their Revalenta Avabica , it agreeing so well with his infant . ' ( This infant ws six days old when it commenced living on tho Ilevalentu ) ' Testimonial , No . 2 , 142 . —Catherine-street , Frome , Somerset , Di-c . lGili , 1848 . Sir , — I have given your Rcvalenta Arabica Food to my little girl , who is of a delicate constitution , and I find it does her much good , < tc—H . Clark . — Caution—The name of Messrs . Du Barry ' s invaluable food , as also that of the firm , have been so closely imitated , that invalids cannot too carefully look at tbe exact spelling of both , and also Messrs . Pti Barry ' s address , 127 , New Bond-street , London , in order to avoid being imposed upon hy Ervalentn , Real Ravalcnta , Arabaca Food , Arabian Kevalenta , or other spurious compounds of peas , beans , Indian and oatmeal , under a close imitation of tho name , which have nothing to recommend them but the reckless audacity of their _ ignorant and unscrupulous compounders , and which , though admirably adapted for pigs , would play sad havoc with tbe delicate stomach of tm invalid or infant . — See Advertisement in our ( to-day ' s ) columns .

      IIoixowat ' s Ointment and 1 ' iu . s have effected a wonderful cure ofaDreaGful Swelling . —John Forfar , a farm labnurer , of Newborough , near llexliam , had an mormous swelling on each side of one ot bis thighs ; be was under the advice of tinea eminent surgeons , and afterwards an inmate of tha Newcastle Infirmavv , altogether about two years , but the efforts of the doctors proved useless , at > he dtrivfd no benefit from their treatment , Ilearinz SO much in praise of Hollowny ' s Ointment and Pills he determined to give them a trial , and these valuable medicines effected a cure in about eight weeks , although he was working hard at haymaking at ihe time . Afterwards be continued to work without pain or discomfort throughout the winter , and is now in excellent health .

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      DEATH OF PRINCE SCHWARZENBERG . ( From the " Daily News" of Wednesday . ) The sudden death of Prince Sehwarzenberg . tLe Austrian Prime Minister—the news of which reached us yesterday evening by eleotrie telegraph—will surprise , though it can aonroely pain or alarm , the English public . Only the night before last Lord Beaumont brought under tho notice of tho House of Lords the diplomatic correspondence which has taken place on the subject of the foreign refugees , in which the despatches of Prince Schwaizenberg occupy so offensively prominent a position ; and even while his lordship was commenting on those despatches , the Austrian Premier was in the agonies of death . With those despatches , the minister has himself become matter of history . The name

      of Prince Schwarzenberg will ever be associated with a mo 3 t remarkable period in the eventful history of Austria . Summoned to the highest civil office , at a moment when Austria , when all Germany , was in a stato of political convuMon , when Austria was threatened with civil and foruign wars , anil iictually at war with Sardinia—when the finances and credit of the empire were at their loweBt ebb—when the popular feeling of all Protestant Germany was arrayed against it—when nothing but a miracle appeared capable of saving the bouse of Unpsburg from utter ruin and extinction — Prince Sohwarzenberg , as Prime Minister , seemed to guide the policy which , after au overwhelming struggle , so miraculously restored his country to even moro than her former greatness and power . He obtained the credit for having successfully diverted and distracted tho

      attention of the Frankfort parliament from the only practical solution of the great popular difficulty , and of the peaceful dissolution of that body from which the peoplo had been inclined to expect the regeneration of Germany . To him was ascribed the masterly conducted , but not less wicked , intrigue which ended with the downfall of tho Austrian parliament and the war with Hungary . It was hit ) activity and genius which w < i 3 said to havo raised , equipped , and armed the countless hosts with which tlio Austrian generals encountered defeat after defeat in Hungary until Russian aid was implored and granted . If all tlm was so , Prinoe Schwarzenberg would have deserved a very high place in the ranks of modern statesmen . Future histories , written when the truth can he proved , will show that the military advisers of

      the Austrian court were tbe inventors of , and to a great extent , the workers in , the internal conspiracy against liberty . The minister was only a willing tool in their hands , The disruption of the German parliament was owing to other causes than Pnnce Schwarzenberg ' s chicanery and treachery nnd history will remove him frumtha high position in which he has been so unjustly placed . When fairly traced , tho career of the late minister will exhibit successes , due only to the weakness and folly of those over whom they were gained . Whenever be encountered a courageous and determined opponent , he waa foiled ; whenever he mot a vacillating cowardly foe , the policy he pursued was entirely successful . Ilia violent and dogged pertinacity , his unblushing effrontery , and his unmeasured nrrogiince , sccuved to his name the glory of having humbled Frederick William

      of Prussia and his minister Manteuffel , but they failed most egregiously in the negotiations with the Porte respecting the Hungarian refugees . His recent negotiations to force all Germany into a commeicial union—all the advantages of which would have been on the side of Austria —have terminated in failure " : a failure certainly not greater than that which followed his attempt ( o create new institutions for the Germanic Confederation ; the latter to his consummate annoyance and dismay , ended in the resumption of the unmanageable old Diet , and the former have forced tho northern states of Germany , with Prussia at their head , into a more liberal and therefore more powerful and moro lasting commercial league . The internal policy , which , acting under the orders of the secret imperial cabinet , has been pursue . ! during his ministry has

      b wn to adopt and to improve—by increasing their severity —the institutions with wh e ' l his predecessor Mctternich so well succeeded in endowing the empire . Notwithstanding the debt of gratitude which he thus incurred , Prince Schwarzenberg always spoke of the ex-chancellor in the most contemptuous and reviling ti ; rms . During his ministry the military and police despotism under which ttie united provinces of Austria now groan , obtained a perfection hitherto unknown ; during his ministry , and with his direct sanction , more atrocities—witness the hangings at Arad ami the woman-flaggings at Pesth—were committed than can bu found in any other period of similar duration in the history of the empire . As during tho last t ' our years Prince Schwarzenberg has so successfully earned a high place in the "Newgate Calendar" of despotic kings and bad ministors , his antecedents will naturally , and with laudable curiosity , be inquired after . But few of these , and none very creditable , are known . Bom of a princely family—ho

      was the nephew of Field-Marshal Prince Schwaizenberg , who commanded the allied armies at Leipzig—his brother is a cardinal , and Bishop of Prague—the late Prince Felix sought fame in his younger days in diplomacy and in the army . In the latter his services have not obtained any very brilliant recognition , while in the former he has been blessed with successful failures out of number . Beyond all question , however , the late minister derived his greatest notoriety from bis successes and failures in conflicts neither diplomatic nor military . Wherever either of these services summoned him he invaiiably found time and leisure to bestow on the service of Cupid . In St . Petersburgh , in Naples , and in London , the diplomatist was a successful wooer ; though in the two latter cities bis successes were attended by unpleasant consequences . In Naples , the Lizziironi , and in London , a court of law , revenged the injured husbands . At the time of his death , Prince Schwarzenberg was an outlaw from this country on account of unpaid damages and costs .

      The Austrain Emperor has undoubtedly experienced a Io 9 s by the death of a willing servant ; his place may bo temporarily difficulty to fill , but it will not have other than momentary effects on tbe present system of government , as he was not the originator , but merely the adapter of the system , and as his position , especially recently , was essentially administrative , the Emperor Francis Joseph will doubtless find another equally willing servant among the numerous military and diplomatic courtiers who surround him . One thing may , however , be calculated on with tolerable certainty ; whoever may be his successor be cannot be a greater foe to England and Prussia than was Prince Sohwarzenberg . The Austrian people gain nothing , the Emperor loses nothing by his death ; England and Prussia may gain a milder and more temperate foreigner to negotiate with .

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      OPENING OF THE PARLIAMENT OF MUTES . { From the "Examiner . " ) If , by any conceivable influence , M . Louis Napoleon Bonaparte at this instant could be metamorphosed into tho very opposite of all that we have hitherto known him to be—could he become sincere , truth-speaking , disinterested , attached to liberty and law , and ready to sacrifice his own whims , enjoyments , and importance to the rights , hopes , and happiness of the peoplo among whom he was borneven then we could not now accept him as a worthy ruler of a great countrv .

      Tho evil that has been wrought in France , public and private , during the last { our months is such as no Ife and co wisdom can repair . The respect for the forms of constitutional and representative government which had grown up and taken root since 1815 has within these few months been utterly destroyed and uprooted . The pretence of replanting it , now inside by Louis Napoleon , is nothing more hopeful than the planting of trees of liberty by the Pari . sians in the interstices of paving-stones , of which the natural verdure , soon extinct , is replaced by the gaudy trickery of rages and ribands .

      What catastrophe , or aeries of catastrophes , could now restore what this man has destroyed , it would be difficult to imagine . What combination of heroism and wisdom oould wash out tho stain left on the honour and consistency of tne French as a nation , baffles the imagination not less . Most revolutions bring some compensation for the disaster and ruin which they cause . If the influence of one class is dethroned there is another to take its place . * Principle gives way to the principle opposed to it ; and the experience Of an old set of functionaries is at least replaced by

      the freshness , the ardour , mid the meditated ameliorations of a new school of politicians . But here all principle , honesty , capacity , respectability , have been set aside . The only passport to office has been the absence and negation of every one of these qualities . M . Veron in the seat of M . Guizot ! and M . Biliault , the advocate of the Nantes slave-traders , a man rejected of every political party during tne last twenty years , is now the very proper President of an assembly of deputies returned exclusively by the prefects , not one of them ever before heard of unless as the object of ill-fame's pointed finder .

      Wo Iuvejusta 9 ked what would blot , out of the escutcheon of France the stain of December , 1851 , ; and the country ' s apparent acquiescence in it ? One circumstance , let us admit , that saves the honour of the country ia the tacit yet firm protest of every honourable Frenchman . In France there is a class of men of which we have few or none , official men , yet men who havo grown up not so much in political office as in tho collateral brunches of administration . Such men are the councillors of State , tho members of the great council of the University . Such men are the Cousins , Villtmains , Mignets , and a host of others . These men , though poor , and not caring to enrich themselves , have , by that respect

      which ev .-ry French regime until the present has had for character and talent , been advanced to tho first grades , to be ministers , and peers , and notables , simply by " virtue of their rank in science , in letters , in philosophy , in honour , ao Government could havo sprung up in France partaking strongly of French feeling , that would not , that must not , have respected such men . M . Bonaparte has turned them all adrift . They would not bow the knee to him . Broken lieutenants , condemned placemen , tho sweepings of the gaol and tho insolvent court , the journalist that has been the valet of all parties , —these alone are worthy of being the legislators and councillors of the present President of France .

      On the other hand , after more than forty years' distinguished servico to freedom , thought , and letters , such a man as Victor Cousin find 3 himself stripped and well-nigh destitute . It is not improbablo that his library , his last possession , will have to bo sold for the sustenance of its illustrious owner . And yet M . Bonaparte , in his opening speech to the Chambers , has the audacity to talk of the " miseries he has alleviated , " and tbe " functionaries of State whose position he has elovated . " The cool impudence of his oponing speech to his mock Chambers is indeed prodigious , and fully worthy of the utterance of that unrivalled comedian Frederic Lemaitre . Scarcely , indeed , can we imagine any other person than that actor having the face to come forward to tell the

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      ^—^ ' ¦'"—^^^ French nation that its free voice deliberated , selected , and sanctioned tho institutions which now govern the country . " France under the Republic , " say 3 the great actor , " was a pyramid upon its point . Wo have replaced it on its true base . " This true and broad base being the poor little solitary personage cf tho Elys 6 o . The parod y goes on to say th . it the fault of the old system of government was , that no one in power or authority « neiriv | ien t 0 stop | or to sot bounds to his authority and thL i ' . - Bonaparte declares that he has remedied """•'' ytakfne alltohimusif ? _ ; , .

      RoherMi - Twtfo "ant with liberty ? aslo the political cxDrM , ln , l | 10 > 8 urel ? il ' 3 not ^ edom of either thoucht , alone i /^ ° - a ( ; tion »» could do it any good . What vernment tT ° ' Wastlie libert . of choosing a good go-Such i iiiM I , mo > lt cll ° - . and hcre l am - succes on m ff r , wo »'' l h « ro had ' great and legitimate b » nk . i » d wiuSSj % *« T « npJo " " 7 ^ , "T " a man with the po ™ . B" ? lfc ls * melancholy sight to see pudence to -dO ^ Ti peoI , ? o ° tator ' J ' ^ mU ? - people , in such a tono / ffilr " lb 0 sm ^ . l of laughter or indi gnation ° XclUll g a convulslon e ! thtir The finale of tho speech is n » itn c . . , . , impudence with the ro < t J \ l « i plcco ln lopIC n 1 ^ self , " saith M . Louis Napoleon B «> mn , w « " m ' t J ! f ° , my all for France and got nothing for Rf a , a !? d ° n ° mand of the Treasury and the Civil lCLi A ful 1 C ° " of the Orleans family emptied into it ^ n ' oU i . ^ T ° X have taken the title of Emperor a score 5 l C 3 J ^ will not take it , unless parties should conspire ™ . , it is as oortian as the rising of the sun ' or tho Pr ™ ing of summer , that par ies in France will coiCr ° SS ^ i nut to

      . ^ onoininijiew conspire . They have no other ww of defending their property and character , gi , ™ ' J fettered as both action and expression in the country are save by conspiring . Anil conspire every party in France must and will—those spirited men at least of every partv who cannot lie down under the most stupid , immoral , a-d insolent , despotism that ever gained power by surprise , and TOu ky temr ancl by tyanny . T ' French must cons pire Whereupon they are to havo an Emperor . It is promised them . But it can matter litrle what the thing is called , ihe French nation is at present in tho pillory , Mir contempt of every other nation in the world , and of every liberal man . Whether the exocutioner who has placed r ranee in that position shall continue to wear his original garments and bad ges of office , or whether he shall rover mem with a purple robe , and surmount them with an imperial crown cannot surely make much difference

      , . f ne c haracter of France , its position , and tho resumption oi its piaPR , among nations arc , however , matters that concern the trench . Our own opinions on the subject do not C ? * i ?' ng ? - ad t 0 l 0 ! mi ovon from Resident Robert op Si k n ° thlng Shl 111 ten 'l him t 0 break the D !> ace » Tht « S i i P ^ ent tranquillity of Europe , save some ! thing wh . o , shall touch the honour of France . What such a man . with such principles , and such a code of honour and veracity , may deem the honour of Franco , we cannot very wel imanwe ; but . decidedly as long as tho French lie ! nn , ofTh % the dl 9 " T , of their own P'MeDt prostration , Pr ? nn ^ k rOp , Bnn P 0 wers coul ( i « " « & of interfering 1 nncc Schwarzenburg himself could not well wish to see hSsth v " * 1111110 ™ Prance in other plight or in other

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      DUTIES OF THE DEMOCRACY . By ' Joseph Mazzini . xJu the Nalion ( Del 8 ia ») of March 16 th , 1852 . ) \\ hat now should be the watchword , the rallying cry of parties ? ° ' The reply i 3 very simple ; it nmy be given in a wrrf : action-one , European , unceasing , logical , hold , of all and everywhere . The talkers have lost France ; they will lose Europe , unless a holy reaction takes pl . ee asaimt them in the heart

      of the party . Thanks to them we are now at tlie Lower Empire . By dint of disputing as io the future we have abandoned the present to the first comer . By dint of subsiituting , each his little sect , his little system , bis petty organisation of Democracy , for the common failh , for tbe association of forces in order to conquer a ground , we have thrown disorganisation into our ranks . The sacred phalanx which should always advance as a single man , serryin ? itself at every martyr ' s rlealh , has become " an assemblage of free lances , a veritable camp of Walienstein , less tbe genius of

      the master . 4 t the hour of attack it is disbanded , right and Mt , it has found itself scattered in knots , in little detachments , on all the cross roads of Socialism , everywhere , exespt on the highwav . The enemy was one ; be did not discuss , he acted ; he has found bis advantage in it ; and it is not b y discussions on the best manner of settling humanity by line and rule , that we aball get rid of him for ever . We have told truth enough to our enemies ; thanks to ua and to their own consciences , it now rends their hearts like the vulture of Prometheus ; it troubles them , and makes a blundfir of every crime they commit .

      The hour is come to speak the same truth , pure and precisely as we conceive it , to our friends . They have done the utmost possible harm to the noblest of causes ; they would have killed it by excess of love , or by want of intelligence , had it not been immortal . I am not accusing the great social thought , which will be the glory and the mission of the e » och of which we are the precursors . I find no fault with the holy aspirations wh c ' i prophesy tbe emancipation of the workers , salvation for all

      the cup for all . I complain not of the tendency to substitute as far as possible , free association for the unbridled competition of individuals , credit from the State for the essentially sslfish credit of bankers , a simple tax on snperfluities for the muliiciple taxes attacking the very life . of tUe poor consumer , primary instruction and equal education of all for the present monopoly and inequality . These things have been preached for twenty years by us all ; they are coraprehended in that old word—Republic , for which our fathers dipd , and which is sufficient for me .

      But I accuse the Socialists—tbe chiefs especially—of having falsified , mutilated , narrowed this grand thought , one law ( or all , by imprisoning it in absolute systems , which , encroach at once upon liberty and individualit y , on the sovereienty of the country , on the continuity of progress . I accuse thorn of havins desired , in the name of their shabby individuality , to extemporise positive solutions to the problem of human life before that life was able to manifest itself in its fullness of aspiration and capacity under the influence of those great electric currents which are called revolutions .

      I accuse them of having pretended to be able , at any fixed hour , to give issue from their narrow or sick brains / to an organisation which can proceed only from the concurrence of all tbe human faculties in action , and of having substituted their solitary / for tbe collective European /; of having spoken in the name of St . Simon , of Fourier , of Cabet , or some oilier , where it was a question of killing the revealers for the profit of the continued revelation , and for inscribing on the front of the temple—God is God , and Humanity is His Prophet .

      I accuse there of having bidden man under the sectarian , free intelligence under formulas , the idea of life under one single manifestation of life ; of having called themselves Communists , Communitarians , Communionists , red or blue , little matters what , instead of calling themselves men , republicans , democrats of the nineteenth century ; of having invented fatal distinctions between Socialists and Republicans—between Socialists and Revolutionists . I accuse them of having in their vanity always said— " It is I , " where they should have only said— " It is we ; " of having employed all the resources of their minds to devour one another , to annihilate each other , to destroy in the people ' s heart all confidence in any direction ; of having engendered , by a logical necessity , the dissolving , mephistophelean genius of Proudlion , who denies them all , who denies God , society , government , and enthrones irony in the void .

      I accuse them of having dried up the sources of faith , of having animalised man , of hnving pushed the workman towards egotism , in concentrating almost exclusively the attention of all upon material intereass , in putting forth as the end of European labour that which should be onl y a means ; in taking for a principle the physical amelioration which can be only a consequence of Ills moral anulioration . I accuse them of having repeated , with Bensham and Volney that life is the search after happiness , instead of repeating with all those who have brought about grand transformations in the world that life is a mission , the accomplishment of duty .

      I accuse them of having made believe that a people could be regenerated by growing fat ; of having made of the question of humanity a mere question of the fksh pots of humanity ; of having said to each according to his capacity , to each according to his wants , instead of crying from the housetops—to each according to his love , to each according to his devotion . I accuse them of having through I know n ot what vague cosmopolitanism which ends in inaction , through I know not what establishment of headless communes , enfeebled and ruined as far as in them lay , the feeling of nationality : that is to say—of having desired to mnke the lever act while taking away the point of leverage , and humanity while suppressing its organisation for action .

      And I accuse them of having done all this vmneT the very fire of the enemy , when every one should have been a soldier , when unity and organisation were hi ghest law , when the peoples arose in faith , and ran the risk of dying in'despair ; when the question was above all tq make the Revolution an Europ ean event , and not , the . -nt 6 tf loiutjpn of an economical problem ; when it $ | a « | aefldfai rv . to , 'serj 5 ; round , like a fiery cross , from mass ^ Ltn ^ BST ffonx'natioii to nation , the word I wrote in beginpin ^ c ^ iN- ' - ' y ; - For having forgotten this—or havklfc < && V ^ . nS t ' f rahcB owes to Europe is the solution of tfc ( p j'Stteni . - pf tuTta gaaisation of labour , for having desnjfofr-ttte vohft oHbosg of her children who called upon allfflie ^ jfejn ^ fo Hrgai niBe themselves upon a common munri ^ nlfii ^ itf the fight-France has arrived b y wav of sfMftiWf ^ Mbj » meTJf the 2 nd of December . ' H \ * >¦ — -K" s

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      ¦ A pril 10 , 1852 , THE STAR "" == ! = ,- ~ j .- ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 10, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1673/page/7/